International Herald Tribune
The Associated
PressPublished: August 4, 2007
HARARE, Zimbabwe: The once
world-renowned Zimbabwe International Book Fair
wound up with a whimper
Saturday, with its only foreign exhibitor - the
embassy of Iran - packing
Islamic tracts and political brochures into
cardboard boxes.
"What is
amazing is that this fair happens at all," said Kudzi Kaparadza, a
high
school teacher visiting from Bromley, 40 kilometers (25 miles) east of
Harare.
Zimbabwe, in its worst economic crisis since independence in
1980, is facing
acute shortages of gas, food and most basic commodities.
Official inflation
is given at 4,500 percent, the highest in the world.
Scores of businesses
have closed down and state health and education
services are short of
supplies, with up to 10 children sharing one
textbook.
The three-day fair, which had 84 exhibitors - mostly local
publishers,
booksellers, church groups and aid and human rights
organizations, was a
shadow of its former self.
After the inaugural
fair in 1984, Harare attracted hundreds of agents,
publishers and literary
figures from Europe, the United States, Asia,
Australia and within Africa
itself. Deals and contracts were signed in a
carnival atmosphere.
But
Zimbabwe is now isolated from the West and there is little incentive for
foreign publishers to attend the fair as few Zimbabweans can afford to buy
books.
"Whether we are still an international book fair is a vexing
question," said
Greenfield Chilongo, executive director of the independent
nonprofit
association of organizers.
This time around, writers and
academics came from Kenya and regional nations
for workshops, discussion
groups and poetry and theater readings, he said.
Brightly colored
souvenir T-shirts with the fair's symbol were not produced
this year and the
past literary cafe mood at the coffee bar was absent.
"Like everybody, we
have had our budget constraints. We have done our best
to survive and our
participants and supporters want to see it continue,"
Chilongo
said.
Chilongo said debate in discussion groups called for new efforts,
especially
in schools, to bolster the role of books and reading as a bridge
toward
healing differences in times of crisis, promoting the love of
language and
lifting "constraints of the mind" in a nation of high - though
now
diminishing - literacy.
Maverick former politician, guerrilla
leader and a ruling party founder
Edgar Tekere arrived a few hours before
the closing of the five-day event to
sign copies of his fast-selling
autobiography, "A Life of Struggle," now in
its second printing - rare in
local publishing circles.
He said he had to "scrounge" for gasoline in
his home city of Mutare on the
eastern border with Mozambique to reach the
Harare fair.
His autobiography tells of internal struggles within the
ruling party and
contains highly critical accounts of the private and
political life of
longtime ruler President Robert Mugabe.
Officials
of a free-speech lobby group said some visitors, evidently
supporters of
sweeping media laws passed by the ruling party in 2003, were
openly hostile
and aggressive over their exhibit of literature and fliers on
media
repression, arrests of independent journalists and pro-Mugabe
propaganda in
the dominant state-controlled media.
In addition to controlling the print
and broadcast media, the government is
now intent on monitoring the
Internet. The official Herald newspaper
reported Saturday that Mugabe had
approved a new law giving authorities
power to monitor and intercept
communications on the Internet as well as
fixed and mobile
telephones.
There were no violent incidents at the fair. In previous
years, violent
scuffles occurred over controversial exhibits and the
government one year
banned a display of human and sexual rights literature
by gays and lesbians
after Mugabe described same-sex partners as "lower than
pigs and dogs."
Ruling party militants trashed the gays'
display.
GALZ, the Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe, took a stand this year
but
displayed only a sign and a logo.
Just 500 people passed through
the gates in the central Harare park on the
first public day, compared with
thousands in previous years.
"I guess people are preoccupied out there
searching for food and
necessities," said Kaparadza, the high school
teacher. "All the same, I'm
inspired by the hard work of the brave,
committed people who put this fair
together against everything that's going
on."
But a young man sneered at ornamental African flower pots on one
bookshelf.
"In this economy, what's the use? You can't eat flowers, you
can't eat
books," he said, cursing obscenely and refusing to give his
name.
Monsters and Critics
Aug 4, 2007, 11:59 GMT
Johannesburg - Zimbabwe's former
information minister and now a critic of
President Robert Mugabe warned
Saturday of the possibility of a coup in the
southern African
country.
Writing in South Africa's Weekender newspaper, Jonathan Moyo
said that
'while a military coup is clearly undesirable in Zimbabwe, it is
nevertheless possible and could even become unavoidable.'
'The
national consensus now is that neither Mugabe nor (opposition leader
Morgan)
Tsvangirai can take Zimbabwe forward.
'The political economy of Zimbabwe
today is pregnant with socio- economic
conditions that have given rise to
military coups elsewhere in Africa and
the developing world,' wrote Moyo,
who was sacked by Mugabe in 2005 and is
now an independent member of
parliament.
Another possible option is 'a sudden and spontaneous
uprising, that would
result in chaos.'
Moyo said these possibilities
could be avoided in two ways: 'an act of
statesmanship by Mugabe - he would
have to retire now - or the emergence of
a united front, bringing together
progressive nationalists from across the
political divide.'
© 2007
dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur
IOL
Sibusiso Ngalwa
August 04 2007 at 04:14PM
Reserve Bank governor Tito Mboweni has
hinted that Zimbabwe might be
excluded from the common monetary union
planned for southern African
countries.
The Southern African
Development Community (SADC) aims to have a
single currency by 2016 to
promote regional trade.
Speaking during an interaction with
parliament's finance committee in
Cape Town on Friday, Mboweni said
inflation figures in the SADC region were
encouraging, with the exception of
Zimbabwe.
He said the idea that including Zimbabwe in the common
monetary area
would help that country's economy was
far-fetched.
South Africa currently shares a common monetary area
with Namibia,
Lesotho and Swaziland.
"Zimbabwe is out of the
question for now.
"The question should rather be:
When the SADC countries reach the
point of monetary union, what happens to
those countries that don't fulfil
the convergence criteria? The interesting
view that is emerging is that the
(SADC monetary union) may not have to
include everybody," said Mboweni.
Those countries that did not
comply with the criteria would be
expelled.
Zimbabwe's economy
has collapsed. Inflation is about 5 000 percent and
millions of Zimbabweans
face starvation because of food and fuel shortages.
South Africa
had given enough technical assistance to Zimbabwe
counterparts on what
needed be done to rescue the crippled economy, said
Mboweni.
"We've sat down with our counterparts in Zimbabwe, we've debated the
issues
and we've agreed.
"So the technical issues here are not the
problem. The problem in
Zimbabwe is a political matter, which they must
resolve.
"We can't implement the technical issues outside of the
bigger policy
issues. I'm sure our colleagues will sort things out there,"
said Mboweni.
He also dismissed media reports that there were plans
at government
level of pegging the Zimbabwean currency to the
rand.
"That discussion doesn't exist at all it was the figment of
some
journalist's imagination."
Mboweni indicated that it might
take a while for SADC to have a single
currency.
"It's a
realistic option, but it's not going to happen soon because
the political
leadership has already taken a decision to form an African
Central Bank
based in Nigeria.
"Our idea was that we should start on a regional
basis and then later
we could move to the continent," he said.
Meanwhile, Mboweni said that South Africa's inflation rate, now at 6.4
percent, was worrying, especially with the rising food and fuel
prices.
He warned that plans to produce alternative fuel (ethanol)
using maize
could further exacerbate the problem.
"Brazil
produces ethanol from sugar cane but the US has taken the
route of using
maize.
"That means that a significant chunk of maize is being
removed from
the food market into the energy market.
"That is
something we should be concerned about. I understand that in
South Africa we
are thinking of producing ethanol from maize, I'd like to
counsel against
that. KwaZulu-Natal has a lot of sugar cane; maybe we should
go the sugar
cane route and not the maize one," he said.
This article
was originally published on page 2 of Pretoria News on
August 04,
2007
Mail and Guardian
Harare, Zimbabwe
04 August 2007
07:04
Police in eastern Zimbabwe will soon launch night raids
on
businesses and bus companies trying to circumvent price controls by
operating only in the dark, press reports said on Friday.
Police spokesperson for Manicaland province, Brian Makomeke
warned that
anyone trying to dodge President Robert Mugabe's controversial
price-cut
campaign would be punished, reported the state-controlled Manica
Post
newspaper.
"Every gap should be closed and the police shall
extend night
price monitoring patrols well into the night in order to curb
these illegal
transactions," said the spokesperson.
Shortages of basics have been worsening since 83-year-old Mugabe
ordered
prices be slashed by at least 50% early last month.
The
opposition says the price blitz was a political gimmick
meant to buy the
support of Zimbabweans struggling under record inflation
levels.
"Desperate businesspeople say they can't afford
to operate at a
loss. Some are now opening their doors only after 5pm when
police and price
inspectors knock off for the day," said the Manica Post,
which, like the
Herald daily, is tightly controlled by the
authorities.
'Meat in the moonlight'
"Butchers
are offering scarce meat in the moonlight," the paper
said.
"Buses are plying their routes mainly at night,
charging between
Z$600 000 and Z$800 000 ($40 and $53 at the official rate
of exchange) for a
trip between the border city of Mutare and the capital
Harare," the paper
said.
The government says the fare
must be less than half that at
Z$265 000.
"Road blocks
will be extended to ensure that no operator charges
ungazetted fares,"
Makomeke warned.
In a bizarre twist, the Manica Post also
carried claims that
queues seen in many supermarkets -- usually for scarce
commodities like
bread -- were artificially-created and meant to tarnish
Zimbabwe's image.
"The queues at some shops are suspicious.
Some of these people
are just a rented crowd," an unnamed source told the
paper.
'Everything is better here'
Meanwhile,
Zimbabweans are flocking to the South African village
of
Musina.
Each day, about 2 000 Zimbabweans are arriving --
either legally
or illegally -- across the border in order to carry out panic
purchases of
all those goods which are no longer available in their own
country.
In Johannesburg's Methodist church the air is filled
with the
stench of unwashed human bodies. Men and women have crowded the
hallways,
staircases and various other nooks and crannies of the church
building in
their search for asylum.
"Everything is
better here than what we have at home," says one
young Zimbabwean man. For
fear of repression of his country's secret
service, he declines to identify
himself.
Each day, thousands of Zimbabweans are streaming
across the
borders to neighbouring countries in a bid to escape the chaos.
Zimbabwe is
bleeding to death and the economy is
collapsing.
The last official inflation rate figure reported
in April was
more than 4 500% -- a world record. International Monetary Fund
experts even
believe that by year's end, a realistic prospect is inflation
of 100 000%.
Shortages of goods in Zimbabwe are chronic and
the suffering of
the population is enormous. Many people have already fled.
In South Africa
alone, the number of Zimbabweans -- be they legally
registered or illegal --
is estimated at three million.
But now a new mass exodus appears to be getting started.
Even
the South African government, which for a long time had
sought to play down
the problem, is suddenly alarmed.
