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Speaker sends list of ZMC applicants to Mugabe for approval

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Tichaona Sibanda
5 August 2009

The Speaker of Parliament Lovemore Moyo on Tuesday sent the final list of
applicants selected to sit on the new Zimbabwe Media Commission to Robert
Mugabe for approval.

SW Radio Africa has learnt that the Presiding Officers of Parliament, who
include the Speaker, his deputy, the Senate President, her deputy and the
Clerk of Parliament Austin Zvoma approved the list before it was dispatched
to Mugabe.

Tongai Matutu, the Chairman of Parliament's legal and procedures committee
commended the way the whole process was carried out, despite protestations
from the state media that, 'certain pro-ZANU PF applicants were deliberately
failed by the panellists.'

"There was nothing sinister about the whole process, anyone condemning the
process is simply crying foul over nothing. It was agreed by all parties and
clearly spelled out that no political considerations will be made, and that
any candidate who will be selected shall be selected according to their
integrity, capacity and knowledge in the field," Matutu said.

The state media had sought to undermine the process by claiming the process
was flawed. But Matutu rubbished the accusations, and he also went on to
describe how poorly media hangman Tafataona Mahoso performed during his
interview.

It was one of the most embarrassing episodes I've witnessed in years," said
Matutu of Mahoso's interview. "When asked a question he either failed to
understand it, or he wanted to redefine the question in order to answer it
the way he wanted," the Masvingo urban MP said.

"It was quite surprising that a person of his calibre would not even want to
define what civil society is, instead, deciding to go into the history of
the Svosve people."

"It was a very clear indication of a person who clearly failed to answer the
questions, a person who was arrogant and quite dismissive of the panel. I
believe he didn't even want to appear before the panel, and this is the
simple reason why he failed," Matutu explained.

Parliament's Standing Rules and Orders Committee drew up a final list of 12
candidates, described by the Committee as 'experts in the media, and highly
professionals in the field.'
The finalists include lawyer cum-journalist Chris Mhike who topped the list,
followed by Rino Zhuwarara, a media lecturer and former CEO of ZBC, and
third was former Sunday News reporter and clergyman Reverend Useni Sibanda.
Former senior Chronicle reporter Miriam Madziwa made it to number four on
the list, and fifth was Zimbabwe Union of Journalists President Matthew
Takaona, who previously worked for many years at the Sunday Mail.
Publisher Roger Stringer is sixth on the list, and Wabata Munodawafa, a
former Editor of the state-run ZIANA news agency came 7th, with former ZBC
CEO Henry Muradzikwa taking the eighth slot.
Former Daily News Editor-in-Chief Nqobile Nyathi was ninth, followed by
former radio 3 disc jockey Milicent Mombeshora, while Clemence Mabasa was
11th, and the last on the list is former radio-TV anchor person Godfrey
Majonga.
From this list Mugabe is expected to select nine people to sit on the newly
constituted Zimbabwe Media Commission. The media panel replaces the
now-defunct Media and Information Commission which, among other
accomplishments was responsible for the shutting down of the independent
Daily News paper in 2003. Its former Chairman is Mahoso, who failed the make
the cut for the new commission, leading to protests from ZANU PF legislators
that their party loyalists were excluded.


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Bennett accuses President's office of threatening him

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Violet Gonda
5 August 2009

Senator Roy Bennett, the Deputy Minister of Agriculture designate has
claimed he is being victimised by the President's Office, in an attempt to
intimidate him not to take up his government position. The MDC Treasurer
General said that on Tuesday evening three armed men, claiming to be from
the President's office went to his plot just outside Harare demanding to see
the official. The men allegedly threatened to shoot his employees when they
wouldn't allow them access.

The MDC official told SW Radio Africa on Wednesday: "(This is) sheer
desperation and obviously very bad faith on the side of ZANU PF. Whether it
is ZANU PF as a whole, whether it is military elements, I don't know. But it
is a threat from the President's office."

He said the men, who were very aggressive to his employees, refused to show
their identity cards although they claimed they were from the President's
office.

Meanwhile, an MDC statement issued on Wednesday said: "This incident cannot
be taken lightly, particularly with the declared hatred of the person of
Senator Bennett by some in ZANU PF, particularly the residual elements. We
interpret these three men as nothing but a hit squad."

The news comes a week after another MDC official and Finance Minister Tendai
Biti said he received a live bullet in an envelope at his home.

Bennett, who has been a 'thorn in the side' for some members of ZANU PF,
said he didn't bother to make a report to the police who he claims, 'apply
the law selectively.'

"I have lived now for 9 years making reports on the destruction of my
property, the killing of my animals, the theft of my properties, the killing
of my workers, the theft of everything, and I have never ever had one single
piece of assistance from the police. So I don't even want to report to them
anymore because it is a waste of time," he said.

The frustrated MDC official did not put much hope in getting help from his
colleague in the party Giles Mutsekwa, who is also co-Minister of Home
Affairs - a portfolio that is in charge of the police force.  Bennett said:
"He is in charge of nothing. I think he is there as a figure head. He
certainly has no power and certainly has had no power to stop any
lawlessness, or be of any help towards any side of the MDC. The harassment,
the beatings - they continue."

Early this year, Bennett spent a month in remand prison after he was
arrested on allegations of terrorism and sabotage. He denies the charges and
says it is part of the victimisation campaign he has been forced to endure
since becoming MP for Chimanimani in 2000. The MDC official, who is
currently out on bail, was arrested shortly after his return from South
Africa where he had been living as a refugee.

Prior to that he was jailed in 2004 and spent almost a year in jail for
pushing ZANU PF's Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa in parliament. Chinamsa
had taunted the then MP: "Mr. Bennett has not forgiven the government for
acquiring his farm, but he forgets that his forefathers were thieves and
murderers."

At present the Senator is the only Deputy Minister designate who still has
not been sworn into the new government, seven months after it was formed.
The MDC says Robert Mugabe is refusing to swear him in claiming he is still
facing serious terrorism charges.

It had been reported that he would be sworn in together with the new
governors this month, but on Wednesday Bennett said nothing is moving
regarding the issue of his swearing-in. He said the Global Political
Agreement has been signed but it is not being implemented, and he believes
his party is still a junior partner in this power sharing government.
"Mugabe still makes all executive decisions and every message that is coming
through the state media is continued 'hate speech,' and continuing to show
people that ZANU PF are still in power, and that basically we are the junior
party, a nonentity in the whole arrangement," Bennett remarked.

The Senator said decisive action is now needed, as what is happening is
beginning to create a bridge between the MDC and civil society, and creating
a bridge between the party and its supporters.


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Zimbabwe farm chaos persists, hits coffee industry

http://www.reuters.com

Wed Aug 5, 2009 12:28pm EDT

By Nelson Banya

HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's once promising coffee industry faces total
collapse due to upheavals linked to President Robert Mugabe's controversial
land redistribution policy, a farmers union said on Wednesday.

The coffee industry was growing steadily until 2000, when Mugabe embarked on
a drive to resettle landless but inexperienced black farmers on white-owned
commercial farms.

A report presented by the Coffee Growers' Association (CGA) at an annual
congress of the Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU)

representing Zimbabwe's 500-odd remaining white farmers, said the industry
had virtually collapsed due to farm invasions.

Coffee output would be around 500 tons this year, down 93 percent on the
2001 figure of 7,260 tons, and 300 tons is forecast for 2010, the report
said.

"This national crop is what one large scale producer was able to produce in
the nineties, which is an indication of just how far we have fallen," the
CGA said.

"It is astounding to note that no meaningful coffee has ever been produced
on a coffee farm taken, beyond the year of the takeover."

Before the farm disturbances, the industry had projected expanding
production to 20,000 tons by 2004, which would have put the country within
sight of east African producers Kenya, Tanzania, Burundi and Rwanda by the
end of the decade.

Zimbabwe used to export its arabica brand of coffee to the European market.

"The future of this sector is very bleak. In order for the coffee industry
to restart, the return of tradable title deeds needs to happen to allow for
both the farmer and the banker to be secure with their respective
investments," the CGA said.

CFU president Trevor Gifford said commercial farmers were frustrated that
the new unity government formed by Mugabe and former rival, Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, had not moved to stop farm invasions.

"Farmers were hopeful of a moratorium on all prosecutions and evictions and
that dispossessed farmers would be engaged to resolve their needs.
Regrettably, nothing has changed," Gifford told the congress.

"Government continues to acquire more land and prosecute more farmers. Farm
disruptions and evictions continue."

Once a regional supplier of grain, Zimbabwe has failed to feed itself since
2001, relying on imports and donor handouts.

Industry experts say production of all major crops -- including maize, wheat
and tobacco -- has declined by more than 50 percent since then.

