IOL
August 05 2007 at 03:10PM
Harare - Zimbabwe's wheat harvest will
this year be the worst since a
controversial land reform programme was
launched seven years ago, state
media said Sunday.
Farmers
groups have predicted a harvest way below the 78 000 tons
produced last
year, said the official Sunday Mail newspaper.
The country needs
more than 350 000 tons of wheat a year for local
consumption.
The farmers placed the blame for the poor yields on the country's
struggling
power company, which declared itself broke earlier this year,
resulting in
frequent countrywide blackouts.
Erratic power supplies meant
irrigation cycles on farms were
disrupted, and many electric irrigation
pumps on farms were damaged, the
paper said.
Wheat crops wilted in the fields from lack of irrigation, according to
Wilson Nyabonda, President of the Indigenous Commercial Farmers Union, one
of four farmers groups in Zimbabwe.
"This is where things fell
apart as electricity was only available in
the first days of May," Nyabonda
told the paper. "From there onwards it
became a nightmare for
farmers."
Edward Raradza, an official from the Zimbabwe Farmers
Union, which
represents mostly small-scale farmers, said members were forced
to abandon
crops because of the power crisis.
"Things like seed
and fertiliser went down the drain, he said.
The announcement is
yet more bad news for a country already reeling
under acute bread shortages,
as well as shortages of most basic commodities.
Last week the UN's
World Food Programme launched an appeal to donors
for money to scale up the
supply of emergency food aid to more than 3
million Zimbabweans, or a
quarter of the population.
Bread is an important part of the
Zimbabwean diet. But state- imposed
controls on the selling price have
caused shortages, as bakeries no longer
want to produce bread to sell at a
loss.
Long queues have become the order of the day in supermarkets
baking
limited quantities.
Government officials warned earlier
this year that the wheat harvest
would be dismal. They said only 30 000
hectares of wheat was planted ahead
of the May 31 planting deadline, out of
a target of 76 000 hectares. -
Sapa-dpa
Financial Times
By Tony Hawkins in
Harare
Published: August 5 2007 18:23 | Last updated: August 5 2007
18:23
A new law in Zimbabwe allowing the state to tap private phone
conversations
and monitor faxes and e-mails is unconstitutional and
impracticable, said
local lawyers, opposition politicians and internet
service providers.
Lawyers said they are confident the government's
Interception of
Communications Act which became law last week can be
challenged successfully
in the courts.
The act empowers President
Robert Mugabe's government to establish an
information centre to eavesdrop
on telephone conversations, open mail and
intercept faxes and
e-mails.
The government said it is justified by the need to combat
domestic and
international terrorism as well as "economic sabotage". The law
merely puts
its anti-terrorism legislation in line with international
practice, it says.
The act requires ISPs to purchase and install
equipment to spy on their
clients' communications "when so required". ISPs
must also ensure that they
have the capacity to monitor communications
full-time.
One ISP executive, who did not wish to be named, said: "All
the equipment
has to be imported, and we do not have foreign currency for
that." Most ISPs
would have to close if the authorities enforced the
legislation, he said.
Media houses believe the government will use the
law to curb critical
reporting of the country's rapidly worsening social and
economic crisis. The
authorities are particularly anxious to clamp down on
online news services
that are read increasingly widely in Zimbabwe,
government critics said.
David Coltart, secretary for legal affairs in
the Mutambara wing of the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change, said
the law was unconstitutional
and "an unjustifiable invasion of a person's
rights". He said lack of
foreign currency meant the government did not have
the capacity to
implement the legislation.
But Beatrice Mtetwa,
president of the Zimbabwe Law Society, said she
believed the government had
been intercepting communications before the bill
became law. "The act simply
legalises what they have already been doing,"
she said.
In a separate
development the state-owned Sunday Mail newspaper said on
Sunday that
Zimbabwe's wheat crop was likely to meet only 20 per cent of
national
requirements. The production target for 2007 is 338,000 tonnes but
output is
unlikely to exceed much more than 70,000 tonnes according to
industry
sources.
Farmers said production had been disrupted by last season's
drought which
hit the irrigation of the winter wheat crop as well as
"constant power cuts"
and vandalism of irrigation equipment.
Some
farmers had been without power for four days at a time.
Zimbabwe is
already desperately short of food, with the United Nations'
World Food
Programme warning that as many as 4m people - or about 40 per
cent of the
population - will need food aid in the first half of 2008.
IOL
August 05
2007 at 11:25AM
Zimbabweans trying to survive food shortages,
lengthy power outages,
lack of fuel and other economic and social pressures
have found a way to let
the world know of their suffering - regular emails
to friends and family
abroad.
This despite threats by the
Zimbabwean government that all emails and
phone calls are to be
monitored.
All the emails tell the same story: "Things are really
not good at
all".
Viv from Bulawayo reports there is major
looting going on, with
officials she calls government price commissioners -
police and intelligence
officers - doing most of the grabbing.
"Basically, they go round all the businesses and decide that they are
charging too much.
"They force a rather arbitrary and paltry
price for most of the goods
in the shop, then buy up the lot or let their
swarm of friends in to buy the
rest.
"They make
sure that all stock is packed out on the shelves and is not
being
hoarded."
Viv tells how stores were made to sell plasma-screen
television sets
for about R100, and how shelves have been emptied with no
hope of being
restocked.
"Manufacturers can't possibly supply
goods to be sold at a fraction of
their worth."
She had been
unable to buy welding rods to make a pushcart to
transport buckets of water,
but this was no longer necessary because her
neighbour was now demanding
cooking oil, sugar and wheat - "all gold dust
here" - in exchange for
water.
"We have just managed to swop 15 litres of diesel for 5 000
litres of
water so we should be okay for a while," she says.
While there are intermittent water cuts, Viv and her family regularly
go
without electricity for longer than a week.
It is not only the
people who are suffering. Many residents have had
to put down their pets
because they could not bear to see them hungry.
Of concern, she
says, is the fact that cross-border shopping will be
stopped at the end of
the month, which means that all residents will have to
obtain permits to
import meat, cooking oil and other essentials. Many were
already having
their groceries confiscated at Beit Bridge border post.
Viv
recounts how two store managers she knows were arrested and
detained in
excrement-filled police cells in Bulawayo for not adhering to
government-imposed price controls.
"The people who are being
arrested are only being kept overnight or
for a weekend. They then pay a
fine of ZIM$28-million (about R800) and have
to plead guilty."
A Harare resident, who did not want his name mentioned, celebrates the
fact
that he has survived another week, despite having a run-in with the
"green
bombers" (police).
"There were about 20 shoppers in the car park,
all with shopping
trolleys of paid-for goods, when the green bombers swept
in in a truck,
jumped off and proceeded to run around helping themselves to
whatever they
wanted from the trolleys. It was all over in five minutes and
then they were
gone."
Several of the man's business associates
have been arrested, he says,
adding that "many folk" are fleeing the
country.
