http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona Sibanda
5
August 2009
The Speaker of Parliament Lovemore Moyo on Tuesday sent the
final list of
applicants selected to sit on the new Zimbabwe Media
Commission to Robert
Mugabe for approval.
SW Radio Africa has learnt
that the Presiding Officers of Parliament, who
include the Speaker, his
deputy, the Senate President, her deputy and the
Clerk of Parliament Austin
Zvoma approved the list before it was dispatched
to Mugabe.
Tongai
Matutu, the Chairman of Parliament's legal and procedures committee
commended the way the whole process was carried out, despite protestations
from the state media that, 'certain pro-ZANU PF applicants were deliberately
failed by the panellists.'
"There was nothing sinister about the
whole process, anyone condemning the
process is simply crying foul over
nothing. It was agreed by all parties and
clearly spelled out that no
political considerations will be made, and that
any candidate who will be
selected shall be selected according to their
integrity, capacity and
knowledge in the field," Matutu said.
The state media had sought to
undermine the process by claiming the process
was flawed. But Matutu
rubbished the accusations, and he also went on to
describe how poorly media
hangman Tafataona Mahoso performed during his
interview.
It was one
of the most embarrassing episodes I've witnessed in years," said
Matutu of
Mahoso's interview. "When asked a question he either failed to
understand
it, or he wanted to redefine the question in order to answer it
the way he
wanted," the Masvingo urban MP said.
"It was quite surprising that a
person of his calibre would not even want to
define what civil society is,
instead, deciding to go into the history of
the Svosve people."
"It
was a very clear indication of a person who clearly failed to answer the
questions, a person who was arrogant and quite dismissive of the panel. I
believe he didn't even want to appear before the panel, and this is the
simple reason why he failed," Matutu explained.
Parliament's Standing
Rules and Orders Committee drew up a final list of 12
candidates, described
by the Committee as 'experts in the media, and highly
professionals in the
field.'
The finalists include lawyer cum-journalist Chris Mhike who topped
the list,
followed by Rino Zhuwarara, a media lecturer and former CEO of
ZBC, and
third was former Sunday News reporter and clergyman Reverend Useni
Sibanda.
Former senior Chronicle reporter Miriam Madziwa made it to number
four on
the list, and fifth was Zimbabwe Union of Journalists President
Matthew
Takaona, who previously worked for many years at the Sunday
Mail.
Publisher Roger Stringer is sixth on the list, and Wabata Munodawafa, a
former Editor of the state-run ZIANA news agency came 7th, with former ZBC
CEO Henry Muradzikwa taking the eighth slot.
Former Daily News
Editor-in-Chief Nqobile Nyathi was ninth, followed by
former radio 3 disc
jockey Milicent Mombeshora, while Clemence Mabasa was
11th, and the last on
the list is former radio-TV anchor person Godfrey
Majonga.
From this list
Mugabe is expected to select nine people to sit on the newly
constituted
Zimbabwe Media Commission. The media panel replaces the
now-defunct Media
and Information Commission which, among other
accomplishments was
responsible for the shutting down of the independent
Daily News paper in
2003. Its former Chairman is Mahoso, who failed the make
the cut for the new
commission, leading to protests from ZANU PF legislators
that their party
loyalists were excluded.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Violet Gonda
5 August
2009
Senator Roy Bennett, the Deputy Minister of Agriculture designate
has
claimed he is being victimised by the President's Office, in an attempt
to
intimidate him not to take up his government position. The MDC Treasurer
General said that on Tuesday evening three armed men, claiming to be from
the President's office went to his plot just outside Harare demanding to see
the official. The men allegedly threatened to shoot his employees when they
wouldn't allow them access.
The MDC official told SW Radio Africa on
Wednesday: "(This is) sheer
desperation and obviously very bad faith on the
side of ZANU PF. Whether it
is ZANU PF as a whole, whether it is military
elements, I don't know. But it
is a threat from the President's
office."
He said the men, who were very aggressive to his employees,
refused to show
their identity cards although they claimed they were from
the President's
office.
Meanwhile, an MDC statement issued on
Wednesday said: "This incident cannot
be taken lightly, particularly with
the declared hatred of the person of
Senator Bennett by some in ZANU PF,
particularly the residual elements. We
interpret these three men as nothing
but a hit squad."
The news comes a week after another MDC official and
Finance Minister Tendai
Biti said he received a live bullet in an envelope
at his home.
Bennett, who has been a 'thorn in the side' for some members
of ZANU PF,
said he didn't bother to make a report to the police who he
claims, 'apply
the law selectively.'
"I have lived now for 9 years
making reports on the destruction of my
property, the killing of my animals,
the theft of my properties, the killing
of my workers, the theft of
everything, and I have never ever had one single
piece of assistance from
the police. So I don't even want to report to them
anymore because it is a
waste of time," he said.
The frustrated MDC official did not put much
hope in getting help from his
colleague in the party Giles Mutsekwa, who is
also co-Minister of Home
Affairs - a portfolio that is in charge of the
police force. Bennett said:
"He is in charge of nothing. I think he is
there as a figure head. He
certainly has no power and certainly has had no
power to stop any
lawlessness, or be of any help towards any side of the
MDC. The harassment,
the beatings - they continue."
Early this year,
Bennett spent a month in remand prison after he was
arrested on allegations
of terrorism and sabotage. He denies the charges and
says it is part of the
victimisation campaign he has been forced to endure
since becoming MP for
Chimanimani in 2000. The MDC official, who is
currently out on bail, was
arrested shortly after his return from South
Africa where he had been living
as a refugee.
Prior to that he was jailed in 2004 and spent almost a year
in jail for
pushing ZANU PF's Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa in
parliament. Chinamsa
had taunted the then MP: "Mr. Bennett has not forgiven
the government for
acquiring his farm, but he forgets that his forefathers
were thieves and
murderers."
At present the Senator is the only
Deputy Minister designate who still has
not been sworn into the new
government, seven months after it was formed.
The MDC says Robert Mugabe is
refusing to swear him in claiming he is still
facing serious terrorism
charges.
It had been reported that he would be sworn in together with the
new
governors this month, but on Wednesday Bennett said nothing is moving
regarding the issue of his swearing-in. He said the Global Political
Agreement has been signed but it is not being implemented, and he believes
his party is still a junior partner in this power sharing government.
"Mugabe still makes all executive decisions and every message that is coming
through the state media is continued 'hate speech,' and continuing to show
people that ZANU PF are still in power, and that basically we are the junior
party, a nonentity in the whole arrangement," Bennett remarked.
The
Senator said decisive action is now needed, as what is happening is
beginning to create a bridge between the MDC and civil society, and creating
a bridge between the party and its supporters.
http://www.reuters.com
Wed Aug 5, 2009 12:28pm
EDT
By Nelson Banya
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's once
promising coffee industry faces total
collapse due to upheavals linked to
President Robert Mugabe's controversial
land redistribution policy, a
farmers union said on Wednesday.
The coffee industry was growing steadily
until 2000, when Mugabe embarked on
a drive to resettle landless but
inexperienced black farmers on white-owned
commercial farms.
A report
presented by the Coffee Growers' Association (CGA) at an annual
congress of
the Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU)
representing Zimbabwe's 500-odd
remaining white farmers, said the industry
had virtually collapsed due to
farm invasions.
Coffee output would be around 500 tons this year, down 93
percent on the
2001 figure of 7,260 tons, and 300 tons is forecast for 2010,
the report
said.
"This national crop is what one large scale producer
was able to produce in
the nineties, which is an indication of just how far
we have fallen," the
CGA said.
"It is astounding to note that no
meaningful coffee has ever been produced
on a coffee farm taken, beyond the
year of the takeover."
Before the farm disturbances, the industry had
projected expanding
production to 20,000 tons by 2004, which would have put
the country within
sight of east African producers Kenya, Tanzania, Burundi
and Rwanda by the
end of the decade.
Zimbabwe used to export its
arabica brand of coffee to the European market.
"The future of this
sector is very bleak. In order for the coffee industry
to restart, the
return of tradable title deeds needs to happen to allow for
both the farmer
and the banker to be secure with their respective
investments," the CGA
said.
CFU president Trevor Gifford said commercial farmers were
frustrated that
the new unity government formed by Mugabe and former rival,
Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, had not moved to stop farm
invasions.
"Farmers were hopeful of a moratorium on all prosecutions and
evictions and
that dispossessed farmers would be engaged to resolve their
needs.
Regrettably, nothing has changed," Gifford told the
congress.
"Government continues to acquire more land and prosecute more
farmers. Farm
disruptions and evictions continue."
Once a regional
supplier of grain, Zimbabwe has failed to feed itself since
2001, relying on
imports and donor handouts.
Industry experts say production of all major
crops -- including maize, wheat
and tobacco -- has declined by more than 50
percent since then.
Mugabe, who denies accusations that his land seizures
helped decimate
Zimbabwe's economy, says the policy was meant to address
historical land
ownership imbalances.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Lance Guma
05 August
2009
The death of Vice President Joseph Msika threatens to tear ZANU PF
apart,
with its two main feuding factions already jostling to have their own
candidate replace him. The exact day on which Msika died is still unclear
with suggestions Mugabe delayed the announcement to manage hostilities
within his party. Most reports said he died on Tuesday, but Mugabe later
told his party Msika died Wednesday morning after his organs stopped
functioning. Even more bizarre are reports he died on Saturday, and ZANU PF
then had a fiery impromptu politburo meeting on Sunday. Whatever the real
date, there is no hiding the tensions that have openly exploded since
Msika's
demise.
Under a unity accord signed between ZANU PF and ZAPU
in 1987 the two Vice
Presidents have to represent both of the two parties.