Mugabe, who denies accusations that his land seizures helped decimate
Zimbabwe's economy, says the policy was meant to address historical land
ownership imbalances.


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Msika death threatens to tear Zanu PF apart

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Lance Guma
05 August 2009

The death of Vice President Joseph Msika threatens to tear ZANU PF apart,
with its two main feuding factions already jostling to have their own
candidate replace him. The exact day on which Msika died is still unclear
with suggestions Mugabe delayed the announcement to manage hostilities
within his party. Most reports said he died on Tuesday, but Mugabe later
told his party Msika died Wednesday morning after his organs stopped
functioning. Even more bizarre are reports he died on Saturday, and ZANU PF
then had a fiery impromptu politburo meeting on Sunday. Whatever the real
date, there is no hiding the tensions that have openly exploded since Msika's
demise.

Under a unity accord signed between ZANU PF and ZAPU in 1987 the two Vice
Presidents have to represent both of the two parties. With Vice President
Joice Mujuru already occupying the ZANU PF slot it means former ZAPU leaders
are now in contention to replace Msika. This has made current ZANU PF
national Chairman John Nkomo the front runner. But Newsreel is told the
faction led by Defence Minister Emerson Mnangagwa is jostling to have Mines
Minister and Mugabe blue-eyed boy Obert Mpofu as the replacement. This has
infuriated Nkomo and most in ZAPU who consider Mpofu a 'sellout' after his
defection to ZANU PF long before the unity accord.

A prominent analyst has also told Newsreel that National Healing Minister
John Nkomo, the front runner, is battling a serious form of cancer and has
been undergoing intensive chemotherapy. Mugabe would be risking appointing
someone whose health is on the decline he said. Another dark horse in the
race to succeed Msika is Zimbabwe's Ambassador to South Africa Simon Khaya
Moyo. Commentators say Moyo is far more senior than Mpofu in the ZAPU
hierarchy, and Mugabe would be risking the fury of his ZAPU allies if he
went for the junior official.

In terms of the succession dynamics, both the Mnangagwa and Mujuru factions
would like to have a stake in the Vice Presidency with a view to having one
of their candidates eventually replacing Mugabe. ZANU PF is due to have its
5-yearly congress in December to choose a new leadership that will also run
in the next elections. Last December the ZANU PF Midlands and Masvingo
provinces were virtually 'falling over each other' in their rush to endorse
Mugabe as life president, effectively blocking any challenge to his
leadership. The 85-year old dictator used in-fighting within his party to
justify his continued stay as the only unifying force.


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Mutambara says MDC has no control

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=20759

August 5, 2009

By Raymond Maingire

HARARE - Deputy Prime Minister, Arthur Mutambara says the two Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) parties that formed a coalition government with
President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF early this year were still not yet capable
of stopping continued abuse of power by the veteran Zimbabwean leader.

Mutambara said the MDC's efforts to influence positive change in Zimbabwe
were being frustrated by Zanu-PF aligned forces fervently opposed to the new
political dispensation.

"As we speak, our MPs are being targeted," Mutambara said, "Five have been
convicted already while seven are being charged.

"You can see that we are not in full control. We are not exactly in charge.
There are other forces in control.

"If my own MPs are being locked up over a cell phone and I am Prime
Minister. Am I (in control)?"

He was referring to legislators from the Morgan Tsvangirai led MDC who are
continually being arrested with some convicted for charges ranging from
rape, electoral fraud, to kidnapping and inciting public violence, while
Youth deputy minister, Thamsanqa Mahlangu was released on bail Monday after
spending a week in custody on charges of stealing a cell phone belonging to
controversial war veterans leader, Joseph Chinotimba.

Mutambara was responding to questions from farmers at a Commercial Farmers
Union (CFU) congress in Harare Wednesday where he was the guest of honour.

The farmers wanted to know why land invasions continued in Zimbabwe when the
unity agreement signed between the MDC and Zanu-PF had pledged to start
honouring property rights.

Mutambara continued, "We are in a coalition government. There is resistance.
But right shall prevail over wrong. Good shall prevail over evil."

He said the fresh farm invasions were damaging Zimbabwe's efforts to attract
fresh investment into the country and called for a moratorium on fresh farm
invasions and the prosecution of farmers who continue to defy government's
order to vacate their farms.

"All these prosecutions of farmers must stop," Mutambara said.

"We must have a moratorium of land invasions. Black Zimbabweans have enough
land. Now we control more than 80 percent. Why are we still starving?"

Mutambara said offer letters which were given after last year's elections
were not genuine as there was no legitimate government to preside over the
affairs of the country.

For nearly a year, Zimbabwe was in a state of political paralysis following
the world rejection of the June 27, 2008 through which President Mugabe
muscled himself back in power following two month campaign violence
sponsored by the State which claimed over 200 mostly MDC supporters.

A coalition government was eventually formed on February 11 this year after
protracted negotiations between the former archrivals. The talks were
brokered by both SADC and the African Union.

"From June 27, 2008 to February 11, 2009, there was no government in
Zimbabwe," Mutambara said.

"Any offer letter signed by (then lands and resettlement minister, Didymus)
Mutasa or whoever between June 27, and 11 February is fraudulent and
illegal."

Mutambara further rubbished the stance taken by Zanu-PF that it will not
abide by a November 28, 2008 ruling by the SADC Tribunal which barred
government from further repossessing land from the largely white commercial
farmers under its land reform programme.

He said Zimbabwe could not choose which SADC decisions to follow and which
to ignore.

"The SADC tribunal is a tribunal of our regional body. We believe the
Zimbabwe government must come to terms with the recommendations and
decisions of our regional body."

Mutambara said government's decision to centralize land ownership and
proceed through issuing 99 year leases to farmers was flawed.

He said local farmers have been rendered incapable of securing loans through
land because Zimbabwe had converted "liquid capital into dead assets".

"We have taken performing farms and converted them into dead assets,"
Mutambara said.

"The 99-year leases are not bankable. It is a bankrupt and dysfunctional
lease. The land has no collateral value and security of tenure.

".Even the (army) generals who benefitted most from the land are not farming
because they are not sure if they will be on the land the following day.

"A2 farms still face eviction if found to be supporting the MDC. That is
criminal."

The deputy premier said government's decision to churn out large stocks of
farming equipment to farmers was not sustainable.

He said agriculture should go back to its status as a self-sustaining
industry in Zimbabwe.


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Expelled MDC MPs take Parliamentary seat battle to court

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Alex Bell
05 August 2009

Three MPs expelled from the Arthur Mutambara-led MDC faction last month, on
Thursday took their fight against their ejection from the party to court,
where they are seeking an order barring Parliament from removing them from
the House.

The three, Abednico Bhebhe (MP for Nkayi South), Njabuliso Mguni (Lupane
East) and Norman Mpofu (Bulilima East), who were ejected from the party
after being suspended in May, also want the court to bar by-elections in
their constituencies.

Bulawayo High Court Judge, Justice Nicholas Ndou on Wednesday reserved
judgment on the legislators' case after the expelled MPs sought an interdict
stopping Parliament from declaring their seats vacant. In a court
application, the three legislators had sought to be granted an order staying
and suspending their expulsion from their party, in a bid to retain their
Parliamentary seats. All three legislators have continued to attend
Parliament sessions, including chairing portfolio committees, and have even
acquired vehicles under the parliamentary car scheme.

After their dismissal from the party, MDC-M Secretary General Welshman Ncube
advised the Speaker of Parliament of the three vacant seats to pave the way
for by-elections. Ncube added that pending the holding of by-elections, the
expelled legislators should be ejected from Parliament, or stopped from
attending parliamentary sessions under the party name. The move leaves the
MDC formation with seven MPs and six Senators in the House of Assembly and
the Senate respectively.

Bhebhe, Mguni and Mpofu were expelled over charges of 'indiscipline and
disrespecting the party leadership.' Alex Goosen, a member of the executive
council was also expelled over the same charges, which the legislators
wholeheartedly deny. MP Bhebhe has dismissed his expulsion as 'null and
void,' claiming the move to oust the three MPs is part of a conspiracy by
the party hierarchy. Observers meanwhile have argued Bhebhe is paying the
price for leading a group of eight MPs from the Mutambara camp to vote for
Lovemore Moyo as Speaker of Parliament, and not Paul Themba Nyathi, the
party's choice for the post.

The MPs expulsion and consequent court fights have become the centre of a
growing chasm dividing the Mutambara-led MDC faction, with recent reports
suggesting MDC-M legislators have been campaigning to join the MDC faction
led by Morgan Tsvangirai. Already in June the MDC-M suffered a serious blow
when the party's entire Nkayi district leadership and all 23 councillors
crossed the floor to join the MDC-T, in protest against Bhebhe's suspension.