Referring to a friend's hijacking in Johannesburg, the
writer points
out at least he managed to escape unharmed.
"I
have power cuts of up to 11 hours for six days a week and
invariably the
power is on when I am at work. I know that tonight I will be
reading by
candlelight again," the writer says.
Another resident expresses
thanks in her e-mail for being able to find
six loaves of bread and 12 eggs
during last week's rush for food when prices
were slashed.
"Thankfully, my pantry and freezer are full of food. Living in a
country
where shortages are common, you tend to bulk-buy in fear of a coming
shortage. Just as well, because the shop shelves now stand
empty.
"The prices are fantastic though - everything has been
slashed by 50
percent. Pity there isn't anything to buy," says the
woman.
She details how police and "war veterans" moved from shop to
shop
during Operation Price Control to force store owners to drop their
prices or
face arrest.
"In some cases, bags of cement have sold
for the equivalent of R5.
"It seems that yet again the government
has taken a desperate measure
to 'control' the country, but with very little
foresight.
"The saying goes - where you find a plague of locusts,
hunger will
follow.
"This is with no doubt where Zimbabwe is
heading in the next couple of
weeks.
"Shops cannot afford to
restock their shelves and the Zimbabweans are
finding themselves in an
incredibly desperate situation."
The resident says the past two
weeks have been fairly challenging -
they had visitors from South
Africa.
"Thankfully, they brought some food up with them, but I can
assure you
it has been extremely difficult to feed them.
"Who
knows what will happen here in the next few weeks. I do know that
the
country has come to a standstill.
"The roads are quiet due to
massive fuel shortages and the shops are
empty - people are
hungry.
"The tension is building up in Zimbabwe. We have decided to
get police
clearance for our vehicle so that, should we need to evacuate the
country in
a hurry, we can get through the border quickly.
"We've also got an emergency tank of diesel, should we need it," she
says.
This article was originally published on page 10
of Tribune on August
05, 2007
http://www.cathybuckle.com/thisweek.shtml
Saturday 4th August 2007
Dear Family and
Friends,
Every day that price controls continue, the discontent amongst
Zimbabweans
rises. Everyone, everywhere is now affected and it doesn't
matter if you are
a political heavyweight, a soldier, policeman or ordinary
member of society,
everything is either in very short supply or just not
available at all. In
one big supermarket this weekend there were 78 empty
shelves on a busy
Saturday morning and the goods most plentiful were wine,
cleaning products
and toilet cleaner. Walking along one empty aisle after
another with my 15
year old son, home for the school holidays, we were
looking for soft
drinks - any colour, flavour or make would have done but
there was nothing
at all to be had. We both stood open mouthed at the sudden
scrum that
developed right in front of us. From an internal storeroom a man
emerged
with a shopping trolley which was half full with small, 375 ml,
bottles of
cooking oil. From all over the supermarket, and the doorway and
outside on
the pavement, people ran, pushed, shoved and shouted as they
scrambled to
get to the trolley and grab one of the small bottles. Even
security guards
on duty at the exits joined in and it was frightening to
witness the
dramatic changes in people from calm and dignified to
squabbling,
scrabbling, pushing and out of control.
Even though he is
a teenager and almost taller than me, I looked first to my
son, was he OK,
out of the way of the madness, and then to a friend I'd
seen, an 82 year old
man who had gone white as a sheet and seemed rooted to
the spot, not sure
what was happening or which way to move. I put an arm
round him and he was
shaking and I couldn't believe he hadn't been knocked
over in the
stampede.
Outside in the car park the conversation was not about empty
shelves, the
lack of essential food stuffs or the sudden and complete
disappearance of
even soft drinks. It wasn't about the lack of meat or eggs,
flour, sugar or
rice or the daily water cuts, instead it was about beer. Now
Zimbabwe has
run out of beer it seems and for many this has been the
anaesthetic which
has dulled the pain of this time of madness. Outside the
main beer
distribution warehouse in the town cars and trucks lined both
sides of the
road, their vehicles piled high with empty crates. A bread
truck was stopped
at a small garage where petrol and diesel haven't been
available for some
weeks and perhaps a hundred people lined up each to be
allowed to buy a
single loaf. These are scenes I have seen in documentaries
about the second
world war and they are almost impossible to comprehend in
our country which
until so recently was a land of plenty.
You really
do have to see these scenes, walk amongst the people and witness
these
shocking scrambles for food to understand why Zimbabweans are crawling
under
razor wire and climbing over barbed wire border fences to get out of
the
country.
Until next week, thanks for reading, love cathy.
Mail and Guardian
Ade Obisesan | Musina, South Africa
05
August 2007 09:14
It took two days of trekking through the
bush, before navigating
a crocodile-infested river and then scrambling
underneath a barbed wire
fence for Peter Nkomo and his family to make good
their great escape from
the meltdown of Zimbabwe to South
Africa.
"When you have poverty and hunger staring you in the
face you
are left with only your survival instincts -- that is flee
Zimbabwe," says
32-year-old Nkomo from the relative safety of the South
African border town
of Musina.
"That's what I have been
doing over the last two days, hoping to
have a new beginning in South
Africa."
With 80% of the population now living below the
poverty line,
thousands of Zimbabweans are trying to make it across the
border every day
and join their two million-plus compatriots who have
already made it down
south.
But while all hope that they
will find a better life in Africa's
richest country than in President Robert
Mugabe's Zimbabwe, they often find
that life on the other side of the border
is equally cruel and dangerous.
Nkomo, who comes from a
village near Zimbabwe's main southern
city of Bulawayo, told Agence
France-Presse (AFP) that he had arrived with
his wife and four-month-old
baby boy with little more than the clothes on
their back.
They have no money, no food and their baby has developed an eye
infection
which was growing angrier by the hour in temperatures of 27C.
Visibly exhausted, Nkomo said that the worst part of their
journey had been
their overnight trek across the Limpopo River.
"They are
lucky that the Limpopo has virtually dried up now,
otherwise these
Zimbabweans ... would have been eaten up by crocodiles,"
says Abram Luruli,
manager of the Musina municipality.
The normally tranquil
Musina has been flooded with refugees in
recent months, with Zimbabweans
everywhere to be seen both in town and on
the 10km road which leads to the
official Beit Bridge border crossing.
Desperation
Japhet Mashuga, who spoke to AFP as he trekked along
the
Musina-Beit Bridge road, said he had been ready to do what it takes to
leave
behind a life of misery in the Zimbabwean capital
Harare.
"It was a question of life and death. We could not be
bothered
about the risks we faced," he said as he also recounted his journey
southwards.
"The desperation of a hungry man knows no
bounds," he added.
Mugabe's order for retailers to slash
prices in June was
officially meant to help Zimbabweans afford basics such
as bread and cooking
oil but the net result has been more empty shelves as
producers can no
longer cover their costs.