With Vice President
Joice Mujuru already occupying the ZANU PF slot it means
former ZAPU leaders
are now in contention to replace Msika. This has made
current ZANU PF
national Chairman John Nkomo the front runner. But Newsreel
is told the
faction led by Defence Minister Emerson Mnangagwa is jostling to
have Mines
Minister and Mugabe blue-eyed boy Obert Mpofu as the replacement.
This has
infuriated Nkomo and most in ZAPU who consider Mpofu a 'sellout'
after his
defection to ZANU PF long before the unity accord.
A
prominent analyst has also told Newsreel that National Healing Minister
John
Nkomo, the front runner, is battling a serious form of cancer and has
been
undergoing intensive chemotherapy. Mugabe would be risking appointing
someone whose health is on the decline he said. Another dark horse in the
race to succeed Msika is Zimbabwe's Ambassador to South Africa Simon Khaya
Moyo. Commentators say Moyo is far more senior than Mpofu in the ZAPU
hierarchy, and Mugabe would be risking the fury of his ZAPU allies if he
went for the junior official.
In terms of the succession dynamics,
both the Mnangagwa and Mujuru factions
would like to have a stake in the
Vice Presidency with a view to having one
of their candidates eventually
replacing Mugabe. ZANU PF is due to have its
5-yearly congress in December
to choose a new leadership that will also run
in the next elections. Last
December the ZANU PF Midlands and Masvingo
provinces were virtually 'falling
over each other' in their rush to endorse
Mugabe as life president,
effectively blocking any challenge to his
leadership. The 85-year old
dictator used in-fighting within his party to
justify his continued stay as
the only unifying force.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=20759
August 5, 2009
By Raymond
Maingire
HARARE - Deputy Prime Minister, Arthur Mutambara says the two
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) parties that formed a coalition
government with
President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF early this year were still
not yet capable
of stopping continued abuse of power by the veteran
Zimbabwean leader.
Mutambara said the MDC's efforts to influence positive
change in Zimbabwe
were being frustrated by Zanu-PF aligned forces fervently
opposed to the new
political dispensation.
"As we speak, our MPs are
being targeted," Mutambara said, "Five have been
convicted already while
seven are being charged.
"You can see that we are not in full control. We
are not exactly in charge.
There are other forces in control.
"If my
own MPs are being locked up over a cell phone and I am Prime
Minister. Am I
(in control)?"
He was referring to legislators from the Morgan Tsvangirai
led MDC who are
continually being arrested with some convicted for charges
ranging from
rape, electoral fraud, to kidnapping and inciting public
violence, while
Youth deputy minister, Thamsanqa Mahlangu was released on
bail Monday after
spending a week in custody on charges of stealing a cell
phone belonging to
controversial war veterans leader, Joseph
Chinotimba.
Mutambara was responding to questions from farmers at a
Commercial Farmers
Union (CFU) congress in Harare Wednesday where he was the
guest of honour.
The farmers wanted to know why land invasions continued
in Zimbabwe when the
unity agreement signed between the MDC and Zanu-PF had
pledged to start
honouring property rights.
Mutambara continued, "We
are in a coalition government. There is resistance.
But right shall prevail
over wrong. Good shall prevail over evil."
He said the fresh farm
invasions were damaging Zimbabwe's efforts to attract
fresh investment into
the country and called for a moratorium on fresh farm
invasions and the
prosecution of farmers who continue to defy government's
order to vacate
their farms.
"All these prosecutions of farmers must stop," Mutambara
said.
"We must have a moratorium of land invasions. Black Zimbabweans
have enough
land. Now we control more than 80 percent. Why are we still
starving?"
Mutambara said offer letters which were given after last
year's elections
were not genuine as there was no legitimate government to
preside over the
affairs of the country.
For nearly a year, Zimbabwe
was in a state of political paralysis following
the world rejection of the
June 27, 2008 through which President Mugabe
muscled himself back in power
following two month campaign violence
sponsored by the State which claimed
over 200 mostly MDC supporters.
A coalition government was eventually
formed on February 11 this year after
protracted negotiations between the
former archrivals. The talks were
brokered by both SADC and the African
Union.
"From June 27, 2008 to February 11, 2009, there was no government
in
Zimbabwe," Mutambara said.
"Any offer letter signed by (then lands
and resettlement minister, Didymus)
Mutasa or whoever between June 27, and
11 February is fraudulent and
illegal."
Mutambara further rubbished
the stance taken by Zanu-PF that it will not
abide by a November 28, 2008
ruling by the SADC Tribunal which barred
government from further
repossessing land from the largely white commercial
farmers under its land
reform programme.
He said Zimbabwe could not choose which SADC decisions
to follow and which
to ignore.
"The SADC tribunal is a tribunal of
our regional body. We believe the
Zimbabwe government must come to terms
with the recommendations and
decisions of our regional
body."
Mutambara said government's decision to centralize land ownership
and
proceed through issuing 99 year leases to farmers was flawed.
He
said local farmers have been rendered incapable of securing loans through
land because Zimbabwe had converted "liquid capital into dead
assets".
"We have taken performing farms and converted them into dead
assets,"
Mutambara said.
"The 99-year leases are not bankable. It is
a bankrupt and dysfunctional
lease. The land has no collateral value and
security of tenure.
".Even the (army) generals who benefitted most from
the land are not farming
because they are not sure if they will be on the
land the following day.
"A2 farms still face eviction if found to be
supporting the MDC. That is
criminal."
The deputy premier said
government's decision to churn out large stocks of
farming equipment to
farmers was not sustainable.
He said agriculture should go back to its
status as a self-sustaining
industry in Zimbabwe.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
05 August
2009
Three MPs expelled from the Arthur Mutambara-led MDC faction last
month, on
Thursday took their fight against their ejection from the party to
court,
where they are seeking an order barring Parliament from removing them
from
the House.
The three, Abednico Bhebhe (MP for Nkayi South),
Njabuliso Mguni (Lupane
East) and Norman Mpofu (Bulilima East), who were
ejected from the party
after being suspended in May, also want the court to
bar by-elections in
their constituencies.
Bulawayo High Court Judge,
Justice Nicholas Ndou on Wednesday reserved
judgment on the legislators'
case after the expelled MPs sought an interdict
stopping Parliament from
declaring their seats vacant. In a court
application, the three legislators
had sought to be granted an order staying
and suspending their expulsion
from their party, in a bid to retain their
Parliamentary seats. All three
legislators have continued to attend
Parliament sessions, including chairing
portfolio committees, and have even
acquired vehicles under the
parliamentary car scheme.
After their dismissal from the party, MDC-M
Secretary General Welshman Ncube
advised the Speaker of Parliament of the
three vacant seats to pave the way
for by-elections. Ncube added that
pending the holding of by-elections, the
expelled legislators should be
ejected from Parliament, or stopped from
attending parliamentary sessions
under the party name. The move leaves the
MDC formation with seven MPs and
six Senators in the House of Assembly and
the Senate
respectively.
Bhebhe, Mguni and Mpofu were expelled over charges of
'indiscipline and
disrespecting the party leadership.' Alex Goosen, a member
of the executive
council was also expelled over the same charges, which the
legislators
wholeheartedly deny. MP Bhebhe has dismissed his expulsion as
'null and
void,' claiming the move to oust the three MPs is part of a
conspiracy by
the party hierarchy. Observers meanwhile have argued Bhebhe is
paying the
price for leading a group of eight MPs from the Mutambara camp to
vote for
Lovemore Moyo as Speaker of Parliament, and not Paul Themba Nyathi,
the
party's choice for the post.
The MPs expulsion and consequent
court fights have become the centre of a
growing chasm dividing the
Mutambara-led MDC faction, with recent reports
suggesting MDC-M legislators
have been campaigning to join the MDC faction
led by Morgan Tsvangirai.
Already in June the MDC-M suffered a serious blow
when the party's entire
Nkayi district leadership and all 23 councillors
crossed the floor to join
the MDC-T, in protest against Bhebhe's suspension.
http://en.afrik.com/article16011.html
Wednesday 5
August 2009 / by Sakhile Modise
A Zimbabwean chief who helped
Kimberley Process team uncover gross human
rights abuses in the diamond-rich
area last month is in hiding as the he
claims that senior Zanu PF members
want him dead. In an brief telephone
interview this morning Chief Newman
Chiadzwa said he left the area after
armed soldiers and police stormed his
homestead.
"I am lucky because I was not at home when they first raided my
home," he
said. "I could have been history now" he said.
Chief
Chiadzwa said when solders failed to locate him, the security forces
told
his workers that they had instructions from government to evict the
chief
immediately because he co-operated with the KP team. The team has
since
recommended the suspension of Zimbabwe from the Kimberley Process
Certification Scheme for "at least six months".
Liberian deputy mines
minister Kpandel Fiya, who led the KP investigation,
said villagers
recounted tales of "senseless violence" perpetrated by
soldiers deployed to
curb illegal mining activities last year.
After failing to locate Chief
Chiadzwa for some days the security forces
seized his two vehicles, a front
end loader (TLD) and T-35 truck, he
claimed.
"There are mass graves
in Chaidzwa. At times people were shot at point blank
(range)," said Chief
Chiadzwa. "I could not take the (KP) team there because
I was prevented from
doing so by soldiers." He claimed the mass graves were
within the cordoned
"security area" and it was virtually impossible for
ordinary people to
access them.
Global Witness, which campaigns against trade in conflict
diamonds, said it
"wholly supports the call for Zimbabwe's full suspension
from the Kimberley
Process.
"The Marange diamond fields have been the
scene of horrific human rights
violations, military activity, and rampant
smuggling over the past year -
all of which has been substantiated by the
recent review mission. These
activities are entirely incompatible with the
values and requirements of the
scheme."