"Clearly, we must do more
to see what we can do to deal with the
this large influx of refugees,"
Deputy Foreign Minister Azis Pahad warned on
Thursday.
"If we don't begin to assist the Zimbabweans to solve their own
problems the
flow into South Africa, Mozambique, Zambia and other neighbours
will
increase," he said. "It is in our interest, nationally and morally, to
see
what we can do to facilitate."
His candid words stand in
contrast to those by the authorities
in the border province Limpopo, who
officially say they know nothing about a
crisis on the
border.
The United Nations is warning that Zimbabweans could
be forced
to take desperate action in order to survive. In the town of
Mutare there
was a case in which students, out of pure hunger, slaughtered
and ate dogs.
Survival has become a daily struggle taking up all of peoples'
energy.
So far, many Zimbabweans have been able to acquire
food items in
neighbouring South Africa. But now Mugabe wants to block even
this path. In
the future, all imported goods going beyond a certain value
are to be taxed.
For South Africa, time is becoming an issue:
On August 10,
President Thabo Mbeki is to report to the Southern African
Development
Community (SADC) of his mediation efforts with Harare. So far,
these do not
hold out any promise of success.
Mugabe (83)
who has been ruling Zimbabwe since its independence
in 1980, is steadfastly
pursuing his re-election in elections set for March
2008, regardless of the
worldwide dismay about the chaos and human rights
violations rampant in his
country.
And the two factions of the opposition Movement for
Democratic
Change (MDC) are so divided that even if their demand for
constitutional
changes were met, it is questionable whether they could win
the election.
In addition, Mugabe's sharpest critic, Bulawayo
Archbishop Pius
Ncube, has been silenced by a character assassination
campaign. The
country's state-controlled media have published videos which
allegedly
portray the 60-year-old Catholic clergyman in a hotel bed together
with a
married woman.
The erstwhile husband, who had
previously separated from his
wife, has just filed damage claims of
Z$20-billion -- $1,3-million at the
official exchange rate -- against Ncube.
- Sapa-DPA, Sapa
INVESTOR'S BUSINESS DAILY
Posted 8/3/2007
Tyranny: As Robert Mugabe's nightmare rule pulls Zimbabwe down a vortex, it's tempting to think his end is near. Maybe not. Foreign leaders are buttressing his rule. It's a weapon that must be turned against him.
On the surface, many wonder how much longer the 84-year-old dictator can rule the once-vibrant country he has turned into a smoking ruin.
The country's productive farms, confiscated since 2000, now lie fallow. His recent program to confiscate the country's remaining businesses has triggered huge food shortages and panic. The country's last 500 mines are creaking to a halt.
The country's economy has blown out, with Zimbabwe's currency in ruins. A new 200,000 currency note fresh off the press purchases just $1 worth of goods on the black market amid capital controls. The IMF forecasts 100,000% inflation by the end of the year.
The U.N.'s World Food Program forecasts about 4 million Zimbabweans likely to be in critical need of food aid by 2008. Electricity and water are flickering or gone for half of the 11 million population.
Hospitals cannot even hydrate patients, let alone put bandages on them. The army is restless. Businessmen who refuse to cut prices in half are being arrested.
National Geographic reported 90% of all ranched animals slaughtered, and 60% of all rare wildlife gone. Each month, thousands of Zimbabweans flee to neighboring South Africa.
It's tempting to think this can't go on. Yet it does, just as Fidel Castro's regime does. A tight little party elite keeps itself fed, clothed and loyal to the Mugabe regime, wallowing in luxury. Their only imperative: Stay in power. Three forces help them do that.
One, Mugabe's control of his country's strategic resources.
As hellish as operating conditions are in Zimbabwe, Mugabe has gotten his hands on the only resources of critical value to global industries that always have willing buyers.
Just as Venezuela's Hugo Chavez seized control of Venezuela's oil to secure his power by 2003, so Mugabe is taking over Zimbabwe's platinum mines as a means of securing his rule. These mines generate income of about $700 million a year. Mugabe is calculating that foreigners will buy no matter what he does to his country.
He can go on a long time with this setup, without worrying about what he's doing to his people. That's why, as of now, he doesn't.
The second global force is the poor country's weapon — the threat to send waves of refugees into neighboring countries.
Using the misery of his own countrymen as a weapon, Mugabe's fearful neighbors prop him up at regional conferences and flatter him in the international arena — with U.N. committeeships, for instance.
They're only offering the tyrant tribute in an effort to keep him from playing the refugee card.
Mugabe also is confident nobody is going to come looking for him for his crimes against humanity because he has seen full-fledged genocide two times in the last 15 years on the African continent — in Rwanda in 1994, and now in Darfur — with very little response from Africa or the West.
Third, the Mugabe regime has cultivated the goodwill of other rogue states, like Iran, Venezuela, China and Libya. Petro-tyrannies like Iran and Libya reportedly provide oil in exchange for Zimbabwe's mine output, which no longer attracts legitimate investment. This props up his regime financially, when the free market won't.
Mugabe has mocked those who question his expropriations of investments. He gleefully states that he has plenty of potential for investment, just by dealing with rogue states.
All of this shows a regime that is hardly stupid, even as it runs its economy in the ground. In fact, it's more evil than crazy. Cutting off Zimbabwe's access to global forces is critical to shutting him down.
npr.org
August 4, 2007
· In Zimbabwe, practicing journalism is forbidden. Reporters
caught working
without government permission face beatings, long prison
sentences, or
worse. The job becomes especially perilous when the story
about the local
police force, focusing on police brutality
So why do reporters like
myself take the risk? Some do it for the thrill,
others for the fame. Others
do it because they knew Zimbabwe before it
became the police state
dictatorship it is today and they feel morally
obligated. I do it because I
know a lot of Zimbabweans. They are wonderful
people, who don't have a voice
to tell their stories. I also do it because I
can.
Last month, my
driver and I set out to cover a women's rights peace march in
the center of
one of the largest cities in Zimbabwe. I cannot be more
specific about the
location for security's sake. The group is called WOZA,
which stands for
Women of Zimbabwe Arise. It is one of the only
organizations that still
protest publicly against the current regime. Jenny
Williams is its
leader.
"We generally speak out directly about things that they would
prefer people
don't talk about. Most of our members feel that if they are
going to be
dying, can they not die silently?" said Williams.
She
told us that the men and women who dare to join in are often beaten,
arrested and tortured.
"This is a government that does not respect
rights. It does not respect a
mother's right to defend her children and call
for a better Zimbabwe. So
when we go in the street doing that, they get a
little bit peeved at us,"
she adds
Following her advice, on the day
of the protest we literally dressed for
jail. It is mid-winter in Zimbabwe
and freezing, and according to the WOZA
women the police only allow
prisoners 3 items of clothing. We made sure what
we wore was as warm as
possible. We also took toilet paper, because the word
on the street is that
there hasn't been any in jail in Zimbabwe for years.
Everything about the
protest was kept secret until the last possible moment,
including the
location. Moments before the group began, the streets seemed
completely
empty. Suddenly, out of nowhere, hundreds of people assembled
with signs and
banners, chanting.
It was a moving scene. The marchers knew what was
about to happen but they
kept going and held their banners high. Within
minutes Zimbabwean riot
police had broken up the crowds, swinging their
batons at anything that
moved or breathed. Women were screaming, police were
beating, and suddenly I
was caught up in the mob, and beaten
myself.
After it was all over they let me go, perhaps wanting to avoid an
international incident. Still, I felt helpless. I couldn't go to the police
and file a report for fear of being locked in jail, and I couldn't tell the
embassy for fear of being thrown out the country. I could do
nothing.
Some women were detained for three days, and beaten much worse
than I. One
woman, Rosey, told me days later that the police had beaten her
on her
breasts repeatedly in custody. Her breast was completely
purple.
"They beat me on the breasts," she said. "Now when I breathe out,
I have a
stabbing pain in my chest."
She didn't have anyone to turn
to, either. Even her doctor's visits had to
be kept secret.
"I am not
going to give up, I'm going to march," she said.
And they all keep
marching. I was amazed when I learned that they had
marched the following
week in another part of the country.
I find myself asking: "Is it worth
it for these courageous women? Does
marching in the streets and getting
beaten up really make that much of a
difference? Will Rosey, who can barely
talk because she has been beaten so
badly, ever see any justice? Will I ever
receive justice? Does anyone
outside of Zimbabwe even care? Will someone,
listening to this broadcast, be
moved to do something that could lead to
change in Zimbabwe? Or will one of
my interview subjects be tortured by the
police for daring to speak to a
member of the forbidden press?"
I
still don't know the answers. Perhaps history will one day tell the tales
of
the brave WOZA women from Zimbabwe, who dared to stand up for themselves
and
their children.
As for me, a forbidden journalist, I have learned some
valuable lessons.
Wear more clothing as padding when covering violent
protests. Don't take
expensive equipment to a story where I know it might be
confiscated. Always
keep the embassy's number in my pocket, just in case,
and, most importantly,
remember that what happens to my interview subjects
could also happen to me.
I am not exempt simply for being a
journalist.
But I lived to tell the story, which is the most important
part. It's a
story about a place called Zimbabwe, and a group of women much
braver than I
could ever wish to be.
http://www.cathybuckle.com/indexph.shtml
Friday 3rd August 2007
Dear Friends. Here
in the UK, summer has at last put in an appearance.
Sunshine and blue skies
make even exile seem bearable.
I was walking along in the sunshine last
Saturday when I met two British
friends of mine also out enjoying the long
overdue summer. 'So when is there
going to be a military coup?' they asked
when we got to talking about Zim -
as we always do! They are both educated,
well-informed people and they're
familiar with the spate of military coups
that have occurred in West Africa
over the years. Naturally enough they
assume that something like that will
happen in Zim. The textbooks, after
all, tell you that coups occur when the
military dislike the way the country
is being governed and decide they could
do a better job. Well, let's face
it, anyone could do a better job than this
lot in Zimbabwe with their insane
economic policies, their flip-flops and
the right hand not knowing what the
left hand's doing! So, naturally, one
would expect some sort of reaction
from the military to the rank
incompetence of the Mugabe regime. Instead,
despite rumours and
counter-rumours the Zimbabwean military remain firmly in
their barracks -
except of course when they come out to beat innocent
civilians senseless or
to intimidate the voters at election time.
As
I walked away from my friends, I thought about their question and when I
got
home I took down Ali Mazrui's book, Nationalism and the New States in
Africa. My copy of the work is well out of date now but there is a Table at
the front of the book which shows Africa's post-independence history. Mazrui
lists all the African countries from Algeria to Zimbabwe, names their
capitals, languages and population figures and even has a separate column
dedicated to military coups. Between 1963 and 1982 by my rough count there
were fifty-five overthrows of civilian government by the military in Africa;
Ghana for instance, has had five coups, the last being in 1981 and Nigeria
has had at least three.