The United
Nations's World Food Programme announced this week
that it planned
a
10-fold increase in the number of beneficiaries of its food aid
in Zimbabwe in the next eight months in order to avert the threat of what it
called widespread hunger.
But for many Zimbabweans, South
Africa represents their best
chance of avoiding starvation even if only as a
source of goods that can
then be consumed or even hawked back
home.
Mother-of-six Ophadube Davies said she often sneaks
over the
border to buy food but her latest trip has been caught short after
she was
picked up without papers by border guards who are generally
overwhelmed.
Davies (58) told AFP as she was marched back to
Zimbabwe that
she was trying to put bread on the table for her jobless
husband and 10
grandchildren left in her care after their parents died of
HIV/Aids and
other diseases.
"I managed to cross
yesterday to buy some groceries in Musina to
feed my hungry children and
sell some at home to make money, but today,
security men stopped me from
crossing the border. I feel like dying," she
said.
"At my
age I should not be playing pranks at the border but the
situation at home
is very hard for people."
A South African immigration
official at the Beit Bridge border
post said that he had every sympathy for
the Zimbabweans but that a
free-for-all could not be
allowed.
"We pity the situation of Zimbabweans but we cannot
allow them
to enter our country illegally," he said on condition of
anonymity. -
Sapa-AFP
Murambatsvina! That was our first
impression when we arrived outside the
Zimbabwe Embassy. The paving stones
between our four shady maple trees had
been torn up and a noxious smell
wafted from a nearby drain - reminiscent of
the streams of sewage in
Chitungweza. Unlike our suffering families in
Zimbabwe we expect reality to
return next week when Westminster Council
hopefully complete their work. As
it was, squeezed by the barriers, we
nevertheless managed to put our case
across to passers-by, along with
singing, dancing and drumming, in a
concentrated space despite the
temperature being in the high
80s.
Part of what we try to do, with pictures and laminated newspaper
reports, is
show how serious the situation is in Zimbabwe. One of our
supporters, Edwin
Dube, testified at first hand to the decline of the
Zimbabwean health
service. He said his mother had died on Tuesday after
being admitted to
Harare Hospital last month when a cough developed into
pneumonia. He said
the hospital had been unable to offer her any real help
beyond putting her
on a drip and giving her mild painkillers. The family
even had to organize a
private ambulance to take her elsewhere for
X-rays.
We were pleased to welcome 5 more people to the Vigil
Co-ordinatng Team.
They are Chipo Chayo who looks after the Vigil
merchandise, Luka Phiri who
advises on asylum issues, Moses Kandiyawo and
Bie Tapa who will liaise with
student and youth groups who want to become
involved with the Vigil, and Sue
Toft who manages the Vigil
table.
Next week we are devoting the Vigil to highlighting the SADC
summit in
Lusaka where President Mbeki is expected to deliver a progress
report on his
attempt to mediate an agreement on Zimbabwe so that there can
be free and
fair elections next March.
For this week's Vigil
pictures: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/
FOR
THE RECORD: 99 signed the register.
FOR YOUR DIARY:
- Monday,
30th July 2007, 7.30 pm, Central London Zimbabwe Forum.
The Forum will
discuss the fate of Zimbabwean refugees in South Africa.
Upstairs at the
Theodore Bullfrog pub, 28 John Adam Street, London WC2
(cross the Strand
from the Zimbabwe Embassy, go down a passageway to John
Adam Street, turn
right and you will see the pub).
- Friday, 10th August 2007, 1 - 3
pm. The National Union of
Students is joining with Zimbabwean youth
organisations outside the
Zimbabwean Embassy in a soldarity demostration
with students in Zimbabwe.
- Saturday, 18th August 2007, 12 - 2.30
pm. Kate Hoey MP will be
joining the Zimbabwe Solidarity Campaign at their
Vigil outside City Hall,
Belfast. All supporters welcome. As agreed with
Ian Paisley Jnr, our
Belfast friends are presenting a petition to Stormont
on 10th September.
They plan to do a presentation to the assembly members in
the long gallery
and then get as many members as possible to sign the
petition in front of
the press. They are trying to get some high profile
campaigners along to
raise the profile of the campaign.
-
Saturday, 1st September 2007, 12 noon - 10 pm. Zimfest 2007 (food,
sports,
music). Venue: Prince Georges Playing Fields, Bushey Rd, Raynes
Park,
London, SW20 9NB. For more information, check; www.wezimbabwe.com
- Weekend of
7- 9 September 2007. Friends in Yorkshire (including
Albert Weidemann who
came to the Vigil last week) are planning a weekend of
events to highlight
the suffering of Zimbabweans.
Vigil co-ordinator
The Vigil,
outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place
every Saturday
from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of
human rights by
the current regime in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in
October 2002 will
continue until internationally-monitored, free and fair
elections are held
in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk
Yahoo News
by M.
Jegathesan
KUALA LUMPUR (AFP) - Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and
other African
and Southeast Asian leaders are meeting in Malaysia this week
to draw up a
plan to fight poverty and bolster economic
ties.
Mugabe's presence at the gathering on the island resort of Langkawi
is
already causing some controversy.
But Malaysia's foreign minister said
the meeting, which will be hosted by
Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi,
was non-political.
"I have heard that there have been some rumblings, but
we must remember that
the Langkawi dialogue is to discuss development,"
Foreign Minister Malaysia
Syed Hamid Albar told the New Straits
Times.
"It's a non-political forum. We will not be discussing politics
but
socio-economic development.
"Whichever country is in need of
development and can learn from the
experience of others, they should be
encouraged to participate," he said.
The gathering, dubbed the Langkawi
International Dialogue, will bring
together some 16 African and Southeast
Asian leaders and more than 260
participants.
The forum is the
brainchild of Malaysia's former prime minister Mahathir
Mohamad and was
launched in 1995 in an attempt to foster close economic and
political
relations with poor but resource-rich African countries.
Mahathir, who
retired in October 2003 after 22 years in power, was an ally
of Mugabe's,
with the two men sharing a love of anti-Western rhetoric stoked
by a history
of British colonialism in both countries.
Syed Hamid said an ambitious
action plan would be produced at the end of the
three-day meeting, which
starts on Monday.
"Poverty is still a fundamental issue worldwide. In
many countries, there
are people earning less than two US dollars a day," he
said.
Mugabe established an independent Zimbabwe in 1979. He has since
come to be
regarded by many as a tyrannical dictator whose rule has been
marked by
intimidation, violence, fraud, and robbery.
The
octogenarian president has also been slammed for leading the once-model
economy into ruin. Inflation in the southern African nation is now running
at more than 3,700 percent.
Malaysia is Southeast Asia's
third-largest economy. Its major exports
include oil, electronics and
electrical products and it is the world's
largest palmoil
producer.
Other leaders taking part in the meeting include Lesotho's
prime minister,
the Namibian and Zambian presidents and King Mswati III of
Swaziland.