Reports say over 200 miners
were killed last year and some were buried in
mass graves. But the
government has denied both the killings and the
existence of the mass
graves.
Several senior Zanu PF politicians, army and police officers have
been
linked to syndicates looting the precious stones in the
area.
Police spokesperson Senior Assistant Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena
said he
could not comment about the relocation of the Chaidzwa people as it
was
being handled by a government committee. However, he said the police
were
looking for Chief Chiadzwa in relation to "some criminal charges" he
was
facing.
"He should not hide behind the issue of relocation. We
want him to answer
some criminal charges not related to the relocation,"
said Bvudzijena, who
could not specify the charges.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Violet Gonda
5 August
2009
The Zimbabwe National Students Union reports that 14 students from
the
University of Zimbabwe including ZINASU President Clever Bere were
arrested
at the campus, three days after the UZ opened for the new semester
on
Monday.
The students were arrested while holding a meeting with
their union
representatives outside the university's main library. Hundreds
of students
had gathered to chart the way forward on the issue of tuition
fees, which
many students have failed to raise. Like most tertiary
institutions in the
country, the UZ has been hit by disruptions over the
years ranging from
exorbitant fees, class boycotts by students and
lecturers, and a serious
crisis of accommodation. The institution that used
to be one of the best in
Africa was forced to shut down for several months
because of non functioning
sewer systems, students' unrest over fees, and
other issues.
On Wednesday ZINASU spokesperson Blessing Vava said
desperate and stranded
students are calling for the reopening of the halls
of residence, and want
the authorities to prioritise education, improve the
welfare of students and
ensure that all students have access to facilities,
whether they have paid
their tuition fees or not.
Currently UZ fees
are ranging from US$300 to about US$600, amounts that are
beyond the reach
of the majority of students, in a country where the lowest
civil servant
earns just over US$140 a month.
Early this week the university placed a
notice informing students who have
not paid fees that they are barred from
attending lectures and from using
the library.
Vava said: "From the
statistics from the bursar's office, it's now clear
that three quarters of
students have failed to raise money for tuition
fees."
"Today's
arrest is a clear indication that freedom of expression on campuses
is still
to be guaranteed in this country despite the coming of the
inclusive
government. We appeal to Ministry of Home Affairs and college
authorities to
deal with students in a more civilized manner, and allow
students to gather
and discuss their issues without being victimised."
The ZINASU
spokesperson told SW Radio Africa that human rights lawyers had
been
deployed to represent the arrested students, who are believed to be
held at
Avondale Police Station. We could not get a comment from the
police.
Meanwhile, scores of students at Great Zimbabwe University held a
peaceful
protest over high tuition fees, lecturers' strikes and the failure
by the
college to release results for examinations written last
semester.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
5
August 2009
By SPECIAL
CORRESPONDENT
Multi-million-dollar mine deal revealed
LONDON - Camec
plc, a British company linked to ruthless businessman Billy
Rautenbach, paid
Robert Mugabe US$100m for mining interests last year -
money the MDC claims
helped fund the election violence, in which about 200
MDC supporters were
killed and hundreds more injured.
Revelations about the dealings and
about the involvement of Rautenbach came to
light in a documentary in the
Dispatches slot on Britain's Channel 4 last
Monday.
The programme
revealed that Rautenbach, a major shareholder in Camec, had
been given a
massive 300,000 hectares of Nuanetsi Ranch in the south of the
country,
left in trust by former vice- President Joshua Nkomo to develop
black
agriculture. buta At a time when all but a few hundred of
Zimbabwe's white farmers have been evicted
from their land and homes,
Rautenbach received the land as a majority
shareholderin a new company,
Cutstar Investments (Pvt Ltd).
Black farmers in the area alleged Rautenbach
had removed stock fencing and
cut off water supplies in a campaign of
harassment to get them off the land.
Rancher Moffat Ndou told Channel 4
journalist Aidan Hartley: "We were
invited toa meeting at ranch
headquarters. At this meeting we had Billy Rautenbach, we had
the
managing director of Nuanetsi ranch and we were then informed that
Nuanetsi ranch
had got into a joint venture."
"He (Rautenbach) said
(to us) 'what part of f**k off do you not understand?
He says he is
well-connected... a powerful man," said another rancher, Terry
Mkowa The
pro-Zanu (PF) Sunday Mail ran a front page story on July 19
headlined Mega
bucks project, which said an anonymous investor was injecting
$1bn into
Nuanetsi, partly to grow 100,000 hectares of sugar cane, which
would be
turned into ethanol to reduce Zimbabwe's fuel bill.
However, water experts
warned there was not enough water to support so much
sugar. "Even if all
local water available was dammed, there wouldn't be
nearly enough, so this
project is just talk," a farmer said on the
programme. The anonymous
investor is none other than Rautenbach.
Rautenbach is on the US and EU
sanctions list, which means he can neither travel
nor trade there. Camec
says it has frozen Rautenbach's shareholding in the
company, but its
operations in Zimbabwe, at least in platinum drilling, are
organised by
Rautenbach and financed from a bank account in Gibraltar,
belonging to one
of its subsidiaries. Camec's chief executive, Andrew
Groves, confirmed that
the US$100m payment to Mugabe had been made for
concessions which Anglo
Platinum had to hand over to protect the development
of its platinum mine in
central Zimbabwe.
Rautenbach's history is a disreputable one - little wonder
that Finance Minister
Tendai Biti and deputy agriculture minister
designate Roy Bennett have distanced
themselves from him.
South Africa
applied for him to be extradited from Zimbabwe more than two
years ago to
stand trial on charges of major customs fraud and the suspected
murder of a
Korean businessman.
But the Zanu (PF) government refused to hand him over.
South African prosecutors
say they have proof that Rautenbach tried to
get charges against him withdrawn
or reduced, by sending $45,000 to
former police commissioner Jackie Selebi.
Rautenbach took over the Democratic
Republic of Congo's state mining company
Gecamines when Mugabe's troops
entered the war there in 1998. He was dismissed
by late DRC president
Laurent Kabila after he allegedly stole the state's share of
the cobalt
joint venture.
After Kabila's assassination, Rautenbach went on to develop a
cobalt site given to him
by the DRC, but was deported two years ago. He
sold his DRC assets to Camec and
still run its one cobalt mining project
from Harare.
"What I know of him is not complimentary.
http://www.radiovop.com
Harare - The Movement for Democratic
Change(MDC) is following up on
all reported cases of its more than 200
members who were murdered by
ZANU(PF) militia last year during political
violence.
"We have more than 200 people who were killed
last year and some of
the cases were reported while a few were not, and
we have since
dispatched a team to investigate by way of making
follow-ups to those
police stations and hear what the police is saying
about the cases",
said an official.
"We do not see the
reason why the police should not act on
reported cases if they have
received them. The team which we have
tasked to make these follow- ups
is going to report to the police those
cases which were not reported after
investigating them. Yes it's true
that some of the cases were not reported
to the police..."
However a woman who lost a husband said:
"It's not true that we did
not report the murders. I personally reported the
murder of my husband at
Mtawatawa police station nothing has materialized
since last year."
"We know the reason why the police did
not act on our reports
because some of the uniformed members were
involved in these brutal
killings and we cannot expect such people to carry
investigations since they
themselves are the
perpetrators."
According to the MDC security
department: "Names of the murderers
were supplied by local people, some of
them who say most of the killers
operated within their rural homes
especially soldiers. We are also told by
villagers that the same
perpetrators are threatening them and boasting that
they are immune to
prosecution, and are leading the new bases which have
emerged."
The MDC has also challenged the police to quickly
react on the case of
its Mashonaland West Provincial driver Joshua
Bakacheza, who was killed in
June last year before the party vehicle he was
driving was hijacked by his
murderers.
"We are worried by this
dilly dallying by the police on this case
which happened last year. Justice
should prevail and perpetrators should be
brought to book and we wonder why
the police is reacting in such a manner.
However we will not rest and
want to get to the bottom of the matter and
in this case we are very
patient," said an official.
Bakacheza was killed by unidentified
armed personnel on 25 June 2008,
near Jaggers Masasa in Harare.
It is reported that he was transferring the family of yet another
victim of
the political violence, slain MDC activist Tonderai Ndira, from
his Mabvuku
home to a safer destination. He was approached by armed men who
threw away
Mrs Ndira and her two year old baby out of the vehicle. His body
was
discovered dumped in a bush area near Beatrice town.
The party is
inviting members of the public who might have information
about the killing
to contact the nearest police station.
http://www.herald.co.zw/
Wednesday,
August 05, 2009
By Walter
Muchinguri
THE Zimbabwe Revenue Authority will start collecting toll fees
at all
the 22 tollgates installed along major highways with effect from this
Saturday.
The commencement date was contained in Statutory Instrument
122 of
2009 which was published last Friday titled Road Tolls (Regional
Trunk Road Network) (Amendment) Regulations 2009 (No. 1).
Statutory
Instrument 122 of 2009 repealed Statutory Instrument 39 of
2009 that had
initially indicated that the tollgates would start
operating in
April.
The tollgates would be manned by a team of 16 people that would
alternate in three shifts.
Zimra officials would collect the revenue,
with security being
provided by the Zimbabwe Republic
Police.
Yesterday, Zimra set up a demonstration on how the tollgates
would
operate at the Skyline tollgate, 18 kilometres outside Harare along
the Harare-Masvingo highway.
Speaking after the demonstration, the
Minister of Transport,
Communications and Infrastructural Development,
Nicholas Goche said
Government had decided to forge ahead with the system of
tollgates
using the 'user pays' concept.
"There are many people who
wanted us to repair the roads first, yes
we should have done that but we do
not have the money so we need the
users of the road to pay so that we can
use the money to repair the
roads," he said.