Since military coups are generally followed
by periods of intense repression
and violent upheaval, I suppose we should
be grateful that Zimbabwe has
escaped the military coup and for twenty-seven
years has been ruled by one
man, one party. The truth, however, is that
Zimbabwe has in effect already
had a coup, a bloodless coup perhaps but
certainly the military have taken
over the management of Zimbabwe plc -
everything from the running of
elections to the provision of food and fuel.
And it has all been carefully
and deliberately put in place by none other
than the wily President Mugabe
himself. Take a look at every parastatal in
the country and you will find a
former military man heading the
organization. The military are already
virtually in charge of everything.
Robert Mugabe has made absolutely sure of
that through his system of
patronage and giving top jobs only to military
men. It keeps the generals
sweet and it keeps Mugabe in power. The army - at
least not its upper ranks
- has no need to mount a coup; the top brass are
not going to risk losing
their immense wealth and influence for the sake of
the country and its
people.
And it's that failure to put the country first that is the key
issue I
believe in Zimbabwe's current situation. While the country waits
-and has
waited for the last ten years - for some outside power to come to
the
rescue, the suffering of the people has gone on unabated. No one, not
the
President, not the ruling party, not the military and I'm sorry to say
not
even the opposition parties are prepared to put the country first before
their own greedy self-interest. And while they all argue and criticise and
carp at one another, their Zimbabwean brothers and sisters - and most
tragically the children - die of hunger, of exhaustion and heartbreak as the
House of Stone collapses around them.
So, it was like a reviving
breath of hope this week to read, Kofi Annan's
words as he delivered the
fifth annual Nelson Mandela lecture. Yes, he could
have said those things
while he was still Secretary General of the UN but
let's not carp about
that. The fact that he spoke so openly - and in South
Africa too- of the
Zimbabwean situation as 'intolerable and unsustainable'
should give
Zimbabweans some cause for renewed hope, a tiny flicker of light
at the end
of that endless tunnel. What Annan did was to articulate what so
many of us
have been thinking for a long time. Africa's failure to condemn
bad
governance and human rights abuses is in Kofi Annan's words ' a
pernicious
self-destructive form of racism that unites citizens to rise up
and expel
tyrannical rulers who are white but to excuse tyrannical rulers
who are
black. African leaders' he said, ' must stop shielding each other
from
criticism.'
Whether Annan's words had any influence on Thabo Mbeki we'll
never know but
it was slightly encouraging to hear Thabo Mbeki say this week
that elections
in Zimbabwe must be free and fair and 'acceptable by all the
people' I say
'slightly' encouraging because it seems curious that it was
Thabo Mbeki's
government who declared Zimbabwe's recent elections 'free and
fair' despite
all the evidence to the contrary. What has happened since then
to alter
South Africa's perception of 'free and fair'? Could it possibly be
the
presence of thousands of desperate Zimbabweans crossing the border every
day
and putting huge pressure on South Africa's social services, or perhaps
there are other pressures on the South African President? South Africa has
its has own elections coming up and the South African constitution does not
allow Mbeki to stand for a third term. Perhaps Thabo Mbeki like Tony Blair
before him is worried about his legacy? At least Blair can justifiably claim
that peace in Northern Ireland was a successful legacy. But time is running
out for Thabo Mbeki and his shameful near-silent diplomacy. While he
continues to shield Robert Mugabe from the world's condemnation, Zimbabwe
continues on its downward spiral into darkness and despair.
Could any
human being with a conscience claim that as a successful legacy?
Ndini
shamwari yenyu. PH
Niagara Falls Review
Dyer,
Gwynne
Editorial & Opinion - Saturday, August 04, 2007 Updated @ 6:45:00
AM
Over a thousand years ago, according to ancient English tradition,
King
Canute set his throne on the shore and ordered the tide to stop rising.
Just
over a month ago, President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe took an equally
bold
stand, ordering inflation to stop forthwith or else he would send those
responsible to jail.
Canute ended up with the waves sloshing round
his knees, but at least he had
the satisfaction of teaching his courtiers a
lesson on the limits of royal
power (for he didn't really think that his
words could stop the tide).
Mugabe will end up drowning in the inflation his
own policies have created,
but it will probably come as a great surprise to
him, for he doesn't seem to
understand that he can't just order it to
stop.
"I believe inflation will hit 1,500,000 per cent by the end of 2007
if not
before," said Christopher Dell, the U.S. ambassador to Zimbabwe, in
an
interview with the "Guardian" in late June. "Prices are going up twice a
day, in some cases doubling several times a week. It destabilizes
everything. People have completely lost faith in the currency and that means
they have lost faith in the government that issues it. By carrying out
disastrous economic policies, the Mugabe government is committing regime
change upon itself."
It was a succinct if undiplomatic summary of the
state of play in Zimbabwe
in late June, when there was still some hope a
sane solution to the crisis
could be found.
Zimbabwe's neighbours in
southern Africa, almost all competently led
democratic countries whose
economies are flourishing, are desperate not to
be dragged down by the one
conspicuous failure in their midst.
The governments of the Southern
African Development Community are already
struggling with a wave of economic
refugees from Zimbabwe, and they are well
aware that the Masters of the
Universe in far-away stock markets cannot tell
the difference between one
African country and another. If Zimbabwe
dissolves into chaos, they will all
pay a heavy price in terms of lost
foreign investment and higher interest
rates on foreign loans.
By early last month, South Africa was putting
together a proposal to stop
the hyper-inflation by pegging the Zimbabwean
dollar to its own currency,
the rand. Its huge foreign currency reserves
would enable Zimbabwe to go on
importing essential goods, the flow of
economic refugees into South Africa
would not become a tsunami, and
gradually the internal situation might
stabilize. The price, however, was
agreement by Mugabe to key reforms that
would restore democracy in the
country.
But that would ultimately mean surrendering power, something
that is
inconceivable to the 84-year-old autocrat who has ruled Zimbabwe for
the
past 27 years. Indeed, the country's rapid descent into poverty and
chaos
only began when Mugabe's rule was challenged. For the first two
decades
after the end of white minority rule, the Zimbabwean economy grew
steadily:
children went to school, people ate well, and the future seemed
bright. But
then, to Mugabe's horror, Zimbabweans voted no in a 1999
referendum that
would have made him president-for-life.
He felt
threatened, so he came up with a policy that appealed to popular
anti-white
prejudices and also rewarded his closest supporters and kept them
loyal. In
2000, he began confiscating the white-owned farms whose crops
provided most
of the country's foreign exchange, handing most of them over
to his own
political and military cronies - who had no idea how to run
them.
Inevitably, the economy went into a steep decline, so Mugabe
started
printing money to bridge the gap in state revenues, and inflation
took off.
The economy has shrunk by half in the past seven years and by last
month the
Zimbabwean dollar (official rate 250 to the US dollar) was trading
on the
black market at 300,000 to the U.S. dollar.
Three million of
Zimbabwe's 11 million people have fled abroad to seek work,
mostly in South
Africa. The money they send home is the only reason most
Zimbabweans eat at
all, since unemployment at home is 80 per cent. The
average lifespan in the
country has halved in 15 years. But the most urgent
problem for Mugabe is
that his own security forces cannot feed their
families because their huge
pay rises still cannot keep up with inflation.
If the security forces
turn against him, he is finished, so early last month
he decreed deep price
cuts for all consumer goods and sent the troops out to
enforce them. The
idea that you cannot simply impose lower prices, he
scoffed, is mere
"bookish economics." But if it costs more for bakers to
make bread than they
get for selling it, then they stop baking.
A month later, the shelves are
bare of staple foods like sugar, flour and
cooking oil throughout Zimbabwe.
Rural people, most of whom fell out of the
cash economy some time ago, can
scrape by somehow, but people in the urban
areas are getting truly
desperate.
Mugabe has played his last card, and he will probably be gone
by the end of
the year. The pity is that the prosperous country he built in
his first
twenty years of power, when he could win the elections more or
less
honestly, is already gone. It will be hard to bring it
back.
Gwynne Dyer is a London-based independent journalist whose articles
are
published in 45 countries.
Zim Standard
BY WALTER
MARWIZI
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai did not "flee" from
Jocelyn Chiwenga,
wife of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces' Commander, witnesses
said yesterday.
In fact, the two never came face to face as
reported in the state
media last week.
Tsvangirai was reported
to have fled after being confronted by the
controversial Harare
businesswoman who once assaulted Gugulethu Moyo, a
lawyer then working for
ANZ, publishers of The Daily News.
Chiwenga gave an interview on
State television last week, claiming
Tsvangirai bolted out of the Makro
Megacentre.
Tsvangirai was on a tour to assess first hand the
effects of the price
blitz which has created widespread shortages in the
shops.
But workers who witnessed the drama said yesterday nothing
of the sort
happened.
They said they saw and heard Chiwenga
shouting inside the store as
Tsvangirai's entourage was
leaving.
She was nowhere near the opposition leader, they
said.
"We wonder where Chiwenga carried out her heroic exploits,"
said one
of the workers who preferred anonymity for security
reasons.
"She appears to have exaggerated her story," said another.
"I am sorry
to say I saw her screaming at some people and Tsvangirai was
definitely not
among them."
Tsvangirai's spokesperson, William
Bango, said yesterday he was
surprised to read reports that Tsvangirai had
fled from Chiwenga. She was
quoted last week as saying she would beat the
opposition leader in a fist
fight.
Bango said Tsvangirai had
finished his business and was leaving Makro
when Chiwenga confronted
photographer Tsvangirai Mukwazhi.
"She hurled insults at Mukwazhi
and slapped him. She was so frail that
if Mukwazhi had bothered to slightly
push her, there would have been
disaster. I am surprised that in her state
(of health) she could claim that
Tsvangirai fled from her. It's the usual
propaganda that does not bother
President Tsvangirai."
Bango
said Tsvangirai did not see Chiwenga in the building.
"Chiwenga
wanted to attract the attention of a soldier who was
guarding her. She
wanted him to think that she was under attack so that he
could respond,"
Bango said.
Kumbirai Mafunda, one of the journalists who witnessed
the drama, said
yesterday it was not true that Tsvangirai fled from
Chiwenga.
"Tsvangirai was already in the car when Chiwenga charged
at Fidelis
Mhashu and other officials outside Makro. Tsvangirai and others
were leaving
for a press conference to be held at Harvest House," Mafunda
said. Chiwenga
could not be reached for comment.
Zim Standard
By Davison
Maruziva
HARARE working mother, Aisha Morgan was beside herself
last week. With
schools closing, she had bought poultry. This, she reasoned,
would be enough
to see her children through the holidays. Then her area lost
electricity.
The problem would take five days to rectify, she was
informed.
Morgan is just one of many whose households have learnt
to lower their
expectations about the frequently unavailable
power.
A month ago industry warned that power cuts were one of the
top three
constraints facing the manufacturing sector.
The
retail sector says it is undertaking a full assessment of the
impact and
cost of the disruptions.