Leaders from four Asian countries -- Vietnam, Bangladesh,
Cambodia and
Thailand will also attend for the first time.
Syed Hamid
dismissed criticism that the gathering was an expensive "talking
shop" for
Malaysia.
"It will help promote trade and investment. And during
multilateral
gatherings, these countries tend to support Malaysia because we
are good
friends," he said.
"At the same time, we have invited
Southeast Asian countries. If our
neighbours become rich, we can have better
trade."
International Herald Tribune
The Associated PressPublished: August 5,
2007
LUSAKA, Zambia: Zambian immigration authorities are
struggling to cope with
a sudden upsurge in Zimbabweans crossing the border
to shop for basic
products as the economic crisis in their home country
bites deeper and its
coming wheat harvest is expected to be the worst in
years.
The immigration department in the southern border city of
Livingstone said
the number of Zimbabweans crossing into Zambia daily had
risen from 60 to
1,000 persons, with long lines forming at the border post
every day.
Immigration Public Relations Officer, Mulako Mbangweta, said
they feared the
situation was spiraling out of control in Livingstone - a
tourist hub
because of the nearby Victoria Falls.
"We now fear the
security risks that can be posed by this swollen influx,"
Mbangweta
said.
She said most people crossed into Zambia to buy goods such as
bread, corn
flour and milk that are now unavailable in Zimbabwe and then
returned home.
South Africa and Botswana also have an upsurge in
cross-border shopping.
Zimbabwe's Sunday Mail, a government mouthpiece,
confirmed the expectations
of many, saying experts predicted the wheat
harvest would be the worst in
years, below the 78,000 tons harvested last
year and far short of the target
340,000 tons because of electricity
shortages, which prevented farmers from
irrigating the crop.
"In some
areas farmers could go for four consecutive days without
electricity. It
became impossible to irrigate and complete the required
cycles, resulting in
the crop wilting," the president of the Zimbabwe
Indigenous Commercial
Farmers Union, Wilson Nyabonda, told the newspaper.
Maize, rather than
wheat is the staple diet of most Zimbabweans, but the
disastrous wheat crop
is likely to worsen bread shortages and serves to
highlight the economic
woes of southern Africa's former breadbasket.
The World Food Program
appealed last week for US$118 million to help more
than 3.3 million
Zimbabweans - more than a quarter of the population -
facing severe food
shortages.
Zambian immigration officer Mbangweta gave no estimates of the
number of
Zimbabweans sneaking into Zambia illegally and staying. But there
is
mounting concern among Zimbabwe's neighbors that they will be swamped
with
destitute refugees as Zimbabwe's crisis worsens.
Aziz Pahad,
South African deputy foreign minister, on Thursday voiced alarm
at
predictions by the International Monetary Fund that Zimbabwe's inflation
may
hit 100,000 percent by the end of the year. He said that neighboring
countries "will not be able to sustain the levels of refugees." There are an
estimated 3 million Zimbabweans in South Africa, most of them
illegally.
Farmers on South Africa's northern border have started a
vigilante campaign
against the illegal immigrants, accusing them of theft
and of scaring away
foreign tourists in game lodges along the
border.
In a bid to tame the price increases, Zimbabwe President Robert
Mugabe's
government ordered sweeping price cuts of up to 50 percent in June.
But that
merely worsened the shortages.
In rare welcome news for
Zimbabweans, the Sunday Mail said that the
government had repealed proposed
legislation to limit the amount of products
including cooking oil, flour and
beef that Zimbabweans could import. This
would have cut an increasingly
important lifeline to desperate Zimbabweans
who flock to the borders each
day to shop in neighboring countries
A 57-year-old Zimbabwean woman,
Selina Nkhoma of Victoria Falls Town, said
she had no choice but to shop in
Zambia.
"Zambians should not be annoyed with us. We are only coming here
to buy
goods which are not available in our country in order to survive,"
said the
mother of seven.
Immigration official Mbangweta said she was
worried about the numbers of
people.
"We foresee a situation where
there will be a lot of people on the streets
such that we may face problems
if people continue coming in such large
numbers," she said.
Mineweb
The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe has raised the price it is prepared to
pay for
the country's gold output to Z$3 million per gramme - up from Z$1
million
per gramme set only a week earlier in a move to rescue gold mining
companies
teetering on the verge of collapse.
Author: Tawanda
Karombo
Posted: Sunday , 05 Aug 2007
Harare -
At a time when
the global price for gold has surged back over $670,
Zimbabwe's central bank
has made an extraordinary decision to again increase
the price for gold
deliveries remitted to Fidelity Printers to US$472 an
ounce.
The
actual gold support price was raised from the previous week's level of
Z$1
million per gramme, to Z$3 million which loosely translated to US$472.
This
effectively means that from April 26 to May 31 the gold support price
was
Z$350,000 per gramme and from June 1 to June 30 it was Z$1
million.
It has now been increased to Z$3 million per gramme
effective July 1, which
was the price announced during the week.
Those
that had opted to receive 60 percent of their proceeds in foreign
currency
but now want to be paid in local currency may do so at $3 million
per
gramme.
Announcing the new gold support price, the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe Governor
Dr Gideon Gono said the move was meant to rescue gold
mining companies
teetering on the brink of collapse.
He said the new
pricing structure could significantly improve operations but
analysts say
the price - still far below global gold prices - might fail to
breathe life
into the gold mining sector, which desperately requires foreign
currency for
critical imports.
Gold mining experts said while the move by the central bank
to review the
gold price was positive, the bank should now move to make
quick payments for
gold deliveries from gold miners for obligations under
which they are
entitled to make foreign currency payments.
This,
said a senior chamber of mines executive, "would significantly boost
confidence in the sector" and would also give assurance to the industry that
the central bank will honour its obligation for future gold deliveries on
time.
The new price was backdated to July 1 for miners with
documented evidence of
delivery to the RBZ.
Gono said escalating
operating costs had necessitated the price review.
"Gold remains a strategic
reserve mineral to the economy, given its general
acceptability as a medium
of exchange and store of value in global financial
markets. As a country,
our gold production levels have lately fallen victim
to escalating operating
costs, as well as elements of indiscipline,
side-marketing and
smuggling."
Announcing the fresh support scheme for the gold deliveries, Gono
said he
wanted to enhance viability in the gold mining
sector.
Zimbabwe's gold mines are operating far below capacity mainly
due to power
supply problems and late payment for gold deliveries to
Fidelity Printers
and Refineries, a subsidiary of the Central
Bank.
The Chamber of Mines last month indicated that the situation in
the sector
was dire, requiring urgent attention from the Central
Bank.
Under a new dispensation created for the sector by Gono, gold
miners are now
classified as exporters and therefore qualify to receive a
portion of their
proceeds from the central bank in foreign
currency.