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Zimbabwean mass grave whistle-blower goes into hiding after police raid

http://en.afrik.com/article16011.html

 Wednesday 5 August 2009 / by Sakhile Modise

A Zimbabwean chief who helped Kimberley Process team uncover gross human
rights abuses in the diamond-rich area last month is in hiding as the he
claims that senior Zanu PF members want him dead. In an brief telephone
interview this morning Chief Newman Chiadzwa said he left the area after
armed soldiers and police stormed his homestead.
"I am lucky because I was not at home when they first raided my home," he
said. "I could have been history now" he said.

Chief Chiadzwa said when solders failed to locate him, the security forces
told his workers that they had instructions from government to evict the
chief immediately because he co-operated with the KP team. The team has
since recommended the suspension of Zimbabwe from the Kimberley Process
Certification Scheme for "at least six months".

Liberian deputy mines minister Kpandel Fiya, who led the KP investigation,
said villagers recounted tales of "senseless violence" perpetrated by
soldiers deployed to curb illegal mining activities last year.

After failing to locate Chief Chiadzwa for some days the security forces
seized his two vehicles, a front end loader (TLD) and T-35 truck, he
claimed.

"There are mass graves in Chaidzwa. At times people were shot at point blank
(range)," said Chief Chiadzwa. "I could not take the (KP) team there because
I was prevented from doing so by soldiers." He claimed the mass graves were
within the cordoned "security area" and it was virtually impossible for
ordinary people to access them.

Global Witness, which campaigns against trade in conflict diamonds, said it
"wholly supports the call for Zimbabwe's full suspension from the Kimberley
Process.

"The Marange diamond fields have been the scene of horrific human rights
violations, military activity, and rampant smuggling over the past year -
all of which has been substantiated by the recent review mission. These
activities are entirely incompatible with the values and requirements of the
scheme."

Reports say over 200 miners were killed last year and some were buried in
mass graves. But the government has denied both the killings and the
existence of the mass graves.

Several senior Zanu PF politicians, army and police officers have been
linked to syndicates looting the precious stones in the area.

Police spokesperson Senior Assistant Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena said he
could not comment about the relocation of the Chaidzwa people as it was
being handled by a government committee. However, he said the police were
looking for Chief Chiadzwa in relation to "some criminal charges" he was
facing.

"He should not hide behind the issue of relocation. We want him to answer
some criminal charges not related to the relocation," said Bvudzijena, who
could not specify the charges.


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ZINASU President & 14 students arrested

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Violet Gonda
5 August 2009

The Zimbabwe National Students Union reports that 14 students from the
University of Zimbabwe including ZINASU President Clever Bere were arrested
at the campus, three days after the UZ opened for the new semester on
Monday.

The students were arrested while holding a meeting with their union
representatives outside the university's main library. Hundreds of students
had gathered to chart the way forward on the issue of tuition fees, which
many students have failed to raise. Like most tertiary institutions in the
country, the UZ has been hit by disruptions over the years ranging from
exorbitant fees, class boycotts by students and lecturers, and a serious
crisis of accommodation. The institution that used to be one of the best in
Africa was forced to shut down for several months because of non functioning
sewer systems, students' unrest over fees, and other issues.

On Wednesday ZINASU spokesperson Blessing Vava said desperate and stranded
students are calling for the reopening of the halls of residence, and want
the authorities to prioritise education, improve the welfare of students and
ensure that all students have access to facilities, whether they have paid
their tuition fees or not.

Currently UZ fees are ranging from US$300 to about US$600, amounts that are
beyond the reach of the majority of students, in a country where the lowest
civil servant earns just over US$140 a month.

Early this week the university placed a notice informing students who have
not paid fees that they are barred from attending lectures and from using
the library.

Vava said: "From the statistics from the bursar's office, it's now clear
that three quarters of students have failed to raise money for tuition
 fees."

"Today's arrest is a clear indication that freedom of expression on campuses
is still to be guaranteed in this country despite the coming of the
inclusive government. We appeal to Ministry of Home Affairs and college
authorities to deal with students in a more civilized manner, and allow
students to gather and discuss their issues without being victimised."

The ZINASU spokesperson told SW Radio Africa that human rights lawyers had
been deployed to represent the arrested students, who are believed to be
held at Avondale Police Station. We could not get a comment from the police.

Meanwhile, scores of students at Great Zimbabwe University held a peaceful
protest over high tuition fees, lecturers' strikes and the failure by the
college to release results for examinations written last semester.


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UK firm funded Zanu violence

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk

5 August 2009

By SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT

Multi-million-dollar mine deal revealed
LONDON - Camec plc, a British company linked to ruthless businessman Billy
Rautenbach, paid Robert Mugabe US$100m for mining interests last year -
money the MDC claims helped fund the election violence, in which about 200
MDC supporters were killed and hundreds more injured.

Revelations about the dealings and about the involvement of Rautenbach came to
light in a documentary in the Dispatches slot on Britain's Channel 4 last
Monday.
The programme revealed that Rautenbach, a major shareholder in Camec, had
been given a massive 300,000 hectares of Nuanetsi Ranch in the south of the country,
left in trust by former vice- President Joshua Nkomo to  develop black
agriculture. buta At a time when all but a few hundred of Zimbabwe's white farmers have been evicted
from their land and homes, Rautenbach received the land as a majority
shareholderin a new company, Cutstar Investments (Pvt Ltd).
Black farmers in the area alleged Rautenbach had removed stock fencing and
cut off water supplies in a campaign of harassment to get them off the land.
Rancher Moffat Ndou told Channel 4 journalist Aidan Hartley: "We were
invited toa meeting at ranch headquarters. At this meeting we had Billy Rautenbach, we had the
managing director of Nuanetsi ranch and we were then informed that Nuanetsi ranch
had got into a joint venture."
"He (Rautenbach) said (to us) 'what part of f**k off do you not understand?
He says he is well-connected... a powerful man," said another rancher, Terry
Mkowa The pro-Zanu (PF) Sunday Mail ran a front page story on July 19
headlined Mega bucks project, which said an anonymous investor was injecting
$1bn into Nuanetsi, partly to grow 100,000 hectares of sugar cane, which
would be turned into ethanol to reduce Zimbabwe's fuel bill.
However, water experts warned there was not enough water to support so much
sugar. "Even if all local water available was dammed, there wouldn't be
nearly enough, so this project is just talk," a farmer said on the
programme. The anonymous investor is none other than Rautenbach.
Rautenbach is on the US and EU sanctions list, which means he can neither travel
nor trade there. Camec says it has frozen Rautenbach's shareholding in the
company, but its operations in Zimbabwe, at least in platinum drilling, are
organised by Rautenbach and financed from a bank account in Gibraltar,
belonging to one of its subsidiaries. Camec's chief executive, Andrew
Groves, confirmed that the US$100m payment to Mugabe had been made for
concessions which Anglo Platinum had to hand over to protect the development
of its platinum mine in central Zimbabwe.
Rautenbach's history is a disreputable one - little wonder that Finance Minister
Tendai Biti and deputy agriculture minister designate Roy Bennett have distanced
themselves from him.
South Africa applied for him to be extradited from Zimbabwe more than two
years ago to stand trial on charges of major customs fraud and the suspected
murder of a Korean businessman.
But the Zanu (PF) government refused to hand him over. South African prosecutors
say they have proof that Rautenbach tried to get charges against him withdrawn
or reduced, by sending $45,000 to former police commissioner Jackie Selebi.
Rautenbach took over the Democratic Republic of Congo's state mining company
Gecamines when Mugabe's troops entered the war there in 1998. He was dismissed
by late DRC president Laurent Kabila after he allegedly stole the state's share of
the cobalt joint venture.
After Kabila's assassination, Rautenbach went on to develop a cobalt site given to him
by the DRC, but was deported two years ago. He sold his DRC assets to Camec and
still run its one cobalt mining project from Harare.
"What I know of him is not complimentary.


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MDC Follows Up Murder Cases

http://www.radiovop.com

Harare - The Movement for Democratic Change(MDC) is following up on
all reported cases of its more than 200 members  who were  murdered by
ZANU(PF) militia last year during political violence.

"We  have more than 200 people who  were  killed last year and some of
the  cases were reported while  a few were not, and we  have  since
dispatched  a team to investigate by  way of making follow-ups to  those
police  stations and hear what  the  police is  saying about  the  cases",
said an official.

"We do  not see the  reason  why  the police should  not act on
reported  cases  if  they have received them. The team  which  we  have
tasked to make  these follow- ups is going to report to the police those
cases which were not reported after investigating them. Yes  it's  true
that some of the cases were not reported to the police..."