In June and July, the Zimbabwe Electricity
Supply Authority (Zesa)
abandoned all pretence at adhering to any
load-shedding schedules.
The projection is gloomy. Zesa won't say
when consumers might expect a
"return to normal". The problem was forecast
decades ago. Knowledge that
demand peaks during winter is no great State
secret.
Zesa says Harare, Munyati and Bulawayo thermal power
stations are not
generating electricity due to shortage of
coal.
Fullard Gwasira, their group public relations manager, says
the winter
peak period has always posed a challenge because Hwange Power
Station
occasionally failed to generate to capacity because of a shortage of
coal.
Other problems faced by Zesa Holdings include theft and
vandalism of
its infrastructure.
Gwasera will not admit that
the real cause of Zesa's spectacular
failure to meet customer expectations
is that for decades nothing was done
to anticipate growth in demand and that
the years went by with no new power
stations being built.
Asked
why Zesa was allowing consumers to spend more time in the dark
than with
electricity, Gwasira said:
"Zesa Holdings is in the business of
generation and retailing of
electricity, and as such, when there is
load-shedding, Zesa is actually not
transacting. The organization strives to
provide its customers with
electricity at all times. But with the current
power shortages faced by the
Southern African region, Zimbabwe is not
exempted from the 2007 challenge.
"It is only now that the reality
of this shortage is dawning on
everyone and Zesa Holdings encourages its
customers to go out of their way
to save electricity so that the effect can
be minimized."
And there are even some nuggets: "The customer is
actually not paying
more for less. What happens is that when there is load
shedding or any power
outage for that matter, our electricity meters are not
moving, therefore
customers pay only for that electricity that they have
consumed.
"If you look carefully at your electricity bill, you will
realise that
there is a fixed charge and the rural electrification and
development
levies. Whether one had electricity or not, these items have to
be paid
for."
While the demand for energy in the region has
risen, Zimbabwe's
neighbours are not suffering the same adverse
conditions.
Gwasira blames Zesa's problems on the lowest tariffs in
the region,
which make electricity in this country the
cheapest.
Gwasira says: "Zesa is operating at sub-economic tariffs
which make it
very difficult for the utility to meet its operating costs and
required
maintenance. However with economic tariffs, Zesa Holdings is able
to raise
its own money for maintenance of its infrastructure."
Zesa insiders told The Standard years of neglecting investment in the
energy
sector were finally being felt and that consumers should not be
surprised if
they are subjected to weeks or months without consistent power
supplies. No
new power station has been built since independence.
It is this
blasé attitude that last week riled Vice-President Joice
Mujuru, who
oversees parastatals. Mujuru spoke of the government's
"disappointment" with
parastatals' performance generally. "This is August,
they have not done
anything since March," she fumed.
Parastatals' tardy approach to
their mandate has already claimed the
scalp of the head of the Agricultural
Rural Development Authority (Arda).
Whether other heads will roll following
Mujuru's anger remains to be seen.
Past experience is that the
government's bark has always been worse
than its bite.
One of
the myths peddled by Zesa is that households and industry are
suffering
during these periods because the agricultural community is
receiving
preferential treatment.
But farmers at last week's congress of the
Zimbabwe National Farmers'
Union in Harare responded bitterly, saying Zesa
was being economical with
the truth. Many farmers, they said, had failed to
plant the available
hectarage for wheat, while others were ploughing their
crop under - thanks
to Zesa's unreliability.
Asked when
consumers could expect current electricity disruptions to
ease, Gwasira
preferred to address why they were load-shedding, what
households should do
and long-term investment in the energy sector.
The truth?
Zimbabweans should prepare for more power black outs.
Zim Standard
By Vusumuzi
Sifile
THE Interception of Communications Act, signed into law
by President
Robert Mugabe last week, is unconstitutional and can be
successfully
challenged in the courts, legal experts said
yesterday.
The government will find it difficult to adequately
monitor
communications, particularly e-mails and other internet
communications, they
said.
The law authorises the government to
set up an interception centre to
eavesdrop on telephone conversations, open
mail, and intercept e-mails and
faxes.
But legal experts told
The Standard yesterday the law was an
unwarranted infringement on people's
rights.
David Coltart, secretary for legal affairs in the
pro-Senate faction
of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), said the law
was
unconstitutional and will have serious repercussions on people's rights
and
freedom of expression.
"There is no independent review of
any interception of a person's
communication," said Coltart. "It (the law)
is an unjustifiable invasion of
a person's rights."
He said the
government would have a tough time implementing the law.
"There are
practical difficulties in implementing the law," he said,
"especially in the
current environment when there is no foreign currency in
the country. The
equipment to monitor communications has to be imported, and
I doubt if the
service providers have the capacity to do so. They will find
it difficult to
adequately monitor communications, particularly e-mails. "
The
president of the Law Society of Zimbabwe, Beatrice Mtetwa, said
the law
could be challenged in the Supreme Court.
She said: "They had been
intercepting before the debate, and what this
law simply does is to legalise
what they have already been doing".
The spokesperson of the Morgan
Tsvangirai anti-Senate faction of the
MDC, Nelson Chamisa, condemned Zanu PF
for using Parliament to deprive
people of their liberties.
"Instead of expanding people's freedoms, we are restricting them,"
said
Chamisa. "This is an anti-technology, anti-people and
anti-modernisation
law. This is a state of paranoia and panic by this
regime. Nobody is safe -
the church, the media, workers' union, opposition
parties and civil society.
The law will be used to crucify whoever is
perceived to be of a different
political view to those in power."
Chamisa sits in the
parliamentary portfolio committee on transport and
communications. He said
yesterday that during public hearings on the law
only soldiers
overwhelmingly supported it.
"We need to put to finality this
madness of using Parliament to
rubberstamp this crescendo against the
people. This is clearly a war against
the people. What is left now is for
them to legalise the setting up of
gadgets in people's bedrooms," said
Chamisa.
Chairperson of the Media Institute of Southern Africa
(MISA) Zimbabwe
Chapter, Loughty Dube said Zimbabwe did not need such laws
which stifled
freedom of expression. He said prying into people's
conversations was
"simply an indication of a government that is afraid of
its own citizens".
Under the law, Internet service providers (ISPs)
have to install
equipment to facilitate interception "at all times or when
so required" and
ensure that the equipment allows full-time monitoring of
communications.
An official with an ISP in Harare, requesting
anonymity, said they did
not have the capacity to implement the
requirements, and - like shop owners
in the ongoing price blitz - could be
forced out of business.
"This law is too expensive for Zimbabwe.
All the equipment has to be
imported, and we do not have foreign currency
for that. Most ISPs would be
forced to close shop," he said.
Last year, the Zimbabwe Internet Service Providers Association (ZISPA)
told
the parliamentary portfolio committee on transport and communications
that
the law (then a Bill) "is very vague in its provisions and extremely
broad
in scope".
ZISPA also warned that "private and confidential
personal information
could be intercepted and misused by officials who
obtain access to it".
"This could include communications between
lawyers and clients,
doctors and patients, priests and their flock,
journalists and their
sources", wrote ZISPA.
Yesterday ZISPA
chairperson Jim Holland was said to be out of the
country.
The
government says the law is necessary to protect the country from
international terrorism and espionage, and is not unique to
Zimbabwe.
Zim Standard
BY OUR
STAFF
MASVINGO - Civic organisations have added their voice to
mounting
opposition to the proposed harmonisation of the Presidential and
Parliamentary Elections, widely seen as a ploy by President Mugabe to
prolong his stay in power.
The proposal has divided Zanu PF
after some provinces refused to
endorse it at last year's conference in
Goromonzi.
The proposal, which would allow Mugabe to rule until
2010, has been
referred to the provinces where it is being
debated.
In his 83rd birthday interview on State television, Mugabe
indicated
his party would go ahead with the proposed harmonisation plan,
claiming that
it would be cost effective. This was in spite of it not having
been endorsed
by the party.
Speaking at a workshop organised by
the National Association of
Non-Governmental Organisation (NANGO), civil
society leaders said they would
join calls by opposition parties to provide
a "granite resistance" to any
extension of Mugabe's term.
The
groups said they would not "fold their arms" as Zanu PF amended
the
constitution to suit its own interests.
Zimbabwe Human Rights
Masvingo provincial co-ordinator, Mabel
Sikhosana said it was not Zanu PF's
mandate to decide "for the people" when
elections would be
held.
The constitution stated clearly that presidential elections
should be
held early next year.
"The people of Zimbabwe should
not allow one party to decide elections
for them when it is clear in the
Constitution," she said. "The Constitution
states that Presidential
elections should be held after every six years. So
they must go ahead next
year. What Mugabe is trying to do is like trying to
extend the pregnancy
from its usual nine months to 12 months, it's
impossible."
Others felt that if harmonisation was geared towards cutting costs, it
meant
there was more sense to having the elections next year, than in
2010.
Zimbabwe Liberators' Platform provincial chairperson, Ray
Muzenda
said: "It's a ploy to make Mugabe president for life because if
people
accept this harmonisation, in 2010 the ruling party will simply say
we don't
want to disturb the World Cup in South Africa by holding elections.
They
would further postpone them to 2012 and they would find another excuse
again
in that year."
Progressive Teachers' Union of Zimbabwe
(PTUZ) president Takavarasha
Zhou said harmonisation should be separated
from the extension of Mugabe's
term of office.
"The
constitution of Zimbabwe entails that there are presidential
elections in
2008 and only the generality of Zimbabwe should determine if
they want to
extend such an election beyond the stipulated period. PTUZ
urges all
Zimbabweans to ensure that there are presidential elections in
2008 under a
democratic constitution and harmonisation of elections should
be separated
from extension of Mugabe's term of office," he said.
Zim Standard
By Kholwani
Nyathi
BULAWAYO - The $20 billion adultery lawsuit against
Archbishop Pius
Ncube's (pictured) has taken a new twist - adultery claims
have been
dropped.
According to fresh High Court papers seen by
The Standard last week,
plaintiff Onesimus Sibanda's lawyer, Munyaradzi
Nzarayapenga says he would
make an application to amend the original summons
at the pre-trial
conference or "any time before trial".
The
amendment does not contain any adultery claims against Ncube, a
fierce
critic of the government's human rights record.
In the original
claim, Sibanda, a soldier attached to the National
Railways of Zimbabwe,
said he wanted $20 billion from the prelate for
allegedly having an intimate
relationship with his wife, Rosemary.
He said $10 billion was for
adultery damages, $5 billion for loss of
consortium, and $5 billion for loss
of contumelia (loss of comfort).
But in the latest application,
Sibanda does not mention damages for
adultery and instead wants the figure
broken down to $10 billion being loss
of consortium and $10 billion for
contumelia.
This follows an application by Ncube's lawyer, Advocate
Nicholas
Mathonsi, for Sibanda to clarify how the alleged adultery was
committed and
also to justify how the claims were arrived at.