The Minister said 90
percent of the toll fees would be given to his
Ministry which would in turn
forward the money to the Zimbabwe
National Road Authority
(Zinara).
The funds would then be forwarded to the Department of Roads,
local
authorities and the District Development Fund.
The remaining 10
percent, he said would be given to the Ministry of
Finance to cover
administrative costs involved in the running of the
tollgates.
The
Minister said Government vehicles would not be exempted from
paying toll
fees.
Residents in areas surrounding the toll gates would be given
special
discs to use.
In addition vehicles registered by a diplomatic
mission that enjoys
privileges under the Privileges and Immunities Act,
vehicles carrying
a diplomat, vehicles belonging to a fire brigade or
ambulance service
and vehicles bearing Zimra logos would be exempted from
paying tolls.
Foreign buses or heavy goods vehicles that cross between
two ports of
entry shall also be exempted if they present proof of payment
of
transit charges.
The Minister also said Government was working on
a framework to
introduce tokens, which would be used as the medium of
payment at the
tollgates as opposed to cash in the long term as is the
practice
elsewhere.
Zimra's commissioner-general, Mr Gershem Pasi
said his officials were
committed to the task of collecting the toll fees
and forwarding
these to the relevant ministries.
He said that the
temporary structures would continue in operation in
the interim until the
dualisation of the highways is complete.
"We have opted for the temporary
rudimentary toll gate structures
because it would be foolhardy to build
permanent structures when we
are embarking on the dualisation of our roads,"
he said.
The issue of alternative routes as was the case in other
countries
was not necessarily a requirement.
"In such instances the
companies or authorities collecting the toll
fees would have constructed a
new road and the old road becomes the
alternative route but this is not
mandatory," he said.
According to the new Statutory Instrument, toll fees
have also been
revised as follows:
Vehicle USD
Light
motor-vehicle 1,00
Minibuses 2,00
Buses 3,00
Heavy vehicles
4,00
Haulage trucks 5,00
The implementation of tollgates which has
been on the cards for the
past 10 years was suspended early this year as way
of giving Zinara a
chance to maintain and upgrade national roads.
The
authority has since indicated that it has completed at least 98
percent of
the exercise to patch potholes on the major highways while
work to cut grass
on the same highways is almost complete.
http://www.zimnetradio.com
By KING SHANGO
Published on: 5th August,
2009
HARARE - Zimbabweans are outraged at the
fawning titles that the State media
is using daily each time they refer to
President Mugabe.
zim NET radio understands the Ministry of Media,
Information and Publicity
has directed the state media to refer to President
Robert Mugabe as
President, head of state and government and
commander-in-chief of the
Defence Forces.
And Zimbabweans are being
reminded of Mugabe's lofty titles everyday and
every hour in state
newspapers, on radio and television. And Zanu-PF wants
Mugabe to be referred
to as the Supreme Leader.
Local newspapers are replete with responses
from outraged Zimbabweans
questioning the fawning titles used to refer to
the octogenarian leader.
"Mugabe will not become a likeable character on
account of all these
titles," said a man who identified himself as true
patriot.
"The titles will never change the results of the March 2008
election which
Mugabe lost to Morgan Tsvangirai. Mugabe will not get
legitimacy in the eyes
of the people and the international community by
these useless titles."
Witness, another Harare-based man said Mugabe was
following the example of
Ugandan dictator Idi Amini, who was referred to as
President, Field Marshall
Salongo, Conqueror of the British Empire, Chairman
of the Organisation of
African Unity/ former Chairman of the OAU, Al Hajj
Doctor Idi Amin Dada.
He said dictators were fascinated with these
impressive array of titles.
Patriot said the state media on the other hand
kept losing credibility by
allowing their newspapers, radios and television
to be propaganda
mouthpieces of Zanu-PF.
"No wonder why they are
reluctant to give licences to more media players,"
he said. "They know
Zanu-PF, Mugabe, and the state media will be buried once
and for all if more
new media players are allowed. Giving leaders titles
such as supreme or
grand leader is typical of totalitarian states like North
Korea."
A
Gweru-based war veteran said it was frustrating to be constantly reminded
that President Robert Mugabe was the Head of
state and government and
Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces.
"Is there fear of something
unknown?" he asked. "What is the point? At times
I am ashamed to be in
Zimbabwe."
http://www.zimnetradio.com
By KING SHANGO
Published on: 5th
August, 2009
HARARE - Sweden ambassador Sten Rylander has slammed the
hate speech being
spewed by the State media.
Rylander, whose country
currently hold the rotating presidency of the EU,
railed against the State
media at the recent journalistic awards held in
Harare.
He urged the
three parties in the inclusive government to fully implement
Article 19 of
the global political agreement, which commits the media to
report in a
balanced and responsible manner.
"The GPA notes that it is important for
the public and private media to
refrain from using abusive language that may
incite hostility, political
intolerance and ethnic hatred - or that unfairly
undermines political
parties and other organizations," Rylander
said.
"It is therefore worrying to note the hate speech and negative and
biased
reporting that is still coming from the state media on a regular
basis. The
inclusive government should ensure that appropriate measures are
taken to
achieve this objective as articulated in the GPA.
In order
to open up the media environment as anticipated by the Agreement,
the
Parties agreed that steps should be taken to ensure that the public
media
provides balanced and fair coverage of all legitimate political
activities."
The State media continues to undermine the office of the
Prime Minister,
denying him coverage and when they do, casting aspersions on
the office.
The State media has also recently started addressing
President Mugabe using
fawning titles such as head of State ands government
and commander in chief
of the Defence Forces, yet the PM is actually the
head of government.
The State media also continues to deliberately
falsify information.
Just on Tuesday, the State media lied about interviews
conducted by a
special parliamentary committee that interviewed applicants
wishing to sit
on the new Zimbabwe Media Commission.
Rylander called
on government to ensure that the public media abides by what
was agreed in
the GPA.
"The media is very important in the current dispensation; its
role is to
accurately inform on the various processes underway for instance
the
constitution-making process, the re-branding exercise and the crafting
of
the national vision.
"It is regrettable and unfortunate that media
coverage and access in
Zimbabwe is below fifty percent. There are many areas
in Zimbabwe,
especially rural areas, where there is no radio or television
coverage and
which newspapers do not reach."
He said it was very
important for the media to be accessed by ordinary
Zimbabweans. He said it
was also important to promote and support the
printing of community
newspapers and local newsletters and pamphlets in
local languages in order
to promote universal access.
"Universal access will ensure that
Zimbabweans are aware of the progress of
the inclusive government," he said.
"Through the media they can have a voice
in the way the country is governed
thereby strengthening democracy."
SW RADIO AFRICA TRANSCRIPT HOT SEAT: Journalist Violet Gonda’s guest this week is political commentator Professor Stanford Mukasa with his analysis on the progress of the power sharing government. Mukasa likens the GNU to a 'chicken and pig sacrifice, where Zanu like a chicken only donates eggs but the pig has to donate its pork and dies.' The discussion also looks into the arrests of MDC MPs and asks if the arrests are merely persecution, or is it more a case of recklessness on the part of some of the MPs, complicated by the unequal application of law by the State? Broadcast: 31 July 2009 |
Violet Gonda: Political commentator and journalism Professor Stanford Mukasa is my guest on the Hot Seat programme this week. Welcome on the programme Professor Mukasa. STANFORD MUKASA: Thank you very much Violet. GONDA: Now let’s start with your reading of the progress of the GNU or lack of it. MUKASA: Well some people call it the Government of National Unity but I am inclined to call it the Transitional Administration. There is no unity at all, it’s not a government at all. My reading is it is going, it is moving at a pace that is circumscribed by Zanu-PF. In other words, they cannot go further than Zanu-PF will allow them to go. GONDA: And of course in the last few weeks we have seen several MDC MPs and now a Deputy Minister getting arrested and some even convicted. Now your views on this? MUKASA: Well this is an historic project of Zanu-PF. They lost the elections, both parliamentary and presidential elections and this was their way of recouping their losses. There can be no doubt at all this is part of the Zanu-PF project to reduce MDC’s majority. It is very interesting to note that people who are being jailed, who are being convicted are MDC MPs yet you’ve got Zanu MPs who are guilty of the most egregious crimes in Zimbabwe, who are guilty of even murder, rape, theft and crimes against humanity and nothing, absolutely nothing has happened to them at all, they are running around Scot free. This is a textbook case of the selective application of the law. We all know why this is the case. Tomana, the so-called Attorney General is a self-declared Zanu fanatic and he certainly is leading this crusade to disenfranchise MDC. GONDA: But Professor there are some who say that some of the allegations against some of the MDC officials do not point in the direction of persecution and they give examples of the latest arrest that involves a Deputy Minister who allegedly stole a cell phone from war vet leader Joseph Chinotimba and they say that although Deputy Minister Mahlangu’s case is a matter that is before the courts, some of these MDC officials are being reckless and negligent. Do you agree with this? MUKASA: Well we don’t know the full facts of what really happened but there is a pattern. If you look at most of the MDC members who have been arrested by Zanu police, their cases were so minor, so superficial, so trumped up. Look at Roy Bennett – just for pushing Chinamasa he was sentenced to so many months in jail. So what has happened to Mahlangu is just the latest in what I call the historic project of Zanu-PF to find whatever flimsiest excuse, if they cannot find an excuse they concoct one. Now I think common sense, I think Zimbabweans are calling for the equal application of the law. If there is evidence against Mahlangu then let the courts deal with it expeditiously. There is what is known as the Habeas Corpus Act which requires that anybody who is arrested must be brought before the courts within 48 hours. In the case of MDC supporters they have traditionally been this tendency to arrest them towards the weekend and keep them in jail until Monday of the following week, and also you’ve got this case where even though Mahlangu was supposed to appear before the courts expeditiously all kinds of excuses were being concocted just to extend, to prolong his stay in jail. GONDA: You’re saying that there’s this element of this selective application of the law by Zanu-PF and you say that some of the so-called crimes committed by MDC officials are minor but how do you respond to people who say the problem that we now face in the country is that if we excuse some minor infraction of the laws of a society, how then will we deal with the more grievous infractions when there could be justifiable given their