However a woman who lost a husband said: "It's not true that we did
not report the murders. I personally reported the murder of my husband at
Mtawatawa police station nothing has materialized since last year."

 "We know  the  reason why the  police  did  not act on our  reports
because some  of  the  uniformed members were involved in these brutal
killings and we cannot expect such people to carry investigations since they
themselves are the perpetrators."

According to the MDC security department:  "Names of the murderers
were supplied by local people, some of them who say most of the killers
operated within their rural homes especially soldiers. We are also told by
villagers that the same perpetrators are threatening them and boasting that
they are immune to prosecution, and are leading  the new bases which  have
emerged."

The MDC has also challenged the police to quickly react on the case of
its Mashonaland West Provincial driver Joshua  Bakacheza, who was killed in
June last year before the party vehicle he was driving was hijacked by his
murderers.

"We are worried by this dilly dallying by the police on this case
which happened last year. Justice should prevail and perpetrators should be
brought to book and we wonder why the police is reacting in such a manner.
However  we will  not  rest and want to get to the bottom of  the matter and
in  this  case we are very patient," said an official.

Bakacheza was killed by unidentified armed personnel on 25 June 2008,
near Jaggers Masasa in Harare.

It is reported that he was transferring the family of yet another
victim of the political violence, slain MDC activist Tonderai Ndira, from
his Mabvuku  home to a safer destination. He was approached by armed men who
threw away Mrs Ndira and her two year old baby out of the vehicle. His body
was discovered dumped in a bush area near Beatrice town.

The party is inviting members of the public who might have information
about the killing to contact the nearest police station.


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Government launches tollgates

http://www.herald.co.zw/

 Wednesday, August 05, 2009

By Walter Muchinguri

THE Zimbabwe Revenue Authority will start collecting toll fees at all
the 22 tollgates installed along major highways with effect from this
Saturday.

The commencement date was contained in Statutory Instrument 122 of
2009 which was published last Friday titled Road Tolls (Regional
Trunk Road Network) (Amendment) Regulations 2009 (No. 1).

Statutory Instrument 122 of 2009 repealed Statutory Instrument 39 of
2009 that had initially indicated that the tollgates would start
operating in April.

The tollgates would be manned by a team of 16 people that would
alternate in three shifts.

Zimra officials would collect the revenue, with security being
provided by the Zimbabwe Republic Police.

Yesterday, Zimra set up a demonstration on how the tollgates would
operate at the Skyline tollgate, 18 kilometres outside Harare along
the Harare-Masvingo highway.

Speaking after the demonstration, the Minister of Transport,
Communications and Infrastructural Development, Nicholas Goche said
Government had decided to forge ahead with the system of tollgates
using the 'user pays' concept.

"There are many people who wanted us to repair the roads first, yes
we should have done that but we do not have the money so we need the
users of the road to pay so that we can use the money to repair the
roads," he said.

The Minister said 90 percent of the toll fees would be given to his
Ministry which would in turn forward the money to the Zimbabwe
National Road Authority (Zinara).

The funds would then be forwarded to the Department of Roads, local
authorities and the District Development Fund.

The remaining 10 percent, he said would be given to the Ministry of
Finance to cover administrative costs involved in the running of the
tollgates.

The Minister said Government vehicles would not be exempted from
paying toll fees.

Residents in areas surrounding the toll gates would be given special
discs to use.

In addition vehicles registered by a diplomatic mission that enjoys
privileges under the Privileges and Immunities Act, vehicles carrying
a diplomat, vehicles belonging to a fire brigade or ambulance service
and vehicles bearing Zimra logos would be exempted from paying tolls.

Foreign buses or heavy goods vehicles that cross between two ports of
entry shall also be exempted if they present proof of payment of
transit charges.

The Minister also said Government was working on a framework to
introduce tokens, which would be used as the medium of payment at the
tollgates as opposed to cash in the long term as is the practice
elsewhere.

Zimra's commissioner-general, Mr Gershem Pasi said his officials were
committed to the task of collecting the toll fees and forwarding
these to the relevant ministries.

He said that the temporary structures would continue in operation in
the interim until the dualisation of the highways is complete.

"We have opted for the temporary rudimentary toll gate structures
because it would be foolhardy to build permanent structures when we
are embarking on the dualisation of our roads," he said.

The issue of alternative routes as was the case in other countries
was not necessarily a requirement.

"In such instances the companies or authorities collecting the toll
fees would have constructed a new road and the old road becomes the
alternative route but this is not mandatory," he said.

According to the new Statutory Instrument, toll fees have also been
revised as follows:

Vehicle USD

Light motor-vehicle 1,00

Minibuses 2,00

Buses 3,00

Heavy vehicles 4,00

Haulage trucks 5,00

The implementation of tollgates which has been on the cards for the
past 10 years was suspended early this year as way of giving Zinara a
chance to maintain and upgrade national roads.

The authority has since indicated that it has completed at least 98
percent of the exercise to patch potholes on the major highways while
work to cut grass on the same highways is almost complete.


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Zimbabweans outrage at fawning Mugabe titles

http://www.zimnetradio.com

By KING SHANGO
Published on: 5th August, 2009

HARARE - Zimbabweans are outraged at the fawning titles that the State media
is using daily each time they refer to President Mugabe.

zim NET radio understands the Ministry of Media, Information and Publicity
has directed the state media to refer to President Robert Mugabe as
President, head of state and government and commander-in-chief of the
Defence Forces.

And Zimbabweans are being reminded of Mugabe's lofty titles everyday and
every hour in state newspapers, on radio and television. And Zanu-PF wants
Mugabe to be referred to as the Supreme Leader.

Local newspapers are replete with responses from outraged Zimbabweans
questioning the fawning titles used to refer to the octogenarian leader.

"Mugabe will not become a likeable character on account of all these
 titles," said a man who identified himself as true patriot.

"The titles will never change the results of the March 2008 election which
Mugabe lost to Morgan Tsvangirai. Mugabe will not get legitimacy in the eyes
of the people and the international community by these useless titles."

Witness, another Harare-based man said Mugabe was following the example of
Ugandan dictator Idi Amini, who was referred to as President, Field Marshall
Salongo, Conqueror of the British Empire, Chairman of the Organisation of
African Unity/ former Chairman of the OAU, Al Hajj Doctor Idi Amin Dada.

He said dictators were fascinated with these impressive array of titles.
Patriot said the state media on the other hand kept losing credibility by
allowing their newspapers, radios and television to be propaganda
mouthpieces of Zanu-PF.

"No wonder why they are reluctant to give licences to more media players,"
he said. "They know Zanu-PF, Mugabe, and the state media will be buried once
and for all if more new media players are allowed. Giving leaders titles
such as supreme or grand leader is typical of totalitarian states like North
Korea."

A Gweru-based war veteran said it was frustrating to be constantly reminded
that President Robert Mugabe was the Head of
state and government and Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces.

"Is there fear of something unknown?" he asked. "What is the point? At times
I am ashamed to be in Zimbabwe."


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Swedish ambassador slams Zimbabwe State media

http://www.zimnetradio.com

By KING SHANGO
Published on: 5th August, 2009

HARARE - Sweden ambassador Sten Rylander has slammed the hate speech being
spewed by the State media.

Rylander, whose country currently hold the rotating presidency of the EU,
railed against the State media at the recent journalistic awards held in
Harare.

He urged the three parties in the inclusive government to fully implement
Article 19 of the global political agreement, which commits the media to
report in a balanced and responsible manner.

"The GPA notes that it is important for the public and private media to
refrain from using abusive language that may incite hostility, political
intolerance and ethnic hatred - or that unfairly undermines political
parties and other organizations," Rylander said.

"It is therefore worrying to note the hate speech and negative and biased
reporting that is still coming from the state media on a regular basis. The
inclusive government should ensure that appropriate measures are taken to
achieve this objective as articulated in the GPA.

In order to open up the media environment as anticipated by the Agreement,
the Parties agreed that steps should be taken to ensure that the public
media provides balanced and fair coverage of all legitimate political
activities."

The State media continues to undermine the office of the Prime Minister,
denying him coverage and when they do, casting aspersions on the office.

The State media has also recently started addressing President Mugabe using
fawning titles such as head of State ands government and commander in chief
of the Defence Forces, yet the PM is actually the head of government.

The State media also continues to deliberately falsify information.
Just on Tuesday, the State media lied about interviews conducted by a
special parliamentary committee that interviewed applicants wishing to sit
on the new Zimbabwe Media Commission.

Rylander called on government to ensure that the public media abides by what
was agreed in the GPA.