Gold miners are paid 40 percent of their proceeds in
Zimbabwe dollars, with
the rest of the payments being made in foreign
currency.
It has been the foreign currency payments that have
presented the Central
Bank with problems. An acute foreign currency
shortage has meant that it
has to scrap for limited foreign currency
supplies to meet urgent government
commitments, but this has left gold
miners in a very unenviable position,
with no foreign
currency.
Forecasts are that gold output in 2007 will come in at
around 8.7 tonnes, a
huge fall from 11 tonnes last
year.
Zimbabwe's gold mining companies have failed to capitalise on
firming global
mineral prices due to a myriad of inflationary and viability
problems. Power
outages of up-to 15 hours a day by the country's power
utility ZESA Holdings
have compounded the sector's woes.
Monsters and Critics
Aug 5, 2007, 13:31 GMT
Harare - A Zambian rhino
poacher who was caught after a shoot-out with
Zimbabwean game rangers has
been sentenced to 18 years in jail for attempted
murder and other offences,
reports said Sunday.
A magistrate in the western coal-mining town of
Hwange, close to the
world-renowned Hwange National Park, sentenced
24-year-old Morris Kakwezhi
to 10 years in jail for attempted murder, said
the state- controlled Sunday
Mail.
He received an additional five
years for possessing an unlicensed weapon, as
well as three one-year jail
terms for poaching, illegally possessing
ammunition and unlawfully entering
the country, it added.
Hwange Magistrate David Johnstone-Butcher said he
took into account when
passing the sentence that poachers were prepared to
commit murder to sustain
the trade in rhino horn.
The maximum
sentences permitted by statute are unfortunately insufficient to
reflect the
gravity of the offences committed, the paper quoted him as
saying.
'Accordingly, none can be reduced or suspended even if
suspension of a
sentence on a foreign criminal could be considered
appropriate, which is
unlikely.'
The Zambian poacher was arrested on
May 17 when he and three accomplices
were confronted by three game rangers
in Hwange National Park.
The game rangers are reported to have fired
warning shots into the air, to
which Kakwezhi responded by firing at the
game rangers, before dropping his
rifle and fleeing the scene. He was later
captured, but his three
accomplices got away.
The poacher, who
pleaded not guilty to the charge of attempted murder, did
not have a
lawyer.
Zimbabwe's rare rhinoceros population is under severe threat from
poachers
who covet the animals' horns for sale to middlemen based in the
region. The
horn is used to make dagger handles in the Middle East, and in
traditional
medicine in Asia.
The southern African country has lost
at least 40 black rhinoceroses in the
past three years to
poachers.
In May the authorities, in collaboration with the Worldwide
Fund for Nature,
launched a massive operation to cut the horns off the
country's 780
remaining rhinos to deter poachers.
© 2007 dpa -
Deutsche Presse-Agentur
Yahoo News
by Ade Obisesan
MUSINA, South Africa (AFP) - James Diop rings up
another sale and then
contemplates his good fortune to work in a supermarket
in South Africa as
the stores across the border in Zimbabwe grow emptier by
the day.
"We've had a 300 percent increase in sales since June which is
unprecedented
... and so we don't want the good times to end," he
said.
"We really are laughing all the way to the bank."
Like many
others whose livelihoods depend on the volume of trade in the
sleepy border
town of Musina, Diop has found that the economic meltdown
north of the
Limpopo river is a cloud with a silver lining.
Since June, when veteran
President Robert Mugabe ordered sweeping price
cuts, stores in Zimbabwe have
virtually run dry of the basics such as
cooking oil, sugar and bread as
producers can no longer cover their costs at
a time when the annual rate of
inflation is believed to have run into five
figures.
While some
Zimbabweans have turned to the underground market, others have
headed
southwards where such stocks are still readily in supply and can
bring in a
handy profit.
The owner of a grocer's shop in the town of Louis
Trichardt, the next stop
down the road from Musina, said he was struggling
to keep up with demand.
"I am selling four times of what I normally sold
three months ago," said the
trader, who declined to give his name.
At
a nearby "Mr Price" supermarket, three trucks from Zimbabwe were being
loaded with milk, sugar, bread, cooking oil and other household
consumables.
Musina is experiencing the immediate economic and social
impact of the mass
exodus of Zimbabweans into the country.
Abram
Luruli, manager of the Musina municipality, acknowledged that some
locals
were making hay as a result of the troubles across the border.
"There is
no doubt that the economy of Musina is booming in terms of
Zimbabweans
buying groceries and other goods as a result of shortages in
their country,"
Luruli told AFP.
But he also warned that the sudden influx was having a
negative impact as
well, with increases in petty crime and
unemployment.
"Most of them come into South Africa illegally, they do not
do fingerprints
to facilitate prosecution, they offer cheap labour and make
South Africans
lose out in employment," he said.
Signs of resentment
are clear.
When an AFP correspondent spoke with Joyce Sithole, a
27-year-old Zimbabwean
who is trying to eke out a living by selling
sculptures and pottery from her
homeland, she was soon confronted by a South
African who accused her of
stealing her roadside patch underneath the shade
of a baobab tree.
"Such clashes happen frequently here. The South
Africans are getting angry
that Zimbabweans are creeping in and gradually
displacing them in all fronts
and snatching from them their means of
livelihood," said an elderly man who
stepped in to settle the
dispute.
Senior prosecutor Edward Pusula said the courts were rapidly
filling up with
Zimbabweans who had stopped over in Musina on their way down
to the major
South African cities such as Johannesburg and Durban where most
exiles end
up.
"Sixty-five percent of all offenders in Musina
regional court are
Zimbabweans who allegedly engage in crimes such as rape,
robbery,
housebreaking, shop lifting and smuggling," Pusula told
AFP.
Provincial police spokesman, Senior Superintendent Moplafela
Mojapelo,
downplayed the security concerns however and insisted the
situation was
manageable.
"We have made some arrests (of illegal
immigrants) this year. Once we
arrest, we deport them to their country," he
told AFP without giving
figures.
"There are challenges but the
situation has not reached a crisis point yet."
From The Weekender (SA), 4 August
With the situation reaching critical levels, the country needs
to act,
writes Jonathan Moyo
As president Robert Mugabe delivered
his address opening the third and
apparently last session of the sixth
parliament last week, he appeared
determined to keep his head when everyone
else across the nation had long
lost theirs due to the national crisis that
is deepening every day. That
Mugabe can still keep his head means he is yet
to grasp the gravity of the
crisis. So endemic is it that national attention
has moved from how to
define the problem to how to resolve it. And there are
four options
available to the nation to resolve the crisis,
namely:
a military coup; an act of statesmanship by Mugabe to save
both the country
and his legacy; a coming together of nationalist
progressive forces under a
united front; or a spontaneous and, therefore,
chaotic uprising.