On Friday, Nzarayapenga said the amendment only sought "to correct
mistakes
that were made in the summons and declaration. Otherwise the claim
remains
the same at $20 billion".
Zim Standard
BY CAIPHAS
CHIMHETE
AS the transport crisis caused by an acute fuel
shortage escalated,
three people were seriously injured when they were
knocked down at Mbare
Musika by a bus they tried to board.
The
Zimbabwe United Passenger Company (Zupco) bus was in motion as
scores of
stranded passengers jostled to board it.
There were chaotic scenes
at the largest bus terminal in the country
where stranded travellers have
slept in the open for days.
The injured three - a woman and two men
- were quickly rushed to
Harare General Hospital, where they were treated
and discharged on the same
day.
Eyewitnesses said as the bus
arrived at the terminus scores of people
rushed to board it resulting in the
three being knocked to the ground.
"After they had fallen down,
they were trampled upon by hordes of
people still pursuing the bus," said
Tinashe Madamombe, a witness. "It was
ugly."
The Harare
hospital's casualty department yesterday confirmed it had
treated three
people knocked down by a bus in Mbare.
When The Standard visited
Mbare Mu-sika, there were thousands of
people desperate for transport. Most
said they had spent three days waiting
for transport.
"I have
been here since yesterday but with this pressure, I don't
think I will
travel home today either," said Lucia Mapako who intended to
travel to her
rural home in Nyamapanda. "My child is hungry but I can't buy
anything
because I am left only with money for bus fare."
Fifty-two-year-old
Rosewitta Dumbu, who had travelled from Masvingo
and intended to go
KwaBhora, about 50km from Harare, appealed to President
Robert Mugabe to
solve the transport crisis.
"Look, I have these grandchildren," she
said. "Where do you think I
will go and sleep tonight? Mugabe should help
us."
The President is now in Malaysia for a
conference.
Dumbu said the transport problem had become a national
crisis that
needed urgent high-level attention before next week's Heroes'
and Defence
Forces' holidays.
As she travelled from Masvingo,
she said, scores of people were
stranded along the highway. Even getting a
bus to major cities such as
Mutare, Masvingo, Gweru and Bulawayo has become
a nightmare.
For short distances of 20km or less, some people were
walking.
But those who could not walk, were sleeping in the open,
some with
children as young as two years, exposed to the chilly night
weather. Some
have run out of money to feed the children because of the
prolonged stay at
the terminus.
Stranded travellers said bus
operators were taking advantage of the
crisis to hike fares. Some buses were
charging as much as $700 000 from
Harare to Mhondoro, a distance which would
normally cost $200 000.
Zim Standard
By our
staff
TSITSI Matope, a senior journalist at the
government-owned Herald
newspaper, is ruing the day she called the Deputy
Minister of Health and
Child Welfare, Edwin Muguti.
Matope
wanted feedback on a health review meeting that had just ended
in Bulawayo,
and to inquire about challenges facing the sector.
But she got more
than she bargained for.
The call on 23 July sparked a harsh
exchange, during which Muguti
allegedly told Matope that she was
"uneducated" and had a poor command of
the English language.
The award-winning journalist hit back, by telling Muguti that he was
"possibly drunk", and that his behaviour did not resemble that of a
minister.
An angry Muguti wrote a letter to the paper's
management, accusing
Matope of having offended him.
On Monday
last week, Herald editor, Pikirayi Deketeke, and Matope went
to Muguti's
office to resolve the matter, but before they could apologise,
Muguti
allegedly ordered them out.
He told The Standard on Thursday he had
resolved the issue with the
paper's management.
Muguti said:
"For me the matter is over. Zimpapers have apologised and
I have accepted
their apology, but she refused to apologise. The matter has
been
closed."
But sources maintained later the case was far from over.
They said
Matope's superiors were "under pressure to fire" her.
Matope would not comment other than to say: "I have been traumatised
enough
by Muguti, but I cannot comment on it. You have to talk to my boss,
Mr
Deketeke."
The editor was said to be out of the office when The
Standard called.
His mobile was not reachable.
Zimpapers chief
executive officer, Justin Mutasa was said to be out of
town.
Meanwhile, the Zimbabwe Union of Journalists has issued a statement to
"express disgust and disapproval" on the matter.
ZUJ said: "A
few misguided government ministers have developed a
tendency of ill-treating
and abusing journalists carrying out their duties.
"It has become
too common for some ministers to deride and abuse
journalists at
conferences, meetings and in public," read part of the
statement, "for
asking questions or merely asking ministers to clarify
issues in the public
interest.
"The journalism profession in this country demands mutual
respect of
each other's roles."
This is not the first time
Muguti has had problems with journalists.
On 15 September last
year, four journalists from both the private and
public media walked out on
Muguti as he addressed an "urgent" Press
conference to redeem himself from
statements he had made two weeks earlier.
He had accused the
National Aids Council of "under-performing and
unaccountability".
The deputy minister made an about-turn,
shifting the blame to the
media, which he said had "blown the issue out of
proportion".
Muguti insisted that by the time the scribes walked
out of the
meeting, he had already finished his address.
Zim Standard
By Nqobani
Ndlovu
BULAWAYO - Two tertiary institutions could have been
prejudiced of
millions of dollars after police officers allegedly siphoned
fuel from staff
buses parked overnight at their police station.
The National University of Science and Technology (NUST) and the
United
College of Education (UCE) used to park their staff buses at Luveve
police
station to cut expenses.
Most of their workers, drivers in
particular, stay in the high-density
suburbs and the decision to use the
police station was designed to cushion
them from the high transport
costs.
But sources told The Standard the arrangement was abandoned
abruptly
after the tertiary institution authorities raised concern over fuel
being
"drained" daily from the vehicles.
"The police argued the
buses were parked at the owners' risk," said
the source, "and they were not
responsible for what happened to them at
night."
But the
suspicion persists that the thefts could be "inside jobs", as
ordinary
thieves would have to be very daring to steal fuel from a vehicle
parked at
a police station.
The two colleges were reportedly told to stop
using the overnight
parking facility after they threatened to "take up the
matter with police
superiors".
Bulawayo police spokesperson,
David Nyathi, was not immediately
available for comment as he was said to be
in Harare and was not reachable
on his mobile phone.
UCE deputy
principal, identified as Mhaka, could neither confirm nor
deny the
allegations against the police, saying only "we have started
parking our bus
at our premises". He refused to explain why they had stopped
parking them at
the police station.
Busani Bafana, the NUST information officer,
said he needed time to
verify the information.
Several police
officers have been arrested in the past few weeks on
allegations of
corruption, most of it committed during the ongoing
government price
blitz.
The average monthly pay of an ordinary police officer ranges
between
$2.5 million and $3 million, far below what the Central Statistical
Office
(CSO) has calculated is needed by a family of five to survive - $5.5
million.
Zim Standard
BY CAIPHAS
CHIMHETE
DESPERATE residents of Kambuzuma Section 5 were last
week forced to
pay $20 000 each before being allowed to buy beef at a local
butchery that
had received a rare supply of meat.
Taking
advantage of the scarcity of beef and the desperation of the
consumers, some
unemployed youths, who hang around the shopping complex,
started charging
the customers - mostly women and children - an "entrance
fee" into the
butchery.
The customers said the amount the youths demanded
depended on the
quantity of beef they wanted to buy.
Others
paid as much as $80 000, an amount most of the high-density
suburb residents
could ill afford.
But management at the butchery denied they had
hired the youths and
said the youths did not surrender any money to
them.
"It was their (the youths') own initiative and we had no
control over
what they were doing, as it was outside the shop," said one of
the workers.
Since the price freeze imposed by the government a few
weeks ago, beef
has virtually disappeared from the supermarket and other
shop shelves in the
country. But it's not just beef which is being hunted on
a daily basis by
desperate Zimbabweans.
The price controls have
worsened the scarcity of basic commodities,
bolstered the black market and
seriously threatened the livelihoods of many
people, The Standard has
observed.
A snap survey last week established the price freeze has
caused misery
among most Zimbabweans who are fast becoming "modern-day
hunters and
gatherers" of basic commodities.
This development
makes a mockery of the government's price control
project, which economists
described as "unsustainable and ill-advised".
Sugar, cooking oil,
maize-meal, beef, chicken, washing soap, bread and
milk have completely
disappeared from the supermarkets.
This scarcity has literally
given the black market a new lease of
life.
While the
government set the price of a loaf of bread at $22 000, it
is going for $50
000 on the parallel market and a 750ml bottle of cooking
oil for $250 000
instead of about $96 000.
Some bottle stores now sell a pint of
beer for $45 000 although the
gazetted price is $30 000.
In
most cases, they sell the beer, currently in short supply, only to
regular
customers for fear of being snagged in a sting by the crack team of
price
monitors.
Even butcheries are selling beef, chicken and pork on the
black
market, using the back entrance to avoid detection by law enforcements
agents.
Independent economic analyst, John Robertson, predicts
even worse
shortages of commodities as companies incur billions in losses
due to price
controls.
He said hundreds of workers were likely
to lose their jobs.
"At the end of the day it is the ordinary
person who suffers because
he will lose his job, and buy goods at the black
market at exorbitant
prices.
"The livelihood of most people
will continue to fall while those who
can leave the country will do
so."
Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce president Marah
Hativagone said
the organisation had not carried out an audit but said many
workers were
likely to be affected by the price controls.
She
said companies in the plastic business had indicated they might be
forced to
close shop if they were not allowed to increase their prices or
provided
with foreign currency by the government.
"Certainly, there are
going to be casualties but most businesses are
not willing to proffer
information about their companies," Hativagone said.
Food World
general manager, Denford Mutashe, said the chain store had
not retrenched
any workers, despite the price controls.
Zim Standard
By Nompu
Siziba
BEAUTY Ndlovu* (47), from Zimbabwe, longs to lay eyes on
her new
grandson, born earlier this year. However, as sole breadwinner for
five
individuals, including two sons in their late 20s and her new grandson,
she
resigns herself to remaining in South Africa.
Ndlovu forms
part of legions of Zimbabwean women who have decided to
battle through the
borders, with the view that it is better to be apart from
family, providing
some daily bread, than sitting at home all together with
no
bread.
In recent weeks, the economic decline in Zimbabwe has
accelerated,
with last official figures placing inflation at 4 500%, with
unofficial
estimates putting the figure around 10 000%. Many are depending
on relatives
outside the border to survive.
After being laid
off from her job of 20 years as a textile checker at
a clothing
manufacturer, Ndlovu tried her hand at self-employment, baking
bread, making
ice-lollies and jam, which she sold to the local community.
Like
many Zimbabweans facing an economy with an unemployment rate of
about 80%,
food and petrol shortages, in 2005 Ndlovu took the hard decision
to leave
her children and father, in search of better prospects.
Finally,
after about 18 months of piece jobs in Johannesburg, she
landed a live-in
domestic worker job where she is paid R1 200 a month. A
steady income now
enables Ndlovu to send regular food provisions to her
family in
Zimbabwe.