"The media is very important in the current dispensation; its role is to
accurately inform on the various processes underway for instance the
constitution-making process, the re-branding exercise and the crafting of
the national vision.

"It is regrettable and unfortunate that media coverage and access in
Zimbabwe is below fifty percent. There are many areas in Zimbabwe,
especially rural areas, where there is no radio or television coverage and
which newspapers do not reach."

He said it was very important for the media to be accessed by ordinary
Zimbabweans. He said it was also important to promote and support the
printing of community newspapers and local newsletters and pamphlets in
local languages in order to promote universal access.

"Universal access will ensure that Zimbabweans are aware of the progress of
the inclusive government," he said. "Through the media they can have a voice
in the way the country is governed thereby strengthening democracy."


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Hot Seat interview: Prof Stan Mukasa says 'GNU is a chicken & pig sacrifice'

                                              LINK: http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/hotseat050809.htm

SW RADIO AFRICA TRANSCRIPT

HOT SEAT: Journalist Violet Gonda’s guest this week is political commentator Professor Stanford Mukasa with his analysis on the progress of the power sharing government. Mukasa likens the GNU to a 'chicken and pig sacrifice, where Zanu like a chicken only donates eggs but the pig has to donate its pork and dies.' The discussion also looks into the arrests of MDC MPs and asks if the arrests are merely persecution, or is it more a case of recklessness on the part of some of the MPs, complicated by the unequal application of law by the State?

Broadcast: 31 July 2009

Violet Gonda: Political commentator and journalism Professor Stanford Mukasa is my guest on the Hot Seat programme this week. Welcome on the programme Professor Mukasa.

STANFORD MUKASA: Thank you very much Violet.

GONDA: Now let’s start with your reading of the progress of the GNU or lack of it.

MUKASA: Well some people call it the Government of National Unity but I am inclined to call it the Transitional Administration. There is no unity at all, it’s not a government at all. My reading is it is going, it is moving at a pace that is circumscribed by Zanu-PF. In other words, they cannot go further than Zanu-PF will allow them to go.

GONDA: And of course in the last few weeks we have seen several MDC MPs and now a Deputy Minister getting arrested and some even convicted. Now your views on this?

MUKASA: Well this is an historic project of Zanu-PF. They lost the elections, both parliamentary and presidential elections and this was their way of recouping their losses. There can be no doubt at all this is part of the Zanu-PF project to reduce MDC’s majority. It is very interesting to note that people who are being jailed, who are being convicted are MDC MPs yet you’ve got Zanu MPs who are guilty of the most egregious crimes in Zimbabwe, who are guilty of even murder, rape, theft and crimes against humanity and nothing, absolutely nothing has happened to them at all, they are running around Scot free. This is a textbook case of the selective application of the law. We all know why this is the case. Tomana, the so-called Attorney General is a self-declared Zanu fanatic and he certainly is leading this crusade to disenfranchise MDC.

GONDA: But Professor there are some who say that some of the allegations against some of the MDC officials do not point in the direction of persecution and they give examples of the latest arrest that involves a Deputy Minister who allegedly stole a cell phone from war vet leader Joseph Chinotimba and they say that although Deputy Minister Mahlangu’s case is a matter that is before the courts, some of these MDC officials are being reckless and negligent. Do you agree with this?

MUKASA: Well we don’t know the full facts of what really happened but there is a pattern. If you look at most of the MDC members who have been arrested by Zanu police, their cases were so minor, so superficial, so trumped up. Look at Roy Bennett – just for pushing Chinamasa he was sentenced to so many months in jail. So what has happened to Mahlangu is just the latest in what I call the historic project of Zanu-PF to find whatever flimsiest excuse, if they cannot find an excuse they concoct one. Now I think common sense, I think Zimbabweans are calling for the equal application of the law. If there is evidence against Mahlangu then let the courts deal with it expeditiously. There is what is known as the Habeas Corpus Act which requires that anybody who is arrested must be brought before the courts within 48 hours. In the case of MDC supporters they have traditionally been this tendency to arrest them towards the weekend and keep them in jail until Monday of the following week, and also you’ve got this case where even though Mahlangu was supposed to appear before the courts expeditiously all kinds of excuses were being concocted just to extend, to prolong his stay in jail.

GONDA: You’re saying that there’s this element of this selective application of the law by Zanu-PF and you say that some of the so-called crimes committed by MDC officials are minor but how do you respond to people who say the problem that we now face in the country is that if we excuse some minor infraction of the laws of a society, how then will we deal with the more grievous infractions when there could be justifiable given their context?

MUKASA: Well I’m not suggesting, and I don’t think anybody is suggesting that any case, no matter how minor or how big should be selectively handled. Even those minor cases, stealing half a loaf of bread for example, if the police have got enough evidence to arrest that person then yes, by all means let them do that. What about people like Minister Saviour Kasukuwere and others who are alleged to have killed, who have seized commercial farms, who have committed - some have been major, horrendous crimes, they are still going around, they are free and very few of them ever appeared in court, let alone arrested, they have never seen the inside of the jail. So what I’m calling for is the equal application of the law - the standards for arrest. If you are going to arrest someone who stole a cell phone then by all means why not arrest someone who shot dead somebody else? Why not arrest someone who burnt property? Why not arrest somebody who committed some of the most grievous acts, crimes against humanity, why not arrest those?

GONDA: And of course, the MDC has said that it is concerned with the rate at which their MPs and Ministers are getting arrested, so if you were to advise the MDC how do you think they should respond or how do you think they should handle this matter?

MUKASA: Well I think the MDC should speak out. What I think is happening with the MDC is they are engaging in the same quiet diplomacy á la Mbeki. Prime Minister Tsvangirai and Finance Minister Biti probably meet with Mugabe virtually every week; one wonders what they talk about. The other day I heard Tsvangirai say ‘he sometimes jokes with Mugabe that he heard ZANU were planning to swallow them’ – do they have time for jokes when faced with these major issues? What I would suggest to Tsvangirai is to go to Mugabe and tell him that unless this thing stops within a given period, I am out of this Transitional Administration because it is not really serving the interests of the people.

We don’t have any evidence that Tsvangirai has come down very hard on Mugabe. There was a meeting of, I think it was the National Council of the MDC in which they gave the so-called Principals until the following Monday to resolve all the outstanding issues. Well Monday came and went and I don’t think any of those outstanding issues had been resolved. Nothing happened after that. One would have expected that if that deadline had passed, had come and gone then that same National Council should have met, should have held an emergency meeting and should have put the option of pulling out of the Transitional Administration. At this point I don’t see the MDC having sufficient political power within the Transitional Administration to effect the needed changes. There are so many things that have not been changed, they are still there, arrests are going on, but nothing has happened.

So if you cannot effect the changes from within the Transitional Administration then your best option now is to pull out and convene a meeting with civil society and try to convince the Zimbabweans to stage acts of civil disobedience. That option should never be forgotten, that option should never be discarded because that may well be the ultimate weapon needed to dislodge Mugabe. It would appear that many people do not know that Mugabe absolutely has no intention of sharing power with the MDC. What the MDC are getting right now are what I call breadcrumbs of power which are not very effective at all.

GONDA: But you see even the MDC has said that the route of civil disobedience has been tried and tested so many times in Zimbabwe and has failed to produce any positive results.

MUKASA: Well in any struggle for democracy, in any struggle for freedom, in any historical struggle you don’t give up just because your first attempts failed, you keep on going on, you review your strategies, and you look for new creative and innovative ways or resuscitating that struggle, of sustaining that struggle. If you look at the history of nationalism and nationalistic agitation for independence, the very early struggles against colonialism were a complete failure, but the nationalists did not give up. This is what Amilka Cabral told the people that when you are fighting for independence you don’t give up, no matter the odds against you, you don’t just say well we tried and it has failed so we give up. Well if you give up, then what next are you going to do?

GONDA: And of course Prof, it seems that not all the stories that are coming out of Zimbabwe are negative stories, like this week we saw CNN and BBC being allowed back into Zimbabwe and also the Daily News being unbanned, now how significant is this?

MUKASA: Well I call those peripheral advances. Mugabe will allow certain things to happen as long as they don’t threaten his power. CNN and BBC have been able to cover Zimbabwe even during the time they were banned. As a matter of fact, Mugabe felt the power, the journalistic power of CNN and BBC during the time he had banned those two and his allowing them back in is just a formality. He knows very well that even if you ban those two news organisations, it’s not like they are going to stop writing about you. If you review the amount of coverage by CNN and BBC during the time they were prohibited from covering what was happening in the country it is as much as if they were there at home. They realise that there is no way you can stop them. At any rate, when they come and cover from within, they will always be under a watchful eye of Mugabe’s Transitional Administration. I call it Mugabe’s Transitional Administration because that is where the power really lies. So that is just a peripheral outcome or beneficial outcome of the government of national unity. There are some very core issues, core outstanding issues where Mugabe has not given an inch, where Mugabe has stood firm. I don’t see CNN and BBC ever threatening significantly the power position of Mugabe.