context? MUKASA: Well I’m not suggesting, and I don’t think anybody is suggesting that any case, no matter how minor or how big should be selectively handled. Even those minor cases, stealing half a loaf of bread for example, if the police have got enough evidence to arrest that person then yes, by all means let them do that. What about people like Minister Saviour Kasukuwere and others who are alleged to have killed, who have seized commercial farms, who have committed - some have been major, horrendous crimes, they are still going around, they are free and very few of them ever appeared in court, let alone arrested, they have never seen the inside of the jail. So what I’m calling for is the equal application of the law - the standards for arrest. If you are going to arrest someone who stole a cell phone then by all means why not arrest someone who shot dead somebody else? Why not arrest someone who burnt property? Why not arrest somebody who committed some of the most grievous acts, crimes against humanity, why not arrest those? GONDA: And of course, the MDC has said that it is concerned with the rate at which their MPs and Ministers are getting arrested, so if you were to advise the MDC how do you think they should respond or how do you think they should handle this matter? MUKASA: Well I think the MDC should speak out. What I think is happening with the MDC is they are engaging in the same quiet diplomacy á la Mbeki. Prime Minister Tsvangirai and Finance Minister Biti probably meet with Mugabe virtually every week; one wonders what they talk about. The other day I heard Tsvangirai say ‘he sometimes jokes with Mugabe that he heard ZANU were planning to swallow them’ – do they have time for jokes when faced with these major issues? What I would suggest to Tsvangirai is to go to Mugabe and tell him that unless this thing stops within a given period, I am out of this Transitional Administration because it is not really serving the interests of the people. We don’t have any evidence that Tsvangirai has come down very hard on Mugabe. There was a meeting of, I think it was the National Council of the MDC in which they gave the so-called Principals until the following Monday to resolve all the outstanding issues. Well Monday came and went and I don’t think any of those outstanding issues had been resolved. Nothing happened after that. One would have expected that if that deadline had passed, had come and gone then that same National Council should have met, should have held an emergency meeting and should have put the option of pulling out of the Transitional Administration. At this point I don’t see the MDC having sufficient political power within the Transitional Administration to effect the needed changes. There are so many things that have not been changed, they are still there, arrests are going on, but nothing has happened. So if you cannot effect the changes from within the Transitional Administration then your best option now is to pull out and convene a meeting with civil society and try to convince the Zimbabweans to stage acts of civil disobedience. That option should never be forgotten, that option should never be discarded because that may well be the ultimate weapon needed to dislodge Mugabe. It would appear that many people do not know that Mugabe absolutely has no intention of sharing power with the MDC. What the MDC are getting right now are what I call breadcrumbs of power which are not very effective at all. GONDA: But you see even the MDC has said that the route of civil disobedience has been tried and tested so many times in Zimbabwe and has failed to produce any positive results. MUKASA: Well in any struggle for democracy, in any struggle for freedom, in any historical struggle you don’t give up just because your first attempts failed, you keep on going on, you review your strategies, and you look for new creative and innovative ways or resuscitating that struggle, of sustaining that struggle. If you look at the history of nationalism and nationalistic agitation for independence, the very early struggles against colonialism were a complete failure, but the nationalists did not give up. This is what Amilka Cabral told the people that when you are fighting for independence you don’t give up, no matter the odds against you, you don’t just say well we tried and it has failed so we give up. Well if you give up, then what next are you going to do? GONDA: And of course Prof, it seems that not all the stories that are coming out of Zimbabwe are negative stories, like this week we saw CNN and BBC being allowed back into Zimbabwe and also the Daily News being unbanned, now how significant is this? MUKASA: Well I call those peripheral advances. Mugabe will allow certain things to happen as long as they don’t threaten his power. CNN and BBC have been able to cover Zimbabwe even during the time they were banned. As a matter of fact, Mugabe felt the power, the journalistic power of CNN and BBC during the time he had banned those two and his allowing them back in is just a formality. He knows very well that even if you ban those two news organisations, it’s not like they are going to stop writing about you. If you review the amount of coverage by CNN and BBC during the time they were prohibited from covering what was happening in the country it is as much as if they were there at home. They realise that there is no way you can stop them. At any rate, when they come and cover from within, they will always be under a watchful eye of Mugabe’s Transitional Administration. I call it Mugabe’s Transitional Administration because that is where the power really lies. So that is just a peripheral outcome or beneficial outcome of the government of national unity. There are some very core issues, core outstanding issues where Mugabe has not given an inch, where Mugabe has stood firm. I don’t see CNN and BBC ever threatening significantly the power position of Mugabe. GONDA: Still on the issue of the media, if the government is sincere, why do you think there has been no mention about radio stations broadcasting from exile? MUKASA: Well governments in Africa, fear broadcasting more than print media. Although the BBC is radio broadcasting it is based outside but there is this tradition of being a bit liberal on the print media than on the broadcast that’s why they they’ve allowed the Daily News and they will probably allow a number of other independent newspapers. The BBC and CNN are going to be under a very close watchful eye, if they slip one step you can be sure they are going to be thrown out again. So their position is very tenuous, it’s not guaranteed that just because they’ve been invited back they are there to stay. And I may also mention that talking of the broadcast media based outside – there is SW Radio Africa, your radio station and the Studio Seven. Both those broadcast institutions are manned primarily by Zimbabweans so where is that patriotic programme of Mugabe of granting liberties and freedoms more to the people of Zimbabwe when he allows foreign broadcasters to come in but the Zimbabweans, whom Tsvangirai is appealing to come back home are not being allowed to come and establish their own radio stations. GONDA: It is quite interesting that you brought that issue up because while all these other foreign media have been allowed back into Zimbabwe, there’s been no official statement from the government about such radio stations like ours or Studio Seven especially when some of us were specifically told back in 2002 that we could not go back to Zimbabwe and you would think that since there is a new power-sharing government, at least the authorities would be talking about also but there hasn’t been an official statement. MUKASA: Well the Global Political Agreement contains what I thought was a very surprising statement about the external broadcasts, where they say they should be closed, no support should be given to SW Radio Africa and Studio Seven. Why they have taken this very hostile position against SW Radio Africa and Studio Seven when they are allowing BBC and CNN to come in speaks volumes about the fact that they are really clueless, they are just walking in the dark, they don’t have a clear idea about the role of the media, what the media are capable of doing. I see it as, maybe they are trying to persuade Britain and the United States to lift what Mugabe calls sanctions. GONDA: How much of this do you think is for SADC’s benefit? MUKASA: Oh of course there have been quite a number of things, quite a number of developments this week and obviously Mugabe is playing to the Jacob Zuma gallery and he is trying to undermine Tsvangirai’s efforts. By the time Tsvangirai meets Jacob Zuma, there’s a very good chance that Jacob Zuma is simply going to turn to Tsvangirai and say ‘hey Mugabe is giving concessions and these things take time, just hang in there, some of these outstanding issues they are being resolved one at a time, it’s very difficult to resolve them at the same time.’ Well if it comes to the question of arrest of MDC MPs, Mugabe has got a ready-made answer for that, he’ll say this is an issue for the police and the courts. If the courts find them not guilty then they are going to be released. So depending on how Jacob Zuma sees the legal system in terms of resolving some of these outstanding issues, he is likely to tell Tsvangirai and say well why don’t you let the courts deal with it? GONDA: And Professor Mukasa moving on to another issue a lot of expertise is required to drive the implementation of this GPA and historically Zanu-PF has not performed well, but what are your thoughts or your observations of the MDC’s performance right now and do you think it has the capacity to govern? MUKASA: Well the MDC has the potential, has the potential capacity to govern but the atmosphere is very hostile to the MDC. Unless Mugabe is dislodged from power, unless there is a major restructuring of the power, political power in Zimbabwe, the MDC may have all the big brains it has - as a matter of fact I can actually say with some degree of certainty that the MDC has got some of the biggest brains in the areas of law, economics, finance, governance because most members of the MDC are young and they are the career people, the professionals, a good number of them have aligned themselves with the MDC. Zanu is really a geriatric organisation, they just don’t have the kinds of people that could govern the country democratically - so the potential power is there, it is just that Mugabe has closed the door for an effective implementation of power by the MDC. And one thing I can say is the coming elections, whether it is next year or the year after that, Mugabe is going to manipulate those elections. We have got some inside information that they are planning to make sure that Zanu wins those elections. They have learned a very big lesson from last year’s elections and this time they will just want to make sure that they make no mistake. So with MDC within the transitional government, Mugabe can go ahead and manipulate those elections and you can be sure that he will be in power - he’s not going to let go of power willingly. GONDA: You know Professor, one commentator said to me recently that Zanu-PF has already failed but if the MDC fails then the country is gone. Do you agree with that statement? MUKASA: Well not necessarily. If MDC fails there will always be other Zimbabweans to take the place of the MDC. MDC is not the be all and end all of opposition politics or the politics of progress in Zimbabwe. One should never lose hope. As long as there are Zimbabweans willing and capable of stepping into the shoes of politics of agitation for democracy, there will always be people coming in. GONDA: It appears that Zanu-PF’s job is easy at present, they can just throw up obstacles, arrest opponents, threaten the movers and then also pigeon hole the resources of the MDC. Is it not a fact that Zanu-PF has been giving little in this GNU and the MDC has been giving a lot? MUKASA: Oh yes, that’s true, that’s true. We have got what is known as a chicken and a pig sacrifice, where Zanu like a chicken