There is no doubt that one of these choices must be
made if Zimbabwe is to
move forward to a different dispensation. Since March
30, there has been an
amazing, if not shameful, display of conspicuous
deceit by patronage-seeking
Zanu PF individuals and groups. They have been
falling over each other to
further endorse Mugabe's self-serving re-election
bid on the back of a
central committee endorsement that never was. Based on
his tortuous 2002
campaign experience, it is obvious that Mugabe hopes to
yet again use the
military, national intelligence and police forces, along
with the government
ministries and departments, traditional chiefs and their
headmen to win
re-election next year. But even so, he needs to be forewarned
not to be too
trusting, because everyone who matters in officialdom knows
that Zimbabwe
will remain in dire straits if he remains in
office.
Indeed, Mugabe must remember with some trepidation how, even
with the
establishment's support, he almost lost that election. And that was
before
the country's situation had deteriorated to its present hopeless
levels.
Therefore, a Mugabe electoral victory in March next year - whether
achieved
by fair or foul means - would be bad news, and would simply worsen
the
hardships faced by Zimbabweans. Another false choice being peddled in
opposition circles is that Morgan Tsvangirai's faction of the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) can, or will, win the presidential election. The
Arthur Mutambara faction of the MDC is realistic enough to see that its
chances of a victory next March are fading fast. While Tsvangirai has shown
commendable courage as an opposition leader over the years, this has been
negated by his poor leadership and general lack of strategy or sound
judgment.
The mere fact that he personally presided over the
split of his own party
demonstrated his poor leadership skills and put paid
to the only chance he
had to be a national leader. The damaging consequence
of the MDC split in
electoral terms was leaving Tsvangirai without critical
votes in
Matabeleland and the Midlands provinces. Previous election results
show that
outside Harare, he has not been able to get much support in the
Mashonaland
provinces. The same is true in the Masvingo and Manicaland
provinces, where
his support has dramatically declined since 2002. While
Mugabe is weak in
Matabeleland, he has more support than Tsvangirai in the
Mashonaland
provinces. The public's lack of confidence in Tsvangirai as a
result of the
MDC split, plus the fact that he can no longer be sure about
the extent of
his support in Matabeleland, makes one wonder how anyone can
foresee a
Tsvangirai victory in the election next year . Where will the
votes come
from?
In any event, while some partisan interests
might find this hard to swallow,
the truth is that in the scheme of
Zimbabwean politics, Tsvangirai has
become as inflexible and as polarising
as Mugabe. While MDC supporters
cannot vote for Mugabe under any
circumstances, Tsvangirai is unlikely to
benefit from this. The national
consensus now is that neither Mugabe nor
Tsvangirai can take Zimbabwe
forward. The feeling from across the political
divide is that both need to
put Zimbabwe first ahead of their own personal
interests. The political
economy of Zimbabwe today is pregnant with
socioeconomic conditions that
have given rise to military coups elsewhere in
Africa and the developing
world. The basic cause of military coups in
history has invariably been the
inflexibility of the ruling elite , through
their inability or unwillingness
to accommodate dissent as an enlightened
strategy of preserving their own
interests.
While a military coup is clearly undesirable in Zimbabwe ,
it is
nevertheless possible and could even become unavoidable. In the
desperate
circumstances gripping the country, the only way a military coup
can be
avoided is not by wishing it away or condemning those who talk about
it, but
by institutionalising flexibility in our constitution to get
everyone -
especially those in power - to put Zimbabwe first. Another
possible option
is a sudden and spontaneous uprising, that would result in
chaos . This
choice, which Zimbabweans can make by default through inaction
, is as
undesirable as a military coup. But it is very possible. A
spontaneous
uprising would recall the biblical adage that where there is no
vision, the
people perish. In recent African history, the lack of a vision
has resulted
in devastation for ordinary people in Rwanda, Somalia, the
Democratic
Republic of Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Côte d'Ivoire and
Darfur.
The possibilities of a military coup and a spontaneous
uprising in
Zimbabwe - both of which would certainly move things forward,
even if in
undesirable ways - can be avoided through the adoption of one of
the other
two choices : an act of statesmanship by Mugabe - he would have to
retire
now - or the emergence of united front, bringing together progressive
nationalists from across the political divide. If he could understand what
it means to put Zimbabwe before partisan interests as he urged others to do
in his parliamentary address last week, Mugabe would step down before March.
He could use the proposed 18th constitutional amendment to facilitate his
exit and allow for a transition that would safeguard his legacy, secure his
immunity after leaving office and enable him to appoint his successor
through parliament. Zimbabwe would regenerate and move forward into a new
dispensation with international support. This is a possible and desirable
choice in Mugabe's hands. But there is more than enough reason not to leave
the fate of our bleeding country in Mugabe's hands, because he cannot be
trusted to act like a statesman, given his penchant for self-interest. There
is no doubt that one of these choices must be made if Zimbabwe is to move
forward from its troubled past and current stalemate to a different
dispensation.
From The Weekender (SA), 4 August
Xolela Mangcu
Zimbabwean publisher and political
commentator Trevor Ncube said something
quite startling at a panel
discussion hosted by the Platform for Public
Deliberation at Wits on
Wednesday night. The key to the Zimbabwean crisis,
he argued, may well lie
with the military. Ncube suggested that as far as he
could tell, Zimbabwe is
run by something called the Joint Operations
Command, made up of heads of
the military, the intelligence and the party.
He dismisses both factions of
the MDC and argues instead that the solution
is likely to come from within
Zanu PF. Ncube's argument is "better the devil
we know", and that this is
the only practical deal possible. After the
discussion, I read liberation
hero Edgar Tekere's autobiography A Lifetime
of Struggle. What do I find but
an expansion of Ncube's thesis by scholar
Ibbo Mandaza in the introduction
to Tekere's book. In fact, the introduction
is so brilliant, that no one
should ever be allowed to talk or write about
Zimbabwe without reading it.
Mandaza points to militarism as the fundamental
problem in Zimbabwe's
political culture. This militarism starts with Herbert
Chitepo in 1966 and
is consummated with the total dominance of the party by
Josiah Tongogara in
the 1970s. Tongogara was so powerful that he became
known as the Chef ("
Chief" in our parlance). His behaviour during the
Lancaster House talks was
such that it was clear "he would play no second
fiddle to anyone once he got
home" - and that specifically included Robert
Mugabe.
What
Mandaza does not explore is how Tongogara met his death, and whether
Mugabe
had any role in it. But here's where things get really interesting.