GONDA: Still on the issue of the media, if the government is sincere, why do you think there has been no mention about radio stations broadcasting from exile?

MUKASA: Well governments in Africa, fear broadcasting more than print media. Although the BBC is radio broadcasting it is based outside but there is this tradition of being a bit liberal on the print media than on the broadcast that’s why they they’ve allowed the Daily News and they will probably allow a number of other independent newspapers. The BBC and CNN are going to be under a very close watchful eye, if they slip one step you can be sure they are going to be thrown out again. So their position is very tenuous, it’s not guaranteed that just because they’ve been invited back they are there to stay.

And I may also mention that talking of the broadcast media based outside – there is SW Radio Africa, your radio station and the Studio Seven. Both those broadcast institutions are manned primarily by Zimbabweans so where is that patriotic programme of Mugabe of granting liberties and freedoms more to the people of Zimbabwe when he allows foreign broadcasters to come in but the Zimbabweans, whom Tsvangirai is appealing to come back home are not being allowed to come and establish their own radio stations.

GONDA: It is quite interesting that you brought that issue up because while all these other foreign media have been allowed back into Zimbabwe, there’s been no official statement from the government about such radio stations like ours or Studio Seven especially when some of us were specifically told back in 2002 that we could not go back to Zimbabwe and you would think that since there is a new power-sharing government, at least the authorities would be talking about also but there hasn’t been an official statement.

MUKASA: Well the Global Political Agreement contains what I thought was a very surprising statement about the external broadcasts, where they say they should be closed, no support should be given to SW Radio Africa and Studio Seven. Why they have taken this very hostile position against SW Radio Africa and Studio Seven when they are allowing BBC and CNN to come in speaks volumes about the fact that they are really clueless, they are just walking in the dark, they don’t have a clear idea about the role of the media, what the media are capable of doing. I see it as, maybe they are trying to persuade Britain and the United States to lift what Mugabe calls sanctions.

GONDA: How much of this do you think is for SADC’s benefit?

MUKASA: Oh of course there have been quite a number of things, quite a number of developments this week and obviously Mugabe is playing to the Jacob Zuma gallery and he is trying to undermine Tsvangirai’s efforts. By the time Tsvangirai meets Jacob Zuma, there’s a very good chance that Jacob Zuma is simply going to turn to Tsvangirai and say ‘hey Mugabe is giving concessions and these things take time, just hang in there, some of these outstanding issues they are being resolved one at a time, it’s very difficult to resolve them at the same time.’ Well if it comes to the question of arrest of MDC MPs, Mugabe has got a ready-made answer for that, he’ll say this is an issue for the police and the courts. If the courts find them not guilty then they are going to be released. So depending on how Jacob Zuma sees the legal system in terms of resolving some of these outstanding issues, he is likely to tell Tsvangirai and say well why don’t you let the courts deal with it?

GONDA: And Professor Mukasa moving on to another issue a lot of expertise is required to drive the implementation of this GPA and historically Zanu-PF has not performed well, but what are your thoughts or your observations of the MDC’s performance right now and do you think it has the capacity to govern?

MUKASA: Well the MDC has the potential, has the potential capacity to govern but the atmosphere is very hostile to the MDC. Unless Mugabe is dislodged from power, unless there is a major restructuring of the power, political power in Zimbabwe, the MDC may have all the big brains it has - as a matter of fact I can actually say with some degree of certainty that the MDC has got some of the biggest brains in the areas of law, economics, finance, governance because most members of the MDC are young and they are the career people, the professionals, a good number of them have aligned themselves with the MDC. Zanu is really a geriatric organisation, they just don’t have the kinds of people that could govern the country democratically - so the potential power is there, it is just that Mugabe has closed the door for an effective implementation of power by the MDC. And one thing I can say is the coming elections, whether it is next year or the year after that, Mugabe is going to manipulate those elections. We have got some inside information that they are planning to make sure that Zanu wins those elections. They have learned a very big lesson from last year’s elections and this time they will just want to make sure that they make no mistake. So with MDC within the transitional government, Mugabe can go ahead and manipulate those elections and you can be sure that he will be in power - he’s not going to let go of power willingly.

GONDA: You know Professor, one commentator said to me recently that Zanu-PF has already failed but if the MDC fails then the country is gone. Do you agree with that statement?

MUKASA: Well not necessarily. If MDC fails there will always be other Zimbabweans to take the place of the MDC. MDC is not the be all and end all of opposition politics or the politics of progress in Zimbabwe. One should never lose hope. As long as there are Zimbabweans willing and capable of stepping into the shoes of politics of agitation for democracy, there will always be people coming in.

GONDA: It appears that Zanu-PF’s job is easy at present, they can just throw up obstacles, arrest opponents, threaten the movers and then also pigeon hole the resources of the MDC. Is it not a fact that Zanu-PF has been giving little in this GNU and the MDC has been giving a lot?

MUKASA: Oh yes, that’s true, that’s true. We have got what is known as a chicken and a pig sacrifice, where Zanu like a chicken only donates eggs but the pig has to donate its pork, itself. Zanu-PF has never given any significant concessions historically. Right from the day one they started talking with the MDC, Zanu-PF has not given anything significant. MDC has been sacrificing a lot, MDC has given more, made disproportionate concessions to this Transitional Administration and that’s why Zanu is so much, firmly entrenched in power.

And this is one area that I was trying to raise earlier that I think time has come now for the MDC to say enough is enough, to draw the line in the sand and tell Mugabe that this cannot continue. Either these outstanding issues are resolved within a given time or we are going to leave the Transitional Administration.

Statements like ‘we will never leave the government of national unity’ are not helpful to the cause of the MDC. Why – because Mugabe knows that ultimately that MDC will just come along. He grabbed the most strategic ministries in the government even without consulting the MDC and at one time we thought that the MDC was not going to move an inch, was not going to join the Transitional Administration until that anomaly was corrected. Well we thought so like today and tomorrow we heard that they had joined the administration, so Mugabe is now used to MDC at one minute saying well we are not going to do one, two three, the next minute they are going along with Mugabe.

So yes you are right when you say the presence of the MDC in the Transitional Administration works to the advantage of Mugabe because right now it is the MDC that is running around looking for humanitarian assistance to Zimbabwe. It is not Mugabe, and the international community is giving this humanitarian assistance to the MDC because of its historical support for the MDC.

But well then what does the MDC do? It now supports, it now feeds the people, it now changes the socio-economic conditions in the country and who takes credit for that? It’s Mugabe, he takes credit for that because the anger that was going to be generated by the people, sort of subsides.

If the situation as in December last year before the transitional government, if that situation had been allowed to continue, I can bet you that by this time or towards the end of this year there would have been such anger among the Zimbabweans that something would have happened. So what is happening now is that MDC and Tsvangirai are now a buffer zone, they are sort of reducing these sufferings, what is happening among the Zimbabweans and this buffer zone makes people sort of less hostile to Mugabe, it makes people less inclined to a spontaneous mass uprising against Mugabe, that is what is happening now.

GONDA: You also talked about the grabbing of strategic ministries by Zanu-PF but what about party dynamics? It also appears that most of the MDC party leaders are actually in this new government - where you have the Chairman of the party being the Speaker of Parliament, the Secretary General is the Finance Minister and so on but who presides over the day to day administration of the party and could this be a problem?

MUKASA: Yes, that is a problem in several respects. Well in terms of the day to day running of the party, in terms of who presides, who keeps the party united and well organised, that is less of a problem for Zimbabweans than the fact that MDC MPs are being arrested, when the co-minister of Home Affairs is an MDC official. The justice is not being implemented, justice is not being applied fairly to both MDC and Zanu people, when the Deputy Minister of Justice is an MDC official and Mugabe can easily tell the world look why blame me? We are sharing power, we have got two co-ministers, one is Zanu, and another one is MDC, so why talk about the arrest of MDC MPs? If you are going to blame me you might as well blame MDC because they are also equally represented in the administration of those arrests. So you can see here that Mugabe has now created what I call a laager, an ox wagon, he has ox wagon surrounding made up of a mixture of both MDC and Zanu and if anybody points fingers at Mugabe, Mugabe will point fingers and say look this is a government of national unity, both MDC and I are equally represented.