The constant flow of goods across the border has created
new services
to satisfy the needs of those supplying families back in
Zimbabwe.
Enterprising individuals, normally called Malayitshas, specialise
in
transporting goods to Zimbabwe, for a fee.
"After saving for
a few months, I recently sent big shopping home
(sugar, flour, maize-meal,
cooking oil and soap amongst others) which
weighed about 160 kilogrammes,"
explains Ndlovu. "The guy asked me to pay
R800, but he accepted
R600."
Just a few weeks ago, Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe
introduced
"Operation Price Reduction", commanding all businesses to cut
their prices
by half. The consequence of this has been a complete buy-out of
essential
goods.
This resulted in the arrest of several
business owners, for allegedly
not complying with the price reduction order.
Economics commentators within
Zimbabwe and beyond have warned the continued
programme of price cuts will
see manufacturing production come to a halt,
rendering the whole value chain
empty.
Trevor Ncube, a
Zimbabwean businessperson, publisher of the Mail &
Guardian newspaper in
South Africa and outspoken critic of Mugabe's regime,
commented that the
recent policy in Zimbabwe would culminate in an economic
end game for the
country - the final death nail in the country's economic
coffin, so to
speak.
"The Romans tried to impose price cuts by threatening to
chop off
heads, but even that was not a sufficient deterrent to prevent
people from
not dropping prices. Forced price cuts don't work," he
said.
Thato Ndlovu, Beauty's sister who lives in Ireland, told of
her recent
visit to Bulawayo, saying that shops were completely shut in some
instances,
because there was no stock.
"My sister told me there
is no meat in the shops. You can't even buy a
chicken's wings!" she laughs.
This is a sure sign of desperate times in
Zimbabwe - a country that once
considered the breadbasket of Africa and
arguably boasted the best beef in
sub-Saharan Africa.
Her sister also noted the fuel situation in
Zimbabwe had worsened to
the point where there were no longer queues for
petrol, because there is
none available. Suited and booted businesspeople
that formerly cruised the
streets in their 4x4s now walk to work, along with
those of lesser means.
Ndlovu worries about the tensions building
up in Zimbabwe, predicting
that if people take to the streets, violence and
death will break out. "The
young stock is going to come flooding here in
South Africa," she says. "Only
the older people will stay
behind."
Ndlovu clutches the one and only photograph she has of her
grandson,
saying she would love to return home. "If things come up nicely at
home, I
would definitely go back - of course. We are here because of the
economic
situation. We don't want to starve."
She dreams of
saving enough money to buy equipment to set up a hair
salon in Bulawayo. "As
I get older I would love to have my own business, so
that I can relax. When
you're sitting at home doing nothing, it's no good.
When you have your own
things (a business), you can pay your rent and buy
food - you can
survive."
* Not her real name
Nompu Siziba is
an economics researcher at SABC in South Africa. This
article, produced
during a GL "Business Unusual" training workshop, is part
of the Gender
Links Opinion and Commentary Service that provides fresh views
on everyday
news.
Zim Standard
By our staff
A
GROUP of individuals guided by the Zimbabwe Medical Association
(ZIMA) has
launched the Zimbabwe Health Access Trust (ZiHAT) to raise funds
on behalf
of the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare in an effort to
provide quality
health service delivery at government hospitals.
The ZiHAT is an
initiative of ZIMA, groups of Zimbabweans in the
United States of America,
Switzerland, the United Kingdom and Canada aimed
at restoring high standards
in the health sector.
Once the envy of many countries in Southern
Africa, the health
delivery system has deteriorated since the early 1990s
due to shortage of
foreign currency and the prevailing economic
problems.
There has also been reduced funding from the
international donor
community, while the government's commitment to the
health sector has been
very limited.
This under-funding over
the years has resulted in poor maintenance of
health infrastructure, chronic
shortage of essential medicinal supplies and
drugs, vaccines and a massive
brain drain in the public health sector as
health professionals seek greener
pastures outside the country or in the
private sector.
Speaking
at a press conference on Wednesday last week, ZIMA president
and ZiHAT
chairman Dr Paul Chimedza, said the trust would ensure that
ordinary
Zimbabweans benefit through access to better and affordable health
care.
Chimedza said: "Today the Zimbabwe public health system
requires a
united and urgent input to continue to provide basic services to
those in
greatest need. There is a clear recognition that Zimbabwe is
endowed with a
huge resource base in terms of infrastructure, as well as
skills and
expertise.
"Zimbabweans have at their immediate
disposal an overwhelming capacity
to equip Zimbabwe's solid structures and
turn them into state of the art
health care institutions. As people we each
have a responsibility to
safeguard the health of our nation. We are
individually and collectively
responsible for developing and maintaining a
health system to serve our
needs."
Some of the board members
include Supa Mandiwanzira, Douglas Mamvura,
Susan Mutangadura
(vice-chairperson), Eugene Mlambo and Chipo Mutasa
(treasurer). These
members are tasked with helping ZiHAT work by helping to
raise funds for
health institutions.
Zim Standard
By Nqobani
Ndlovu
BULAWAYO - The government has been blamed for
"quickening" the
collapse of the mining industry, by demanding a share of
mines' profits,
despite declining productivity.
A mine manager
said the government's "love for corporate tax" was
"choking" the
industry.
Allan Mashingaidze, the manager of How mine, was
presenting a paper on
The Impact of Current Fiscal and Monetary Policies on
the Minerals Sector at
the Mine Entra 2007 in Bulawayo.
How
Mine is owned by Metallon Zimbabwe, which produces close to 50% of
the
country's gold.
Their mines include Arcturus, Mazowe and
Penhalonga.
According to mining regulations, the companies must
estimate their
quarterly profits before paying tax in advance.
Mining companies make quarterly tax payments of 10%, 25%, 30% and 35%
of
their annual profits.
"The mining sector is being fleeced by the
government," said
Mashingaidze, "which continues to demand tax of estimated
profits, yet
production has gone down and the same companies are not making
any profits
due to unfavourable mining laws."
He said the
future of the sector still remained bleak due to "suspect"
key monetary
issues, such as the payment system for gold deliveries against
rampaging
inflation.
Mashingaidze said gold mining would continue to struggle
as the
government "payment system where 50% for gold deliveries is paid
within four
days with the balance paid after 21 days, makes cash flow
planning
difficult".
"Key monetary issues like an unstable
retention policy, reluctant
acknowledgment of exporter status of gold
producers, coupled with the
unfavourable payment system, has resulted in the
under-capitalisation of the
minerals sector, decline in productivity,
failure to import spares, flight
of skills, hyper inflation driving up
production costs . . ."
He said to revive the industry; the
government had to lower taxation,
give miners freedom to manage foreign
currency, investment incentives and
security of tenure, among other
issues.
The government has said it is in the process of introducing
new mining
laws enabling it to take over 51% ownership in foreign-owned
firms.
The proposed law has triggered uncertainty in the sector,
generating
fears that investors would be reluctant to bring their money into
the
country.
Zim Standard
A total of 57.3 million kg of flue-cured
tobacco valued at
US$134.6 million were sold at the country's three auction
floors, according
to figures obtained from the Tobacco Industry and
Marketing Board (TIMB)
last week.
The figures show that on the
68th day of trade last Tuesday, since the
selling season began on 24 April,
the new figures are higher than last
season's total sales of 55.5 million
kg, six weeks before the season comes
ends in September.
Of the
three auction floors, Burley Marketing Zimbabwe had sold 7.69
million kgs
valued at US$18.366 million; Tobacco Sales Floor had sold 8.4
million kgs
valued US$20.3million; Zimbabwe Industry Tobacco Auction Centre
has so far
sold 7 million kgs with a value of US$17.2 million; and contract
tobacco
farmers have 34 million kgs with a value of US$78.66 million. The
selling
season has also seen an increase in the price, which averaged
US$2.34 from
US$1.96 in the previous season.
Industry experts say the increase
in the tobacco support price to $55
000 per kg from the initial $40 000 is
meant to lure farmers to sell the
crop as the nation braces to achieve the
80 million kgs target set at the
beginning of the season.
Central bank governor Gideon Gono last week said the top-up benefit
would be
made on a pro rata basis with every kilogramme that fetches US$1.50
receiving $55 000 as top-up.
Dubbed the golden leaf, Zimbabwe's
tobacco output has plummeted over
the years to 55.5 million kgs last year
from a peak output of 236 million
kgs in 2000.
The tobacco
output has been on a free fall since the government
embarked on a
controversial, violent land reform programme in 2000. The new
breed of
farmers that took over vast tracts lacked the skills and capital to
engage
in successful tobacco farming.
Zim Standard
BY NDAMU
SANDU
MINES and Mining Development Minister Amos Midzi and his
Indigenisation and Empowerment counterpart Paul Mangwana could be headed for
a clash over the implementation of the Cabinet-approved empowerment stake in
white metal producer Zimplats Holdings Limited.
In 2004, the
Cabinet approved the empowerment group Nkululeko
Rusunguko Mining Company of
Zimbabwe (NRMCZ)'s purchase of a 15% stake in
Zimplats ahead of Needgate
Investments and National Investments Trust.
According to Zimplats,
the white metal producer would issue 13 390 423
ordinary shares to the
empowerment group, representing 15% of the equity
securities on issue prior
to the Implats take-over offer of 30 June 2003.
Information
gathered by Standardbusiness indicates that Mangwana had
said the
transaction had to go ahead, irrespective of proposed amendments to
the
Mines and Minerals Act.
In a letter dated 15 May 2007 to Zimplats
chief executive officer Greg
Sebborn, Mangwana said the platinum producer
had to negotiate directly with
NRMCZ on the acquisition of the 15%
indigenous stake.
Mangwana wrote: "I hereby wish to advise and
reconfirm with you that
Cabinet, at its 22nd meeting held on 13 July 2004,
approved Nkululeko
Rusununguko Mining Company of Zimbabwe is the approved
consortium of
indigenous Zimbabweans to acquire the 15% equity stake,
earmarked for
indigenous entreprenuers in Zimbabwe Platinum Mines Limited in
terms of your
mining licence.
"This decision by Cabinet still
stands and therefore your company is
expected to negotiate directly with
Nkululeko Rusununguko Mining Company of
Zimbabwe on the acquisition of the
15% indigenous stake."
Midzi told Standardbusiness last week the
consummation of the deal had
to wait for the outcome of the proposed
amendments to Mines and Minerals
Act, as well as finalisation on
Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment
Bill.
"My answer is we
have to wait until the amendments to the Mines and
Minerals Act and until
the Indigenisation and Empowerment Act is passed,"
Midzi said.
"We have to wait for new laws."
Mangwana disagrees: "Amendments to
the Mines and Minerals Act increase
what must be the stake for indigenous
people. They (amendments) only
increase black participation from 15% to
51%."