When
Mugabe and Tekere left to join their comrades in exile, they were so
distrusted that they had to be kept under house arrest in Quelimane in
Mozambique in 1975. The man who secured their release was none other than
Solomon Mujuru (popularly known by his nom de guerre, Rex Nhongo). It is
worth quoting Mandaza extensively to see if Mujuru or Mugabe are the real
deal: "Rex Nhongo (Mujuru) would have been more facilitative and supportive
of the political leadership - especially Mugabe himself - than Tongogara had
been, preferring, to this day, to play his political cards in the background
than occupying the limelight in which his predecessor revelled. And if the
argument is that the military - and Zanla (the Zimbabwe African National
Liberation Army) in particular, has remained a central and dominant feature
in the Zimbabwean State, then one cannot overlook Mujuru's position and
influence in that regard." But are we dealing with the right people in
Zimbabwe, or have we lost the plot entirely? However, while the generals may
be the ones who could pull Zimbabwe through, they may be profiting so much
from the crisis - as traders of scarce goods - that resolving it may just
not be in their best interests.
From The Star (SA), 4 August
Brendan Seary
It's amazing how time
smoothes over the unpleasant cracks in your memory.
Until I opened the musty
yellowing clipping files of my work from 1983, I
had forgotten how the
pungent, sweet smell of death sticks in the back of
your throat, how it
settles in the membranes of your nose. And how, no
matter how many beers you
drink or how many showers you have, it still
lingers. I had found the bodies
by smell. Six young men, piled together,
probably in indescribable terror in
their last seconds as AK-47 bullets
ripped into them from close range. I had
been told I would find them just
off the main Bulawayo-Plumtree road in the
Zimbabwean province of
Matabeleland. I had rough directions, starting from a
kilometre marker on
the road. But still it took some time - time I didn't
have, because my car
was parked in full view on the side of the
road.
Not a desirable position if the soldiers returned. Not
difficult to find a
young white man in jeans and T-shirt in the scrubby
bush. Not difficult to
put a bullet in his brain and get rid of a witness.
With the battered office
Pentax camera, I squeezed off a few frames. Then I
vomited. Half-digested
cheese omelette, bacon and toast meet reality. Later
- the same day, the
same week, I can't remember - I found another execution
site. How many died
there was difficult to tell, because the bodies had been
piled up, set
alight and burnt to ashes. But bones require immense heat to
destroy, so one
ghostly white femur lay, half sticking up. For weeks in the
early months of
1983 I traversed Matabeleland, recording ever more
horrifying tales of the
destruction wrought by Robert Mugabe's North
Korean-trained Five Brigade.
Mugabe had unleashed the troops on the province
- stronghold of his
political enemy, Joshua Nkomo - late in the previous
year.
The unit was known by its Shona name, Gukhurahundi, which means
"the wind
which blows away the chaff before the rains". Clearly, Mugabe
regarded the
Ndebele people as just such chaff. Five Brigade was not a
conventional
military force, but more of a political killing machine.
Reports of the
numbers of people who died go as high as 20 000. Apart from
the bodies, I
saw burnt huts, and people with stab, hack and bullet wounds.
I spoke to
women who had seen their husbands bayoneted in front of them; to
old men who
hid under beds when they heard the noise of our cars because
they thought it
was the soldiers returning; to shy, bruised girls who spoke
in a quiet,
roundabout way through gentle translators, about being
gang-raped by drunken
soldiers. I didn't speak to many young men; most were
either dead or had
fled to Botswana or South Africa.
Re-reading
the files, I was amazed by what I had forgotten - or buried away.
(After my
sister reminded me, I relived my brief detention at the police
station in
Gwanda, for allegedly illegally interviewing Joshua Nkomo on one
of his
farms which had been seized by the government.) I was put briefly in
a cage
for captured "dissidents" (before the friendly station commander
invited me
to share some strong Tanganda tea with him prior to letting me
go) but had
other things on my mind in 1983, as an intense four-year
relationship with a
woman ended badly. I'm a bit ashamed now that that is
clearer to me than
genocide. I've long since healed, but Matabeleland still
grieves. What was
launched upon the province's unfortunate people has since
been replicated in
various ways on the rest of the people of that
long-suffering country. And
now, as I see stories of people flooding across
the border, I share the pain
of these people, my people (I was born in
Zimbabwe and will always be, at
heart, a Zimbabwean). Please, please,
please, South Africans, show these
poor people some sympathy and dignity if
you come across them.
Zim Online
Monday 06 August
2007
By Justin Muponda
HARARE
- President Robert Mugabe has signed a tough law allowing state
agencies to
pry into private mail and telephones, raising the stakes against
opponents
in a clear signal that the veteran leader is tightening repression
as
agitation grows against his rule that is largely blamed for plunging
Zimbabwe into economic chaos, analysts said.
The government has
defended the Interception of Communications Act
saying it was in line with
international trends to fight crime and ensure
national
security.
But analysts said Mugabe, who faces increasing pressure
at home and
abroad over his controversial economic and political programmes,
was
targeting local opponents he has labelled puppets who are working with
his
Western enemies to topple him.
"In essence Mugabe wants to
emasculate all opposing views and by
eavesdropping into people's mail and
telephone conversations he believes he
can deal with all democratic forces,
but he will fail," said Lovemore
Madhuku, the chairman of the National
Constitutional Assembly (NCA) civic
group that is fighting for a new,
democratic constitution for Zimbabwe.
"That is why our daily
struggle is for a people-driven democratic
constitution which will not allow
anyone to dream up laws like these when
faced with growing opposition. But
we are not surprised because Mugabe's
strategy is to do everything within
his power to remain in power," Madhuku
said.
The new law
provides for the establishment of a centre to monitor and
intercept
communications and also gives unfettered powers to the chiefs of
police,
national security, defence intelligence and Zimbabwe Revenue
Authority to
order the interception of communications.
Postal,
telecommunications and internet service providers are now
required to ensure
that their "systems are technically capable of supporting
lawful
interceptions at all times."
The ageing 83-year-old Mugabe has
ruled Zimbabwe for 27 years and
plans to seek another five-year presidential
mandate next year, which if he
completes will see him hold power for more
than 33 years.
Critics say Mugabe's politics, especially the
seizure of white-owned
land from whites to give to landless blacks is at the
heart of the economic
crisis, while deep-rooted official corruption has
helped push the country
toward the brink of collapse.
With a
world high inflation rate of 4 530 percent last May, a jobless
rate above 80
percent and crippling shortages of foreign currency, fuel and
food, analysts
said Mugabe was afraid of growing disenchantment against his
rule.
"This is purely the actions of a dictatorship and a
classic case of a
police state," John Makumbe, University of Zimbabwe
political science
lecturer said.
"This government will go to
great lengths to make sure it continues to
weigh heavily on all the
remaining dissenting voices," Makumbe, an arch
critic of Mugabe's policies
said.
Political analysts said the law would complement a
controversial
Constitutional amendment last year that allows the State to
seize passports
of suspected saboteurs or those who denigrate the government
while abroad.
The analysts said the Interception of Communications
Act was targeting
mainly the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
leaders, labour
groups, human rights groups, non-governmental organisations
suspected of
working against the government and the private
media.
"These are the groups that will be in the firing line," said
Makumbe.
But the government denies the law will trample on the
freedom of
citizens arguing that it was a necessary instrument to fight
crime. The
government has in the past been accused of selectively applying
laws in a
bid to hamstring opponents.