GONDA: And then of course, the MDC continues to send out statements that are contradictory. You have some of the officials who say violence is continuing and then you have the Prime Minister for example denying this. What are we to read from that?

MUKASA: Yes that is a problem in terms of the communication structures between MDC and their counterparts in the government and between MDC and the world. I think the MDC should stand fast. If things are not going right as we know they are not, whether you are in the government or not, you should be brave enough to stand up and say things are not right. If I was Tsvangirai and I was talking to the international community I would say well yes we have made some progress but we are very, very, very far from where we should be according to the road map of the global political agreement. And if I were Tsvangirai or any of the MDC ministers, if I were Giles Mutsekwa I would be making noises right now. I would be condemning these selective arrests where they are just arresting MDC MPs and leaving out the Zanu MPs. I would be making noises; this is their opportunity to show to the world and particularly to the Zimbabweans that while they are in the transitional government they are not there to sup with the devil, they are not there just to accept everything that is happening. If there is something wrong that is happening they should stand up and they should speak out loud.

I know the state media will not give them that hearing but there is the international media. They should create their own communication channels because the state media don’t give them the opportunity to speak their minds, the state media don’t cover them as much as they should be - then time has come now for the MDC ministers in government to establish their own channels of communication to the international world and to Zimbabweans. Rather than going around and saying well you know things are making progress and things are OK and things like that. That is the wrong strategy because there will come a day when Mugabe will throw them out and it will be very difficult for them to reconcile their earlier statement with what Mugabe is doing. There is a yawning gulf between what is happening on the ground in terms of Mugabe’s behaviour and what the MDC ministers in government are saying about what the situation is like in Zimbabwe.

GONDA: And also briefly, what about your thoughts on the Mutambara MDC since it’s also a partner in this coalition government?

MUKASA: Well anytime anybody speaks about the Mutambara MDC, what I recommend is we start from a very basic question – who are they representing? None of them won, they lost all the elections, they should be among the people, they are not supposed to be where they are but we all know that they were planted there by Thabo Mbeki. You know Thabo Mbeki was trying to split the MDC and he wanted to dilute the potential power that the MDC under Tsvangirai might have. So those people are planted there under a collaboration between Mugabe and Thabo Mbeki and I don’t give credence to whatever they say because they don’t represent anybody. If you don’t represent anybody in Zimbabwe you are not legitimate, so whatever they say does not have any value, any legitimate value at all.

GONDA: Since you are in the Diaspora, briefly should there be a Diaspora leadership in the government since there is always this talk from the Diaspora community that they are being overlooked when they have fought the fight and supported the MDC especially with their hard earned money?

MUKASA: Yes it is true that the Diaspora has contributed quite a lot. In fact there were times when the Diaspora remittances to Zimbabwe were possibly the second largest foreign exchange earner for the country. It’s also true that many Zimbabweans, in fact virtually the entire Zimbabwean population has survived on handouts and support from members of the Diaspora. Now the question is should Diaspora claim a special role in the country’s leadership? That is a subjective question, it depends on how one looks at it. My position is simply that the Diaspora should be treated, should be given the same rights and privileges that the rest of the Zimbabweans have. So if there is a good, if there is a capable member of the Diaspora who can run the Home Affairs Ministry, yes he should be called from wherever that person is to run that Home Affairs Ministry. If there is a capable member of the Diaspora who can run the Technology Ministry, who can run the Finance Ministry, who can run the Construction Ministry, who can run any aspects of the ministries, he or she should be accorded the right to take up that position.

And my appeal would simply be to the MDC, Tsvangirai, that where they are able to, where they can, when they give these appointments they should also consider members of the Diaspora. There’s nothing wrong and nothing should stop the MDC Tsvangirai from looking beyond the borders of Zimbabwe for any people who might have expertise. You must remember that most expertise, most professional expertise for Zimbabwe is outside the country right now and the best way of starting this I would suggest is that MDC puts out a data base - what I call a professional skills data base that would allow members of the Diaspora to register their names and their professions so that when it comes now to selecting people to run certain aspects of the Ministry that the Diaspora should also be consulted.

GONDA: That was Professor Stanford Mukasa with his views on the programme Hot Seat. Professor Mukasa, thank you very much.

MUKASA: Thanks a lot.

Feedback can be sent to violet@swradioafrica.com


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Zimbabwe seen relying on power imports to run mines

http://af.reuters.com

Wed Aug 5, 2009 4:25pm GMT

By Shapi Shacinda

JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) - Zimbabwe will continue to rely on power imports to
operate its recovering mining industry and is seeking major investments to
raise power output, a senior industry official said on Wednesday.

Mining has become a pillar of the country's battered economy, following the
collapse of commercial farming, with gold alone generating a third of all
export revenue.

Victor Gapare, the president of the Chamber of Mines of Zimbabwe, said the
government must attract new investments through private-public partnerships
to meet growing power demand by maintaining liberalised policies.

"We have 60 percent of (power) requirement at the moment even when the mines
are operating at low capacity. There is need for capital to deal with power
problems," Gapare told a Zimbabwe mining investment conference in
Johannesburg.

Gapare said the state power utility ZESA had rehabilitated a number of
coal-run power generators to try an ease the shortage, but that this was not
enough to meet growing demand.

"At the moment a lot of power will come out of imports," Gapare told
Reuters.

State power utility ZESA said in June that it was importing 500 megawatts
(MW) from the region, spending $5.5 million per month.

Zimbabwe has a peak demand of 2,200 megawatts, but generates a maximum of
1,000 MW due to ageing equipment and coal shortages for its hydrothermal
plants.

Industry officials say lack of investment in power generation caused the
deficit.

"This is a problem which has affected the whole (southern Africa) region,"
Gapare said referring to power shortages.

Gapare said ZESA had rehabilitated a number of coal-run power generators to
try to ease the shortage.

Mining in the southern African country is recovering after several mines
shut down, suffocated by hyper-inflation, and shortages of skills, power and
foreign currency.

Large mining companies have kept away from the sector after an economic
crisis worsened by President Robert Mugabe's policies, including a
nationalisation law targeting majority holding by locals in foreign-owned
mines.

The veteran 85-year-old leader in February formed a unity government with
Tsvangirai, raising hopes that some of the controversial laws would be
scrapped.

There has been no new mining since 2002 in Zimbabwe, which has the second
largest platinum deposits after South Africa and boasts large reserves of
gold, copper, coal and nickel.


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Zimbabwe to adopt friendlier mine law

http://www.reuters.com

Wed Aug 5, 2009 1:14pm EDT

* Review of bill meant to attract foreign investors

* Bill to be brought to parliament soon

By James Macharia

JOHANNESBURG, Aug 5 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's mines minister said on Wednesday
his country was reviewing a bill forcing foreign companies to sell stakes in
their businesses to make it less harsh and attract badly needed foreign
investment.

Under proposed indigenisation laws, foreign companies cannot hold more than
49 percent of a business and must sell any stake above that to Zimbabweans.

"We are going to come up with user friendly legislation. The bill will be
finalised soon and presented to parliament in the current session," Mines
and Mining Development Minister Obert Mpofu told an investment conference in
Johannesburg.

"I can't comment on whether we will remove the 51 percent requirement or
not, there is a consultation process on this by all the key stakeholders."

He declined to say when the bill would be brought to parliament for debate,
before being passed into law.

The laws have led to the withholding of investment badly needed to raise
production as Zimbabwe tries to recover from economic collapse under a unity
government between President Robert Mugabe and old rival Morgan Tsvangirai.

Mpofu told an investment conference in Johannesburg the review of the bill
would seek to strike a balance between attracting investors and
indigenisation.

"Whatever we do should not discourage investment and not compromise
indigenisation," he said.

Mining has become Zimbabwe's leading source of foreign exchange, with gold
accounting for a third of exports, but political turmoil, lack of energy and
unfavourable regulation has forced some mines to close.

Some of the key players in Zimbabwe include Impala Platinum Holdings
(Implats) (IMPJ.J), the world's second largest producer of the metal, which
has the biggest mining investments in Zimbabwe. Its bigger rival Anglo
Platinum (AMSJ.J) and Rio Tinto (RIO.L) also have mining interests in the
country.

Zimbabwe has the world's second-biggest platinum reserves and large deposits
of diamonds, coal and nickel.

BLACK EMPOWERMENT

Mpofu said the review would also include views from others in the region
such as South Africa, which has adopted the black economic empowerment (BEE)
to include blacks in the mainstream economy after years of exclusion under
apartheid.

South Africa, the biggest producer of precious metals, adopted BEE
legislation four years ago compelling mining companies to sell 15 percent of
their assets to black investors by 2009 and 26 percent by 2014.