Mangwana said the latest position regarding the 15% stake was
that it
had not been taken adding: "There has been no agreement between
Zimplats and
Nkululeko."
A meeting held in 2005 on the
implementation of the Cabinet approved
15 percent equity in Zimplats said
NRMCZ had the first priority to acquire
the stake, irrespective of the
proposed amendments to the Mines and Minerals
Act.
The meeting
was chaired by Dr. Desire Sibanda, then Principal director
Policy
Implementation, Thabani Ndlovu, Ministry of Mines permanent
secretary; Ozias
Hove, principal director for Indigenisation and
Empowerment; and directors
of NRMCZ.
Deputy director Policy Implementation, a Mr. Zengeni, and
Policy
Implementation research officer, a Miss J. Kaserera, also attended
the
meeting while a Mr Madamombe from the President's Office sent his
apologies.
"Although Zimplats in the meantime were willing to offer
30% for both
government and indigenous companies, Mr Ndlovu indicated that
the first
preference would be given to Nkululeko and its 15%, no matter the
outcome of
negotiations with Zimplats," read minutes of the
meeting.
The minutes dismissed the notion of a Special Purpose
Vehicle (SPV)
that would accommodate all interested bidders as
unnecessary.
Standardbusiness broke the story in 2005 that Midzi
had proposed an
SPV that would accommodate NRMCZ and losing bidders Needgate
and NIT. He was
told to put his proposal in writing, which he
failed.
Contacted for comment Zimplats said: "No
comment."
Alex Manungo, NRMCZ managing director promised to return
calls made to
him by Wednesday afternoon.
He had not done so as
of Friday.
Zim Standard
BY LUNGILE
ZULU
BULAWAYO - Zimbabwe's cement manufacturing giant, Portland
Holdings
Limited, has slashed workers' salaries by about 40%, apparently due
to
declining profits against production costs.
It has been
reported this is a direct consequence of the government's
price blitz, which
came into effect last month.
The workers in Bulawayo and the PHL
subsidiariy in Colleen Bawn in
Matabeleland South, were shocked last week to
find their salaries had been
slashed.
They said most of them
were normally paid between $6 million and $7
million: this time they were
shocked to receive between $3 million and $4
millio,
respectively.
Standardbusiness established that company profits had
declined after
the government ordered the price of a bag of cement to be cut
from $1.5
million to $170 000.
"Life has become tough for us
after our salaries were cut this month,
without notice," said one employee.
"There are indications the salaries
might be cut further if we fail to meet
the targets set by the company,"
Workers' committee members who
refused to be named confirmed the
development.
"The company has
registered losses and is operating at a loss, with
the management saying it
could not sustain the wage bill against high
production costs and the
losses," said one member.
Savious Mbedzi, the chairman of the
workers' committee said: "The
salaries, referred to as monthly bonuses, can
be cut but I am not in a
position to give any answers.
"Our
policy is that all matters are handled by our managing director,
Trevor
Barnard as he is the one responsible for the salaries, I really
cannot say
much on the matter."
Barnard had still not responded to questions
sent to him on Wednesday.
On Thursday, he promised to "get back to
Standardbusiness while on Friday he
was said to be on a tour of company
factories in Bulawayo and Matabeleland
South.
His secretary on
Friday said that "Barnard will not be able to respond
to your questions this
week, as after that he will be travelling to the two
factories in Bulawayo
and Colleen Bawn".
The "salary freeze" follows recent reports the
company had stopped the
manufacture of cement for the local market in
protest over the price cuts.
PHL, which is part of Pretoria
Portland Cement (PPC), is said to be
hampered by high input costs and
unrealistic prices which have led to a
temporary stoppage of operations at
one of its subsidiaries, Colleen Bawn.
As a result, a number of
contract workers at the manufacturing plant
have been laid off as operations
have been suspended due to lack of clinker.
There are fears some
workers may lose their jobs.
Colleen Bawn is now supplying clinker
to PPC in South Africa for the
manufacture of cement. Zambia is also being
supplied with the product.
Zim Standard
Comment
WEEKS after the government basked in its new-found popularity
- based
on an ill-thought-out decision that forced shops to slash prices -
the shops
are increasingly displaying empty shelves. Others carry signs that
they have
closed. Yet others show signs of having been vacated.
If the price slash campaign was part of electioneering, the chickens
are
coming home to roost as widespread shortages abound. Discordant voices
are
beginning to be heard. They ask what benefit the exercise has brought
when
virtually everything has to be queued for and people spend more time in
queues than at work.
They ask: why should we vote for people
who have removed the staple
food and meat from our tables, sugar from tea,
oil from our vegetables, soap
to bathe with, fertiliser to grow crops with,
diesel from buses for
transport; and jobs from workplaces.
They
ask, too, what good are price slashes when the goods to buy have
all but
disappeared from the market.
And the few that are still fortunate
to have something they call a job
are frustrated when police appear to
single out commuter buses taking people
to work, in the process delaying an
increasingly threatened species that is
keeping the wheels of the
fastest-shrinking economy turning.
They also ask why when the
shelves are empty the government should be
barring people from going to
neighbouring countries to shop for basic
requirements. It is as if the whole
country has been turned into one huge
open prison, with the State acting as
its correctional services board.
Neighbouring countries must love
our rulers for the business they have
created for traders across our
borders, who are recording profits that are
denied Zimbabwean companies.
Local companies could do a roaring business by
setting up shop on the other
side of our borders to cater specifically for
Zimbabwean
shoppers.
When a government subverts the efforts of its own
citizens and when it
forces job losses it is declaring itself to be
anti-people.
But perhaps the government believes when people are
traumatised the
way they were in 2000 under Jambanja and in 2005 under
Murambatsvina their
minds will have been so numbed they will not know what
to think or do.
The government should be warned those queues have
become fertile
grounds for debate around discontent with the status quo. The
government has
done wonderfully well by providing people an opportunity to
critique its
record on handling the crisis in Zimbabwe just as the fuel
queues did in
2002.
But perhaps the strategy is to frustrate as
many Zimbabweans into
leaving well ahead of next year's parliamentary and
presidential polls. At
the rate of 5 000 - 7000 voters fleeing the country
each week, this will add
up to several legislative districts and provide
justification for government's
efforts to create more
constituencies.
But ever the wily master of deceit, the government
could just be
ensuring that people will put the task of searching for food
ahead of
voting, resulting in only its supporters turning out to vote in any
numbers.
Whatever the outcome, the government could pay heavily for its
blunder-prone
approach to running this country. A reduced voter turnout
cannot strengthen
its claims to legitimacy because that would amount to a
boycott of the
polls.
SADC leaders at the Lusaka Summit next
weekend need, for once, to put
their foot down and reject excuses from
Harare on why there has been no
significant movement in resolving the
Zimbabwean crisis since Dar es Salaam.
Zim Standard
sundayview by Judith
Todd
ONE hectic morning in August 1985,
while I was attending to a group of
supplicants and knowing there was
another lot still to come, a tall, thin,
elegant man came and stood outside
my office door and looked at me. When the
first group left, he walked in. By
now I was on the telephone.
"Would you mind if I sit down?" he
asked in a nondescript voice.
"Not really," I said, "but I have a
couple of urgent calls to make."
"That's quite all right," he said,
making himself at home.
Before I finished dialling, he asked: "Do
you mind if I smoke?"
"Not at all," I said.
While
speaking on the phone, I looked at him. His face was in profile,
and he was
smoking and chewing the spent match at the same time. He looked
very
interesting, but, I thought to myself, my word - this man has
problems.
Eventually he introduced himself as a member of a
co-operative at
Beitbridge that had long been trying to get assistance. They
had sunk their
demobilisation money into a supermarket and exhausted their
funds before the
building was completed.
They applied for Z$10
000, and we hard-heartedly said no. If we gave
them money to complete the
building, what on earth would they use for stock?
It all seemed like an open
drain.
He explained the members of his co-operative had asked him
to come and
see me, as he was now quite often in Harare. "You see," he said,
long after
making his request, "I am now one of the new boys in
parliament."
"What?" I asked. "Are you the member of parliament for
Beitbridge?"
"Yes," he said, and put out his hand. "Kembo
Mohadi."
He hadn't seen all the letters on file, as some had been
written after
his detention following the murder, "by dissidents", of the
local Zanu PF
Senator Ndlovu. He had been one of the group against whom
magistrates in
both Gwanda and Beitbridge had rejected charges on account of
the torture
they had undergone.
Mohadi told me he hoped to be
back in Harare within a fortnight. I
asked why, as parliament had risen for
two months. He said there was a lot
of suffering in Beitbridge and he wanted
to see the Minister of Home
Affairs, Senator Nkala, on behalf of his
constituents.
I was constantly amazed by the sheer, naked courage
of those who
seemed most under threat. I accompanied Mohadi to the lift, and
he mentioned
that he might be in a bit of trouble when he returned to
Bulawayo. Could I
recommend a lawyer there? I said he should talk to the
people in our
Bulawayo office. I learned later that he never had the chance
to do so.
When he reached his Bulawayo base en route to Beitbridge,
he found an
order to report to the police. To make sure he obeyed, a
relative had been
picked up and taken to Bulawayo Central police station and
would be released
when Mohadi turned himself in, which he did.
Little did I guess that it would be under Mohadi's hapless watch as
Minister
of Home Affairs some 20 years later that I was to lose my passport,
my
citizenship of Zimbabwe, and thus the substance of my life? He was still
Minister of Home Affairs after the 2005 elections, when the police in
concert with other State forces unleashed murderous attacks on civilians and
destroyed the homes and properties of the informal business sector in
settlements throughout the country. This was Operation Murambatsvina -
"clear out the human excrement".
Under Mohadi the police
continued the open, flagrantly illegal use of
the hostage system they had
first learned about from Mohadi himself when he
was its victim. Mohadi had
personally learned grim lessons about the cost of
opposing the wishes and
designs of Robert Mugabe in any way. He had learned
the lessons by
heart.
The ex-combatants who came after Mohadi that morning had
been warned
off many times, as they were happy-go-lucky, hated working and
owed us a lot
of money. They never lived up to their promises, and I had
asked them to get
lost, but here they were again, because three of their
members had been
"picked".
The difference between members of
Zipra whom I had seen that day and
former members of Zanla, like Eduardo
Castro, was profound. Former Zipra
were on the run, whereas for many former
Zanla the future was shining.
Sharlottie, wife of Cephas Msipa, was
related to Lookout Masuku, who
was still locked up in Chikurubi Prison with
Dumiso Dabengwa and others. A
couple of months after the 1985 elections, she
told me that, for the first
time, Lookout and Du were in bad shape:
depressed, very thin, sleepless and
Lookout was suffering from hypertension.
She had been to see Minister
Emmerson Mnangagwa, who said he would put a
case to Prime Minister Mugabe
for the release of Lookout, but that Dumiso
was in forever.