"This (signing into law)
marks an important chapter in our fight
against crime especially
technology-based crime. It is the norm globally and
all law-abiding citizens
have nothing to fear," Chris Mushohwe, the
Transport and Communications
Minister said yesterday.
Mugabe denies allegations of misrule and
says the West has slapped
sanctions against Harare as punishment for the
land seizures.
The veteran leader also says the sanctions have hurt
Zimbabwe's
capacity to secure credit lines needed to help farmers but has
also
acknowledged that some of the beneficiaries of the land seizures have
let
the country down by failing to produce. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Monday 06 August 2007
By Patrcia
Mpofu
HARARE - A bodyguard to Zimbabwe police commissioner Augustine
Chihuri was
allegedly gunned down in the Zambian capital, Lusaka last week
in unclear
circumstances.
Sources within the Zimbabwe Republic Police
(ZRP) said Assistant
Superintendent Christopher Ngapala was found dead with
gun shot wounds in
his hotel room at Taj Pamodzi Hotel last
Friday.
The sources said he had allegedly been last seen by his fellow
police
officers picking up a sex worker on Thursday night.
Chihuri,
together with several other senior Zimbabwean police officers, were
in
Lusaka to attend the annual general meeting of the Council of Ministers
of
Southern Africa Region Police Chiefs Co-operation Organisation (SARPCCO)
annual general meeting at Mulungushi International Conference
Centre.
The Zambian police authorities have however sought to downplay
the incident
insisting that preliminary investigations had ruled out any
foul.
But sources within the Zimbabwean police said they had last seen
Ngapala
picking up the sex worker adding that the woman could have pulled
the
trigger on Ngapala following some misunderstanding in his hotel
room.
Ngapala's semi-naked body was found on Friday afternoon. The body
was taken
to the University Teaching Hospital in Lusaka for a
post-mortem.
Police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena could not be reached
for comment on the
matter last night. - ZimOnline
Enoch Hungwe’s long walk to what he thought would be a better life ended in
the arms of burly white South African farmers. After five days of walking from
Zimbabwe, he tried to make a run for it close to the border but his exhausted
body failed to respond. Instead, as he dropped a plastic bag containing all his worldly possessions,
he was caught by members of the volunteer border patrol force. “Don’t run away,
there’s no point, we’ll just get you next time,” said Andre Nienaber, who runs a
game hunting farm for wealthy European tourists, as he marched the 23-year-old
illegal immigrant off to a pickup truck to join half a dozen of his compatriots.
Enoch meekly held out his wrists to be bound with plastic cable ties. They
were then threaded through a hoop on the back of the pickup to prevent him
making a run for it. Tired, hungry, demoralised, he sat disconsolately and watched as two of the
group of four “illegals” that he had been walking with scampered over a barbed
wire perimeter fence and made off into the veld [bush]. “They will wait until we have gone and then come back to the road,” shrugged
Marie Helm, regional organiser of the local farmers’ union. “We only apprehend a
tiny fraction, but the name of the game is visibility. Everyone supports us –
the local black population the most, they are affected by the insecurity created
by this influx.” As conditions in Zimbabwe – where inflation is about 5,000 per cent and
unemployment 80 per cent – reach meltdown, the daily influx into South Africa,
the continent’s wealthiest country, has reached proportions described as a
“human tsunami”. No one knows exactly how many come each day, estimates vary widely from
hundreds to several thousand. But one thing is certain: the authorities are
completely overwhelmed. Most try to get work on local farms, others turn to
crime and petty theft to survive. A handful makes it to the big cities to join
an estimated three million Zimbabweans now living in South Africa. All tell the same story of unbearable hardship back home and vow to return if
deported. “I have been walking for five days. In Zimbabwe things are very bad,
so I was coming here to look for work. I just want food and work,” Enoch said.
Others crammed on to the back of the pickup. “We are running from hunger. We
have no money to buy food, no jobs, and things are getting worse every day. Our
children are crying, Zimbabwe is crying. I was praying to find a better life
here,” said Goodwill Maposa, 35. The farmers, all of them white and wearing the telltale uniform of the
Afrikaner farmer – tight shorts and khaki shirts, pistols at the waist – are
members of the Transvaal Agricultural Union (TAU). They have formed military-style units, known as Plaaswag [farm patrols], to
police the border. They say that they are there to protect themselves from crime
but critics say that they are little more than white vigilante groups trying to
reassert their dominance. “We are not a vigilante group, we are not here to take
away the rights of people just to protect ourselves. The TAU looks after our
members because we feel that the security forces are not [doing] the job,” said
Ms Helm. The farmers blame the Zimbabwean influx for at least 30 per cent of the
crimes which take place in the area and say that in the absence of government
action they have no choice but to make citizen’s arrests and protect their
interests. In two days at the border, The Times saw only two police vans and no
official border patrols, but several dozen illegal immigrants. “We are here because the state has no political will to sort out this
problem. I don’t want to do this, I am a farmer, I want to farm,” said Gideon
Meiling, the head of the TAU’s security and safety unit. Statistics of attacks
on white farmers in the Limpopo border area trip off his tongue. “Zimbabweans were responsible for the death of Sue Bristow a few months ago,
she was killed with a pitchfork. I live on a farm 39 kilometres (24 miles) from
the nearest police station. If I call them, they don’t even come, but the other
farmers do,” he said. The farmers hand over their daily catch to the local police who deport them –
most of whom simply slip over the border again a few days later. The farmers
often sympathise with their plight and buy them milk and bread before handing
them over. “This is a human tragedy, they are not criminals just illegals, but we cannot
just sit back and do nothing. We are filling a void created by the state’s
irresponsibility,” explained Ms Helm. The Government admits that more needs to be done to thwart the influx. Aziz
Pahad, the Deputy Foreign Minister, said: “If we don’t begin to assist the
Zimbabweans to solve their own problems the flow will increase.” he said. Human rights groups are enraged by the farmers’ actions, which technically
fall under the Government’s own description of community policing. Only 13 years
after the end of apartheid, the sight of white Boer farmers speeding around the
country arresting black people touches a raw nerve. Jody Kollapen, of the South African Human Rights Commission, said that the
farm watch initiative was little more than a paramilitary organisation behaving
in a racist manner. But one police officer, who happily took possession of seven Zimbabweans,
told The Times: “This is very good, this is community policing at its very best,
we can’t do this on our own.” Troublesome neighbour — A loaf of bread costs 50 times more in Zimbabwe than it did a year ago — Zimbabwe’s GDP shrank by an estimated 42 per cent between 1998 and 2006
— It is estimated that 3.4 million Zimbabweans – a quarter of the population
– have now fled the country — South Africa sends more than 4,000 illegal migrants back to Zimbabwe every
week Sources: CIA World Factbook; avert.org; hungercentre.org; capetown-online.de