only donates eggs but the pig has to donate its pork, itself. Zanu-PF has never given any significant concessions historically. Right from the day one they started talking with the MDC, Zanu-PF has not given anything significant. MDC has been sacrificing a lot, MDC has given more, made disproportionate concessions to this Transitional Administration and that’s why Zanu is so much, firmly entrenched in power. And this is one area that I was trying to raise earlier that I think time has come now for the MDC to say enough is enough, to draw the line in the sand and tell Mugabe that this cannot continue. Either these outstanding issues are resolved within a given time or we are going to leave the Transitional Administration. Statements like ‘we will never leave the government of national unity’ are not helpful to the cause of the MDC. Why – because Mugabe knows that ultimately that MDC will just come along. He grabbed the most strategic ministries in the government even without consulting the MDC and at one time we thought that the MDC was not going to move an inch, was not going to join the Transitional Administration until that anomaly was corrected. Well we thought so like today and tomorrow we heard that they had joined the administration, so Mugabe is now used to MDC at one minute saying well we are not going to do one, two three, the next minute they are going along with Mugabe. So yes you are right when you say the presence of the MDC in the Transitional Administration works to the advantage of Mugabe because right now it is the MDC that is running around looking for humanitarian assistance to Zimbabwe. It is not Mugabe, and the international community is giving this humanitarian assistance to the MDC because of its historical support for the MDC. But well then what does the MDC do? It now supports, it now feeds the people, it now changes the socio-economic conditions in the country and who takes credit for that? It’s Mugabe, he takes credit for that because the anger that was going to be generated by the people, sort of subsides. If the situation as in December last year before the transitional government, if that situation had been allowed to continue, I can bet you that by this time or towards the end of this year there would have been such anger among the Zimbabweans that something would have happened. So what is happening now is that MDC and Tsvangirai are now a buffer zone, they are sort of reducing these sufferings, what is happening among the Zimbabweans and this buffer zone makes people sort of less hostile to Mugabe, it makes people less inclined to a spontaneous mass uprising against Mugabe, that is what is happening now. GONDA: You also talked about the grabbing of strategic ministries by Zanu-PF but what about party dynamics? It also appears that most of the MDC party leaders are actually in this new government - where you have the Chairman of the party being the Speaker of Parliament, the Secretary General is the Finance Minister and so on but who presides over the day to day administration of the party and could this be a problem? MUKASA: Yes, that is a problem in several respects. Well in terms of the day to day running of the party, in terms of who presides, who keeps the party united and well organised, that is less of a problem for Zimbabweans than the fact that MDC MPs are being arrested, when the co-minister of Home Affairs is an MDC official. The justice is not being implemented, justice is not being applied fairly to both MDC and Zanu people, when the Deputy Minister of Justice is an MDC official and Mugabe can easily tell the world look why blame me? We are sharing power, we have got two co-ministers, one is Zanu, and another one is MDC, so why talk about the arrest of MDC MPs? If you are going to blame me you might as well blame MDC because they are also equally represented in the administration of those arrests. So you can see here that Mugabe has now created what I call a laager, an ox wagon, he has ox wagon surrounding made up of a mixture of both MDC and Zanu and if anybody points fingers at Mugabe, Mugabe will point fingers and say look this is a government of national unity, both MDC and I are equally represented. GONDA: And then of course, the MDC continues to send out statements that are contradictory. You have some of the officials who say violence is continuing and then you have the Prime Minister for example denying this. What are we to read from that? MUKASA: Yes that is a problem in terms of the communication structures between MDC and their counterparts in the government and between MDC and the world. I think the MDC should stand fast. If things are not going right as we know they are not, whether you are in the government or not, you should be brave enough to stand up and say things are not right. If I was Tsvangirai and I was talking to the international community I would say well yes we have made some progress but we are very, very, very far from where we should be according to the road map of the global political agreement. And if I were Tsvangirai or any of the MDC ministers, if I were Giles Mutsekwa I would be making noises right now. I would be condemning these selective arrests where they are just arresting MDC MPs and leaving out the Zanu MPs. I would be making noises; this is their opportunity to show to the world and particularly to the Zimbabweans that while they are in the transitional government they are not there to sup with the devil, they are not there just to accept everything that is happening. If there is something wrong that is happening they should stand up and they should speak out loud. I know the state media will not give them that hearing but there is the international media. They should create their own communication channels because the state media don’t give them the opportunity to speak their minds, the state media don’t cover them as much as they should be - then time has come now for the MDC ministers in government to establish their own channels of communication to the international world and to Zimbabweans. Rather than going around and saying well you know things are making progress and things are OK and things like that. That is the wrong strategy because there will come a day when Mugabe will throw them out and it will be very difficult for them to reconcile their earlier statement with what Mugabe is doing. There is a yawning gulf between what is happening on the ground in terms of Mugabe’s behaviour and what the MDC ministers in government are saying about what the situation is like in Zimbabwe. GONDA: And also briefly, what about your thoughts on the Mutambara MDC since it’s also a partner in this coalition government? MUKASA: Well anytime anybody speaks about the Mutambara MDC, what I recommend is we start from a very basic question – who are they representing? None of them won, they lost all the elections, they should be among the people, they are not supposed to be where they are but we all know that they were planted there by Thabo Mbeki. You know Thabo Mbeki was trying to split the MDC and he wanted to dilute the potential power that the MDC under Tsvangirai might have. So those people are planted there under a collaboration between Mugabe and Thabo Mbeki and I don’t give credence to whatever they say because they don’t represent anybody. If you don’t represent anybody in Zimbabwe you are not legitimate, so whatever they say does not have any value, any legitimate value at all. GONDA: Since you are in the Diaspora, briefly should there be a Diaspora leadership in the government since there is always this talk from the Diaspora community that they are being overlooked when they have fought the fight and supported the MDC especially with their hard earned money? MUKASA: Yes it is true that the Diaspora has contributed quite a lot. In fact there were times when the Diaspora remittances to Zimbabwe were possibly the second largest foreign exchange earner for the country. It’s also true that many Zimbabweans, in fact virtually the entire Zimbabwean population has survived on handouts and support from members of the Diaspora. Now the question is should Diaspora claim a special role in the country’s leadership? That is a subjective question, it depends on how one looks at it. My position is simply that the Diaspora should be treated, should be given the same rights and privileges that the rest of the Zimbabweans have. So if there is a good, if there is a capable member of the Diaspora who can run the Home Affairs Ministry, yes he should be called from wherever that person is to run that Home Affairs Ministry. If there is a capable member of the Diaspora who can run the Technology Ministry, who can run the Finance Ministry, who can run the Construction Ministry, who can run any aspects of the ministries, he or she should be accorded the right to take up that position. And my appeal would simply be to the MDC, Tsvangirai, that where they are able to, where they can, when they give these appointments they should also consider members of the Diaspora. There’s nothing wrong and nothing should stop the MDC Tsvangirai from looking beyond the borders of Zimbabwe for any people who might have expertise. You must remember that most expertise, most professional expertise for Zimbabwe is outside the country right now and the best way of starting this I would suggest is that MDC puts out a data base - what I call a professional skills data base that would allow members of the Diaspora to register their names and their professions so that when it comes now to selecting people to run certain aspects of the Ministry that the Diaspora should also be consulted. GONDA: That was Professor Stanford Mukasa with his views on the programme Hot Seat. Professor Mukasa, thank you very much. MUKASA: Thanks a lot. Feedback can be sent to violet@swradioafrica.com |
http://af.reuters.com
Wed Aug 5, 2009 4:25pm
GMT
By Shapi Shacinda
JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) - Zimbabwe will
continue to rely on power imports to
operate its recovering mining industry
and is seeking major investments to
raise power output, a senior industry
official said on Wednesday.
Mining has become a pillar of the country's
battered economy, following the
collapse of commercial farming, with gold
alone generating a third of all
export revenue.
Victor Gapare, the
president of the Chamber of Mines of Zimbabwe, said the
government must
attract new investments through private-public partnerships
to meet growing
power demand by maintaining liberalised policies.
"We have 60 percent of
(power) requirement at the moment even when the mines
are operating at low
capacity. There is need for capital to deal with power
problems," Gapare
told a Zimbabwe mining investment conference in
Johannesburg.
Gapare
said the state power utility ZESA had rehabilitated a number of
coal-run
power generators to try an ease the shortage, but that this was not
enough
to meet growing demand.
"At the moment a lot of power will come out of
imports," Gapare told
Reuters.
State power utility ZESA said in June
that it was importing 500 megawatts
(MW) from the region, spending $5.5
million per month.
Zimbabwe has a peak demand of 2,200 megawatts, but
generates a maximum of
1,000 MW due to ageing equipment and coal shortages
for its hydrothermal
plants.
Industry officials say lack of
investment in power generation caused the
deficit.
"This is a problem
which has affected the whole (southern Africa) region,"
Gapare said
referring to power shortages.
Gapare said ZESA had rehabilitated a number
of coal-run power generators to
try to ease the shortage.
Mining in
the southern African country is recovering after several mines
shut down,
suffocated by hyper-inflation, and shortages of skills, power and
foreign
currency.
Large mining companies have kept away from the sector after an
economic
crisis worsened by President Robert Mugabe's policies, including a
nationalisation law targeting majority holding by locals in foreign-owned
mines.
The veteran 85-year-old leader in February formed a unity
government with
Tsvangirai, raising hopes that some of the controversial
laws would be
scrapped.