Their misery and insomnia were fully
understandable. They had been
valiant, triumphant warriors against the Smith
regime. Under the Mugabe
regime they were helpless prisoners, unable to lift
a finger in defence of
the thousands of their fellow Zimbabweans who were
being smashed into the
ground by Zanu PF's "structures".
There
was hardly anyone who had stood for what were now abusively
termed "minority
parties" in the most recent "free and fair elections" who
hadn't been
detained or beaten up, or had their property burned and their
family life
destroyed.
When I heard of the detention of Nevison Nyashanu,
unsuccessful
candidate in Harare Central for PF Zapu against Minister of
Finance Dr
Bernard Chidzero, I rang the Catholic Commission for Justice and
Peace and
said this was obviously a case where we could enlist Chidzero's
help, as he
would feel terrible if he knew his opponent had been detained.
The director
said: "No, Judy. What is going on is organised from the highest
level. We
feel sick and powerless."
As early as 1985,
knowledgeable and far-sighted people like him were
becoming too scared to
mention Mugabe's name on the telephone.
When people were "picked",
they were moved around so quickly that
their lawyers, family and friends did
not even know where they were. Stephen
Nkomo disappeared from Chikurubi
Prison and even his brother Joshua did not
know where he had been
taken.
The same thing was happening with Zipra ex-combatants. My
heart
clenched in horror when someone from Tsholotsho told me that white
Land
Rovers and white Peugeots - government vehicles - were moving around
without
number plates, collecting people who were not arrested as such, but
were
disappearing for good.
I started sending messages to a
handful of friends, such as the writer
David Caute in London. Writing helped
me to get some of the burning out of
my blood . . .
Thursday 19
September 1985
I have been feeling miserable about friends like
Edward Ndlovu MP
picked up this Tuesday at 5AM and also the confirmation
that Kembo Mohadi MP
is in too, no one knows where. When I tried to ring
Edward's wife, Mary she
wasn't there. Their little daughter Zanele answered
the phone. She wept and
said her mother was OK but "daddy has been picked,
and we don't know where
he is".
Zimbabwe's venerable and
valiant Edward Ndlovu picked, like a ripe
tomato! It turns out that Edward
is being held at Stops Camp in Bulawayo,
one of the worst for torture, but I
don't think they'll dare to torture him
physically as he is so ill, anyway.
So many people - high blood pressure as
a rule.
Excerpt from
Judith Todd's latest book, Through the Darkness, A Life
in Zimbabwe,
available from www.zebrapress.co.za.
MDC's Tsvangirai is indecisive, confusing
IT only takes an ignorant
fool not to realise that Zimbabwe is going
through both a political and
socio-economic crisis; characterised by hunger
and starvation, acute
shortage of fuel and foreign currency as well as gross
human rights
violations.
It is also a fact beyond reasonable doubt that, the
causes for this
crisis are deep-rooted in Zanu PF's well-organised system of
intolerant and
selfish administration.
Indeed, President Robert
Mugabe is public enemy number one by virtue
of being the architect and
guardian of this Zanu PF system that has overseen
the country's
collapse.
There is no doubt that Zimbabweans have suffered enough
and want a
change in government that will bring in a new regime to replace
Mugabe.
Since 2000, Zimbabweans have been looking up to the Movement for
Democratic
Change (MDC) as the party that will remove Mugabe and deliver
them from this
socio-economic and political quagmire.
There is
no doubt that given a level field, the MDC is more popular
than Zanu PF and
this is why Mugabe will never allow free and fair
elections. Zimbabweans
pinned their hopes on Morgan Tsvangirai as the man
who could lead the MDC
and replace the Zanu PF government.
But despite all the support,
Tsvangirai has managed to display empty
charisma. Whenever Tsvangirai
speaks, he does so with a lot of force and
confidence, but the man does not
calculate and is inconsistent.
Tsvangirai has now and again
announced to the public that his faction
is going to boycott the 2008
elections, but he turns around and urges the
masses to vote for him in the
same elections. Everyone knows that the
elections will not be free and fair,
but the last thing we want to hear is
that our leader is confused as to
whether he will contest or not.
Instead, we want to be wondering
how our leader plans to wrestle power
from Mugabe given these electoral
conditions, rather than wondering if he
will be contesting or not. Given
that voter registration is going on and
will soon be closed, indeed we
cannot afford to be confused as to whether
Tsvangirai will be in or
out.
Tsvangirai has also been announcing to the masses that the
2008
elections are already rigged and Zanu PF will win. Everyone knows that
Mugabe is determined to cling to power, and will do anything to achieve his
goal. Rigging elections is one of the most obvious ways.
We
also know very well that Zanu PF has always been rigging elections
and will
rig the next one. What we expect to hear from our leader are
strategies he
has put in place to ensure that, despite the attempts to rig,
we will
win.
As a leader Tsvangirai is supposed to be innovative enough to
lead us
to victory, but that seems to be far from reality obtaining from
him. The
struggling people of Zimbabwe are being frustrated by Zanu PF, and
the last
thing they need is to be demoralised by their own leader, who tells
them
that the elections have already been won by the enemy-Zanu
PF!
Rather what we need is a leader who can rejuvenate us and give
us
confidence to go and register as well as turn out in thousands to vote is
such a way that Mugabe cannot easily retain power.
After the
famous Save Zimbabwe Campaign, Tsvangirai announced that he
wanted an
opposition coalition that would face Zanu PF in the next
elections. Indeed
we felt rejuvenated that finally we were closer to
victory. But this time
when we are registering to vote, Tsvangirai turns
around and tells us that
he no longer wants coalition and he can go it
alone. Sometimes, I really
wonder who advises this man, and if that person
is not a Zanu PF
implant!
M K
Harare
----------
Tsvangirai, Mutambara under siege
THE
failure of the two MDCs to unite at this crucial time in Zimbabwe's
history
is indeed sad and disappointing. Many activists have sacrificed life
and
limb for their beloved country, the common man is experiencing
unprecedented
suffering while the Zanu PF fat cats continue to benefit from
this quandary.
Our only hope lies in the two men who are at the helm of the
main opposition
in Zimbabwe, Arthur Mutambara and Morgan Tsvangirai.
Unfortunately,
the two have been besieged by a very dangerous yet
influential coterie of
bootlickers who thrive on the politics of patronage
which is synonymous with
the Zanu PF way of attaining recognition from the
party leader. This group
of people from both camps is only self-serving and
thrives on posturing.
These are individuals who lack the gravitas that
Mutambara often refers to
when it comes to moving the country forward. They
are a liability to the
democratic struggle and should be dealt with if the
opposition is to move
towards the right direction.
These political sycophants are not
capable leaders but pretenders. The
crisis created overnight politicians
without the pedigree to lead. They are
opportunists manipulating the leaders
of the opposition because of kinship
ties or a false sense of political
achievements and experience gained before
and after 1999 when the MDC was
formed.
Zimbabweans should expeditiously liberate these two men
first from
this band of pretenders before we focus our attention on Mugabe.
It is a
fact that Mutambara and Tsvangirai need each other right now and
they know
that. Parallels can be drawn with the situation existing in Zanu
PF
currently. An equally influential group has contributed to Mugabe's
paranoia. It is therefore a culture now characterising Zimbabwean politics
and if we are to achieve a new dispensation this should be nipped in the bud
as a precondition for success.
Charles M
Mutama
Washington DC
USA
-------------
Can Zesa explain 'back-feeds' scheme to
everyone
THANK you for highlighting our plight in your newspaper
edition of the
22 July 2007.
In a small part of Harare's
Hatfield residential area between
Kilwinning and Elgin roads residents have
been without electricity for a
full month. Residents were initially told
that the loss of power was due to
a burnt out high voltage fuse on the
transformer.
Later the story changed to "a rumbling transformer"
which needed
"slight attention". However it took three weeks for Zesa to
move the
transformer to their workshops as officials claimed they could not
secure a
crane for lifting. Apparently two are in service with one having
been sent
for repairs.
Soon after publication of your article
residents were informed that a
replacement transformer had been found and
would be taken to site the same
day as the crane in operation was on its way
to Chitungwiza. That was Monday
23 July. To date the transformer has not
been moved and as for the
Chitungwiza bit one can only guess.
What has been happening, however, since that fateful day when our
globes
faded into candle light and eventually extinguished, is disturbing
and needs
investigation. Although initially there were about 70 houses that
were
affected by the black out, a few are being reconnected through what
Zesa
calls "back-feeds"- some say after payment of back handers to the
organisation's employees.
Thus, whilst the majority of homes
have been turned into villages, the
well-connected neighbours have no
problem watching news, eating fresh foods,
having warm baths, reading
newspapers and their children doing homework at a
time when many gather
around small fires counting the night stars and
wondering what meal to
prepare, where the next candle is to be found.
For the majority of
residents as long as there still are rich pickings
by Zesa's corrupt
employees the crane will continue to keep its safe
distance until the
promised transformer finds another "more deserving "
location among the
ruling party faithfuls, a deserving prize indeed in the
run up to the 2008
elections -remember the Sithembiso Nyoni case?
Black
Power
Hatfield
Harare
-----------
Disgusting mentality
I am absolutely
incensed at the news piece on Zimbabweans crossing the
border into South
Africa that has just been shown on Sky News. Not the
content, because it is
the sad tragic reality of the situation.
What makes me angry is the
white Afrikaans racist mentality that still
prevails today in South Africa.
"Don't try to escape again," he says in his
broken English to two terrified
and traumatised Zimbabwean women. Have they
nothing better to do than hunt
the border jumpers like rabid jackals?
Where is their compassion?
Why don't they get on to their local MPs to
kick-start President Thabo Mbeki
into doing something to stop the
humanitarian crisis and therefore this mass
exodus?
I want those farmers to answer me one question. If that was
their
family trying to escape from a genocidal tyrant, would they condone
such
head hunting? I don't think so. They are a disgrace to the SA
nation.
Eddie Cross
Bulawayo
------------
JOC anathema to civilian order
REGARDING
the Joint Operations Command (JOC)
involvement in running the country,
particularly its various military-style
"operations", and the problem with
involving the military in governance
issues is that they are trained to
think in terms of "acceptable civilian
casualties" during any military
operation.
This is also known as "collateral damage" in the sort of
euphemism
commonly used in the military.
So if Operation Reduce
Prices leads to no maize-meal in Matabeleland,
as is being reported, and to
associated deaths - the military will ask
itself: "Well, what is the
acceptable collateral damage - half a million?
Perhaps one
million?"
Normally this sort of Auschwitz thinking is restrained by
civilian
authority, even in a war. The JOC knows no such restraints. That is
why the
army should be kept in barracks, not beating people in the streets
and in
police cells and that is why the serving military should be kept out
of
governance.
It is also the reason why police officers should
be properly-trained
in civilian policing methods - not in degrees of
"bashing". This disgraceful
term, introduced into the language of national
discourse by someone who
should know better, is another euphemism. The
correct term is assault - or
attempted murder.
True
Patriot
Harare