There has been no new mining since 2002 in
Zimbabwe, which has the second
largest platinum deposits after South Africa
and boasts large reserves of
gold, copper, coal and nickel.
http://www.reuters.com
Wed Aug 5, 2009 1:14pm EDT
* Review of
bill meant to attract foreign investors
* Bill to be brought to
parliament soon
By James Macharia
JOHANNESBURG, Aug 5
(Reuters) - Zimbabwe's mines minister said on Wednesday
his country was
reviewing a bill forcing foreign companies to sell stakes in
their
businesses to make it less harsh and attract badly needed foreign
investment.
Under proposed indigenisation laws, foreign companies
cannot hold more than
49 percent of a business and must sell any stake above
that to Zimbabweans.
"We are going to come up with user friendly
legislation. The bill will be
finalised soon and presented to parliament in
the current session," Mines
and Mining Development Minister Obert Mpofu told
an investment conference in
Johannesburg.
"I can't comment on whether
we will remove the 51 percent requirement or
not, there is a consultation
process on this by all the key stakeholders."
He declined to say when the
bill would be brought to parliament for debate,
before being passed into
law.
The laws have led to the withholding of investment badly needed to
raise
production as Zimbabwe tries to recover from economic collapse under a
unity
government between President Robert Mugabe and old rival Morgan
Tsvangirai.
Mpofu told an investment conference in Johannesburg the
review of the bill
would seek to strike a balance between attracting
investors and
indigenisation.
"Whatever we do should not discourage
investment and not compromise
indigenisation," he said.
Mining has
become Zimbabwe's leading source of foreign exchange, with gold
accounting
for a third of exports, but political turmoil, lack of energy and
unfavourable regulation has forced some mines to close.
Some of the
key players in Zimbabwe include Impala Platinum Holdings
(Implats) (IMPJ.J),
the world's second largest producer of the metal, which
has the biggest
mining investments in Zimbabwe. Its bigger rival Anglo
Platinum (AMSJ.J) and
Rio Tinto (RIO.L) also have mining interests in the
country.
Zimbabwe
has the world's second-biggest platinum reserves and large deposits
of
diamonds, coal and nickel.
BLACK EMPOWERMENT
Mpofu said the
review would also include views from others in the region
such as South
Africa, which has adopted the black economic empowerment (BEE)
to include
blacks in the mainstream economy after years of exclusion under
apartheid.
South Africa, the biggest producer of precious metals,
adopted BEE
legislation four years ago compelling mining companies to sell
15 percent of
their assets to black investors by 2009 and 26 percent by
2014.
Mpofu reiterated Zimbabwe has launched a review of all mining
contracts,
saying it will introduce a "use it or lose it" policy, to allow
investors to
take advantage of unused mineral resources.
"We are
contemplating introducing that kind of measure, which is aimed at
those who
have been sitting on mineral deposits for a long time without
exploiting
them," Mpofu said.
Zimbabwe's Chamber of Mines said with proper
incentives, gold output would
rise to 50 tonnes per year by 2015 from 3.5
tonnes last year, while platinum
output could reach 1 million ounces a year
after 15 years from 170,000
ounces a year now.
HARARE, 5
August 2009 (IRIN) - For almost a decade Zimbabwe's main international bus
station, Roadport, in the capital, Harare, has been a bustling hive of people
travelling to neighbouring South Africa: informal cross-border traders going to
buy goods, others leaving in search of work and a better life. Now they have a
new travelling companion - anyone in need of reliable, affordable medical
attention.
Photo:
Stop TB Partnership
Medical
care in South Africa is worth the trip
"I'm going to deliver my first-born child in Pretoria [South
Africa] because it is no longer possible to do it here," said Sophia Chibondo,
25, sitting on a bench next to her anxious husband.
"Being unemployed,
and with my husband struggling to keep the family going, we found it wiser to go
and seek help from a South African [public] hospital," she told IRIN. "Maternal
costs at local clinics and hospitals are just too much, and we cannot afford
them."
Thousands have fled Zimbabwe's
economic meltdown, food insecurity and political turmoil, but the almost total
collapse of the national health system has seen standards plummet and prices
rocket, and the Chibondos are now part of a growing group of migrants looking
for better, more affordable health care.
South Africa's Department of
Home Affairs (DHA) announced in April 2009 that it would introduce a special
dispensation permit allowing Zimbabwean nationals to remain in the country
legally for up to 12 months, but this is still being considered by cabinet.
In the meantime, a 90-day 'visa-free entry' into South Africa for
Zimbabweans is already in effect.
In June 2009 a report by international relief NGO Médecins Sans
Frontières (MSF) warned that the adoption of a more "liberal immigration policy"
for Zimbabweans was placing greater burdens on South Africa's already stretched
health care system.
"Consultations in our Johannesburg clinic have
almost tripled in the last year, a telling sign of the extent to which
Zimbabweans are consistently denied access to even the most basic health care
services necessary for their survival," Eric Goemaere, Medical Coordinator at
MSF in South Africa, said at the launch of the report.
Overpriced and substandard
Private hospitals in
Zimbabwe still maintain high standards, but at a premium: a pregnant woman would
be expected to fork out well over US3,500 for gynaecologists, paediatricians and
anaesthetists, besides money for food, drugs and accommodation for mother and
child.
Government health institutions are far cheaper but lack trained
staff, drugs and equipment. In South Africa, Chibondo said, she would pay less
than US$70 for all the services up to delivery, and she could shop for baby care
products and clothes at a fraction of what they cost in Zimbabwe.
"Patients prefer to cross the border [to South Africa] because it is
cheaper there, and there are higher levels of care," said Primrose Matambanadzo,
director of the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights (ZADHR).
"People also still don't have confidence in [Zimbabwean] public health
institutions due to the health crisis that ... has affected the country for many
years," she commented.
"It is the responsibility of government to ensure
a reliable health system, and as long as signs of the crisis linger, Zimbabweans
will continue trekking to other countries to get medical attention; a situation
that is regrettable."
Most of Zimbabwe's public health centres closed last year as employees protested over poor
salaries and working conditions during a severe cholera epidemic that began in
August 2008 and claimed the lives of more than 4,200 people out of about 100,000
known cases.
Public health facilities reopened in
February 2009, when donors made money available for allowances that brought
striking nurses and doctors back to work.
You often hear of doctors
causing the deaths of patients due to negligence. It is therefore not surprising
that our patients are avoiding local hospitals
Health minister Paul Madzore
recently admitted that a lot needed to be done to kick-start a health system
severely affected by the migration of thousands of doctors, nurses and other
skilled personnel.
"You often hear of doctors causing the deaths of
patients due to negligence. It is therefore not surprising that our patients are
avoiding local hospitals," said Matambanadzo.
Chibondo had visited the
facility where she would be having her baby several times for prenatal
examinations. "I am encouraged by the quality of service at the hospital and the
professionalism of the staff - rare things to find in Zimbabwe," she said. Her
elder sister had also given birth there.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk
Joseph Msika, who died on August 4 aged 85, was vice-president of
Zimbabwe
and a central figure in his country's headlong rush to
ruin.
Published: 5:55PM BST 05 Aug 2009
A foul-mouthed, embittered
man, much given to swearing in public and
delivering foam-flecked speeches,
Msika was perhaps the only Zimbabwean who
could outdo President Robert
Mugabe when it came to verbal vitriol. The
targets of his bile included
journalists, farmers, all young Zimbabweans -
who had allegedly failed to
match his standards of patriotism and devotion -
and white people in
general.
During a rally in Bulawayo in August 2001, Msika took racist
rhetoric to a
new level. Mugabe would routinely refer to white Zimbabweans
as "greedy
exploiters". But Msika bluntly declared: "Whites are not human
beings." Even
his audience from the hardened rank-and-file of Mugabe's
Zanu-PF party was
taken aback.
Msika's outpourings sometimes amounted
to straightforward incitement. In
November 2001 he encouraged a Zanu-PF mob
to burn down the Bulawayo
headquarters of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC),
supposedly in retaliation for the murder of a
member of the ruling party.
In this speech, Msika called the opposition
"terrorists", compared the
regime's brutal repression of the MDC to
America's "war on terrorism", and
declared that if Mugabe's critics "wanted
a bloodbath, they would certainly
get one".
Earlier Msika had helped
intimidate the journalists of the Daily News, then
Zimbabwe's only
independent daily newspaper, which was later forced to close
by a draconian
press law. A Zanu-PF mob massed outside the News's office in
Harare,
shouting abuse and beating up its news editor, Julius Zava, in the
street.
Afterwards the gang marched to Msika's office, where the
vice-president
appeared on the steps and thanked them for their efforts. He
then promised
"action" against the paper. Just what Msika may have had in
mind became
clear a few months later when a bomb destroyed the newspaper's
printing
press.
In February 2000, shortly after Mugabe had lost a
referendum on a new
constitution, Msika became so abusive during a meeting
with Peter Longworth,
then Britain's high commissioner in Harare, that the
shocked diplomat
concluded that London's relations with Zimbabwe had entered
a new era of
acrimony.
Msika, an ardent conspiracy theorist, bluntly
accused Longworth of
organising the referendum defeat. The vice-president
claimed that an unholy
alliance of British agents and white farmers had
brainwashed hundreds of
thousands of hapless people into voting against the
constitution.
Joseph Wilfred Msika was born on December 6 1923 in the
Chiweshe area of
what was then Britain's Crown Colony of Southern Rhodesia.
After attending a
mission school he moved to Bulawayo, where he worked as a
carpenter and ran
a fish-and-chip shop.
He joined a tightly-knit
circle which established the first organised
opposition to white rule. In
1957 Msika helped found the Rhodesian wing of
the African National Congress.
When the colonial government banned this
party, Msika joined Joshua Nkomo,
the nationalist leader, to found the
Zimbabwe African People's Union
(Zapu).
This movement split along ethnic lines in 1963, with Mugabe and
other
figures from the majority Shona tribe leaving to found the rival
Zimbabwe
African National Union (Zanu), which later became today's ruling
party,
Zanu-PF. Meanwhile, Zapu was dominated by Nkomo's minority Ndebele
tribe.
Msika stayed with Zapu, but not for reasons of tribalism: he was
neither
Shona nor Ndebele, but of mixed background. Instead, his decision
arose from
fierce personal loyalty to Nkomo.
This became stronger
when Ian Smith's government banned Zapu and jailed its
leaders. Msika and
Nkomo were dispatched to a remote camp at Gonakudzingwa
in a wild area of
southern Zimbabwe. Here they spent 10 years imprisoned
together, without
charge or trial, before being released in 1974.
Afterwards they went into
exile in neighbouring Zambia, where Zapu re-formed
and launched guerrilla
attacks into Rhodesia.
Smith sued for peace in 1979, and the Lancaster
House conference led to
independence for the new nation of Zimbabwe in 1980.
Msika joined the
cabinet as minister for water development.
Mugabe
had formed a coalition with Zapu, putting aside his rivalry with
Nkomo, who
became home affairs minister. But this alliance lasted only two
years before
Mugabe accused Zapu of planning a coup, and sacked Nkomo and
Msika.
Mugabe used this alleged plot - almost certainly an invention
- as an excuse
to crush Zapu and impose a de facto one-party state. A
special army unit,
the Fifth Brigade, was deployed to terrorise Zapu's
supporters among the
Ndebele people. Having been jailed by the white regime,
Msika found himself
detained for several months by Mugabe's black
government.
This brutal repression, which claimed thousands of lives, had
the desired
effect. Nkomo surrendered in 1987, agreeing to abolish Zapu and
join
Zanu-PF. In return, he became a powerless vice-president, while Msika
returned to the cabinet as minister without portfolio.
Having paid a
bitter price for crossing Mugabe, Msika was anxious to prove
his loyalty.
For the rest of his career he did so by attacking all Mugabe's
opponents
with special vehemence.
When Nkomo died in 1999, Msika replaced him as
vice-president. After
suffering a stroke in 2005, he tried to retire, but
Mugabe insisted on
keeping him in office. The ageing and sick Msika then
lapsed into almost
total inactivity.
Joseph Msika is survived by his
wife, Maria, and six children.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=20714
August 5, 2009
By Geoffrey
Nyarota
WHILE Zimbabwe mourns the passing away of Vice-President Joseph
Msika, a
serious problem has been created for President Robert Mugabe as he
ponders
over who will succeed him.
Debate over this crucial issue had
become dominant in political circles in
Bulawayo even before government
officially announced the death of the Vice
President. It is a general
expectation in that part of the country that the
second vice presidency is
reserved for Matabeleland. This expectation is
premised on the Unity
Agreement signed in 1987, which brought former
political rivals Zanu-PF and
PF-Zapu together under the umbrella of Zanu-PF.
Critics say effectively
Zanu-PF swallowed PF-Zapu and, as a result, its
leader Dr Joshua Mqabuko
Nkomo died a broken and frustrated man 12 years
later.
The Unity
Accord does not categorically state in any of its clauses,
however, that one
of the Vice Presidents of the united Zanu-PF would be from
the former
PF-Zapu and by inference from Matabeleland.
Clause 4 of the document
signed by Mugabe and Nkomo in December 1987 states
categorically that
Zanu-PF, the party, would have two second secretaries and
vice presidents
who would be appointed by the first secretary and president
of the party,
Mugabe.
That's it. There is no reference to any Vice Presidents of
Zimbabwe, the
nation, as opposed to Zanu-PF the party. More significantly,
no reference
whatsoever is made to the region of origin of the persons who
would be
appointed to these two posts.
Notwithstanding that, the
first triumvirate established in 1987 comprised
Mugabe from Mashonaland as
President, with PF-Zapu leader Nkomo representing
Matabeleland as one Vice
President and Simon Vengai Muzenda of Masvingo as
second Vice
President.
This was an strategic act of ethnic balancing and a precedent
was thus set.
This arrangement also entailed that the Vice Presidency was
shared between
the former feuding parties. The arrangement was designed to
address the
politically polarised atmosphere of the Gukurahundi
period.
In that spirit when Nkomo died in July, 1999 he was succeeded by
his former
deputy in Zapu, Joseph Msika, who remained in office until this
week, a
little over 10 years later. The office of one Vice President was
therefore
reserved through mutual understanding for the Zapu element in the
united
Zanu-PF.
Likewise, when Muzenda passed on in September, 2003
his office went to the
next claimant within Zanu-PF. The process was not
quite as straight-forward
as had been the case with the PF-Zapu succession.
Joice Mujuru, wife of
wealthy former army commander Solomon Tapfumaneyi
Mujuru, however emerged as
the successful candidate, after she overcame the
challenge of then Speaker
of the House of Assembly, the powerful and also
wealthy Emmerson Mnangagwa.
It is no surprise in the circumstances that a
few names were immediately
thrown into the ring or had already been under
active consideration in
Bulawayo as potential successors to Msika, even
before government had
officially announced the Vice President's death, which
apparently
deliberately delayed. A short list compiled on the basis of
common sense in
the context of the 1987 Unity Accord includes the names of
Zanu-PF chairman,
John Nkomo, Mines Minister, Obert Mpofu, and Bulawayo
metropolitan
provincial governor, Cain Mathema. Mpofu is said to enjoy the
support of
Mnangagwa, which is totally irrelevant in Matabeleland.
I
would place my bet on John Nkomo as the most likely successor to
Msika.
But then the three politicians are natural candidates only in
terms of an
unwritten clause of the 22-year old and totally discredited
Unity Accord
signed by Mugabe and Nkomo. The Zapu that Nkomo represents or
represented
has been overtaken by events that have rendered politicians such
as him
irrelevant in the real politics of Matabeleland.
They have
become regional political leaders with little or no following on
the ground
today. But, knowing President Mugabe, he will overlook such
sentiments.
The original ZAPU has re-emerged and its train left the
station without them
in December. It has a new crew at the helm of a
movement which is gathering
momentum by all indications. The new leadership
of the party declared at its
formation in December 2008 that it was Joshua
Nkomo, specifically who was
the driving force behind the 1987 Unity Accord.
But efforts over the past
two decades to make the Unity Accord work had
failed dismally, hence the
recent pull-out of Zapu from the 1987 Unity
Agreement and the February 2009
unity government with the MDC.
That
new ZAPU is not represented in the government of national unity. In
fact, it
is fast becoming Zimbabwe's de facto opposition party, with due
respect to
Dr Simba Makoni's Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn. The former vibrant
opposition MDC of
Morgan Tsvangirai finds itself suffocating in the belly of
Zanu-PF, in
exactly the same situation that Dr Nkomo and PF-Zapu found
themselves
immersed at the beginning of 1988. This is an indisputable fact,
whatever
volumes of love Zimbabweans may profess for the MDC and Tsvangirai.
ZAPU
has re-emerged as a new party led by Dumiso Dabengwa in he interim and
with
nothing to do with John Nkomo. With the MDC co-opted into the GNU with
Zanu-PF, ZAPU is developing into what could be Zimbabwe's new opposition
party.
So Mugabe will have to play his cards well to avoid creating a
backlash that
could completely obliterate both Zanu-PF and the MDC in
Matabeleland at the
hands of ZAPU in the next elections. The new party could
also make pickings
outside Matabeleland, capitalising or exploiting
disgruntlement with the
performance of the government of national unity,
especially if Dabengwa and
Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn leader, Makoni, revived their
alliance before March
2008.
The Unity Accord is history. It only
remains on paper. Even there its
existence cannot withstand close scrutiny.
It was a very superficial
document anyway.
The much-venerated Unity
Agreement that brought PF-Zapu and Zanu-PF together
was more or less a wish
list which has not been seriously put into practice.
Clause 5 of the
agreement states without equivocation, for instance, that
that Zanu-PF would
seek to establish a socialist society in Zimbabwe on the
guidance of
Marxist-Leninist principles. This has turned out to be a
self-seeking
pipe-dream on the part of Mugabe.
The next clause then proclaims with
sublime optimism that the united Zanu-PF
would seek to establish a one-party
State in Zimbabwe. Fear of Mugabe
blinded those who drafted the document to
reality.
Transcending from the sublime to the ridiculous, Clause 7 of the
Unity
Accord states that the leadership of the new united Zanu-PF would
abide by
the tenets of the Leadership Code. I will bet that 96 percent of
the Zanu-PF
leadership has not set their eyes on the Leadership Code over
the past two
decades. They have been too busy accumulating wealth, much of
it illegally.
The Willowgate Scandal broke 11 months after the signing of
the Unity
Accord.
This is the discredited document that Mugabe will
most likely rely on to
influence his selection of a new Vice
President.
In fact, logically, it is the MDC, Zanu-PF's new partner in
government, not
the non-existent PF-Zapu, that John Nkomo represents, which
should now be
entitled to the Vice Presidency.
But it is patently
clear, however, that the only beneficiary of the
appointment of a new Vice
President will be the incumbent himself or
herself, not the generality of
the people of Zimbabwe. For what benefit has
Zimbabwe derived so far from
the services of two vice presidents?
We are a poor country. Our economy
is in ruins thanks to the performance of
the government after the signing of
the Unity accord.
This is an appeal to President Mugabe, rather than
crack his head over whom
to appoint as the next second Vice President, the
government should just
scrap the position. Zimbabwe should have one Vice
President. In future the
origin of the Vice President or of any government
official should not be
taken into consideration when appointments are
made.
Only merit, not ethnic or other form of balancing, should influence
appointments in government.