Mpofu reiterated Zimbabwe has launched a review of all mining contracts,
saying it will introduce a "use it or lose it" policy, to allow investors to
take advantage of unused mineral resources.

"We are contemplating introducing that kind of measure, which is aimed at
those who have been sitting on mineral deposits for a long time without
exploiting them," Mpofu said.

Zimbabwe's Chamber of Mines said with proper incentives, gold output would
rise to 50 tonnes per year by 2015 from 3.5 tonnes last year, while platinum
output could reach 1 million ounces a year after 15 years from 170,000
ounces a year now.


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Medical migrants head south


Photo: Stop TB Partnership
Medical care in South Africa is worth the trip
HARARE, 5 August 2009 (IRIN) - For almost a decade Zimbabwe's main international bus station, Roadport, in the capital, Harare, has been a bustling hive of people travelling to neighbouring South Africa: informal cross-border traders going to buy goods, others leaving in search of work and a better life. Now they have a new travelling companion - anyone in need of reliable, affordable medical attention.

"I'm going to deliver my first-born child in Pretoria [South Africa] because it is no longer possible to do it here," said Sophia Chibondo, 25, sitting on a bench next to her anxious husband.

"Being unemployed, and with my husband struggling to keep the family going, we found it wiser to go and seek help from a South African [public] hospital," she told IRIN. "Maternal costs at local clinics and hospitals are just too much, and we cannot afford them."

Thousands have fled Zimbabwe's economic meltdown, food insecurity and political turmoil, but the almost total collapse of the national health system has seen standards plummet and prices rocket, and the Chibondos are now part of a growing group of migrants looking for better, more affordable health care.

South Africa's Department of Home Affairs (DHA) announced in April 2009 that it would introduce a special dispensation permit allowing Zimbabwean nationals to remain in the country legally for up to 12 months, but this is still being considered by cabinet.

In the meantime, a 90-day 'visa-free entry' into South Africa for Zimbabweans is already in effect.

In June 2009 a report by international relief NGO Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) warned that the adoption of a more "liberal immigration policy" for Zimbabweans was placing greater burdens on South Africa's already stretched health care system.

"Consultations in our Johannesburg clinic have almost tripled in the last year, a telling sign of the extent to which Zimbabweans are consistently denied access to even the most basic health care services necessary for their survival," Eric Goemaere, Medical Coordinator at MSF in South Africa, said at the launch of the report.

Overpriced and substandard

Private hospitals in Zimbabwe still maintain high standards, but at a premium: a pregnant woman would be expected to fork out well over US3,500 for gynaecologists, paediatricians and anaesthetists, besides money for food, drugs and accommodation for mother and child.

Government health institutions are far cheaper but lack trained staff, drugs and equipment. In South Africa, Chibondo said, she would pay less than US$70 for all the services up to delivery, and she could shop for baby care products and clothes at a fraction of what they cost in Zimbabwe.

"Patients prefer to cross the border [to South Africa] because it is cheaper there, and there are higher levels of care," said Primrose Matambanadzo, director of the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights (ZADHR).

"People also still don't have confidence in [Zimbabwean] public health institutions due to the health crisis that ... has affected the country for many years," she commented.

"It is the responsibility of government to ensure a reliable health system, and as long as signs of the crisis linger, Zimbabweans will continue trekking to other countries to get medical attention; a situation that is regrettable."

Most of Zimbabwe's public health centres closed last year as employees protested over poor salaries and working conditions during a severe cholera epidemic that began in August 2008 and claimed the lives of more than 4,200 people out of about 100,000 known cases.

''You often hear of doctors causing the deaths of patients due to negligence. It is therefore not surprising that our patients are avoiding local hospitals''
Public health facilities reopened in February 2009, when donors made money available for allowances that brought striking nurses and doctors back to work.

Health minister Paul Madzore recently admitted that a lot needed to be done to kick-start a health system severely affected by the migration of thousands of doctors, nurses and other skilled personnel.

"You often hear of doctors causing the deaths of patients due to negligence. It is therefore not surprising that our patients are avoiding local hospitals," said Matambanadzo.

Chibondo had visited the facility where she would be having her baby several times for prenatal examinations. "I am encouraged by the quality of service at the hospital and the professionalism of the staff - rare things to find in Zimbabwe," she said. Her elder sister had also given birth there.



[ENDS]

[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]


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Joseph Msika

http://www.telegraph.co.uk

Joseph Msika, who died on August 4 aged 85, was vice-president of Zimbabwe
and a central figure in his country's headlong rush to ruin.

Published: 5:55PM BST 05 Aug 2009

A foul-mouthed, embittered man, much given to swearing in public and
delivering foam-flecked speeches, Msika was perhaps the only Zimbabwean who
could outdo President Robert Mugabe when it came to verbal vitriol. The
targets of his bile included journalists, farmers, all young Zimbabweans -
who had allegedly failed to match his standards of patriotism and devotion -
and white people in general.

During a rally in Bulawayo in August 2001, Msika took racist rhetoric to a
new level. Mugabe would routinely refer to white Zimbabweans as "greedy
exploiters". But Msika bluntly declared: "Whites are not human beings." Even
his audience from the hardened rank-and-file of Mugabe's Zanu-PF party was
taken aback.

Msika's outpourings sometimes amounted to straightforward incitement. In
November 2001 he encouraged a Zanu-PF mob to burn down the Bulawayo
headquarters of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC),
supposedly in retaliation for the murder of a member of the ruling party.
In this speech, Msika called the opposition "terrorists", compared the
regime's brutal repression of the MDC to America's "war on terrorism", and
declared that if Mugabe's critics "wanted a bloodbath, they would certainly
get one".

Earlier Msika had helped intimidate the journalists of the Daily News, then
Zimbabwe's only independent daily newspaper, which was later forced to close
by a draconian press law. A Zanu-PF mob massed outside the News's office in
Harare, shouting abuse and beating up its news editor, Julius Zava, in the
street.

Afterwards the gang marched to Msika's office, where the vice-president
appeared on the steps and thanked them for their efforts. He then promised
"action" against the paper. Just what Msika may have had in mind became
clear a few months later when a bomb destroyed the newspaper's printing
press.

In February 2000, shortly after Mugabe had lost a referendum on a new
constitution, Msika became so abusive during a meeting with Peter Longworth,
then Britain's high commissioner in Harare, that the shocked diplomat
concluded that London's relations with Zimbabwe had entered a new era of
acrimony.

Msika, an ardent conspiracy theorist, bluntly accused Longworth of
organising the referendum defeat. The vice-president claimed that an unholy
alliance of British agents and white farmers had brainwashed hundreds of
thousands of hapless people into voting against the constitution.

Joseph Wilfred Msika was born on December 6 1923 in the Chiweshe area of
what was then Britain's Crown Colony of Southern Rhodesia. After attending a
mission school he moved to Bulawayo, where he worked as a carpenter and ran
a fish-and-chip shop.

He joined a tightly-knit circle which established the first organised
opposition to white rule. In 1957 Msika helped found the Rhodesian wing of
the African National Congress. When the colonial government banned this
party, Msika joined Joshua Nkomo, the nationalist leader, to found the
Zimbabwe African People's Union (Zapu).

This movement split along ethnic lines in 1963, with Mugabe and other
figures from the majority Shona tribe leaving to found the rival Zimbabwe
African National Union (Zanu), which later became today's ruling party,
Zanu-PF. Meanwhile, Zapu was dominated by Nkomo's minority Ndebele tribe.

Msika stayed with Zapu, but not for reasons of tribalism: he was neither
Shona nor Ndebele, but of mixed background. Instead, his decision arose from
fierce personal loyalty to Nkomo.

This became stronger when Ian Smith's government banned Zapu and jailed its
leaders. Msika and Nkomo were dispatched to a remote camp at Gonakudzingwa
in a wild area of southern Zimbabwe. Here they spent 10 years imprisoned
together, without charge or trial, before being released in 1974.

Afterwards they went into exile in neighbouring Zambia, where Zapu re-formed
and launched guerrilla attacks into Rhodesia.

Smith sued for peace in 1979, and the Lancaster House conference led to
independence for the new nation of Zimbabwe in 1980. Msika joined the
cabinet as minister for water development.

Mugabe had formed a coalition with Zapu, putting aside his rivalry with
Nkomo, who became home affairs minister. But this alliance lasted only two
years before Mugabe accused Zapu of planning a coup, and sacked Nkomo and
Msika.

Mugabe used this alleged plot - almost certainly an invention - as an excuse
to crush Zapu and impose a de facto one-party state. A special army unit,
the Fifth Brigade, was deployed to terrorise Zapu's supporters among the
Ndebele people. Having been jailed by the white regime, Msika found himself
detained for several months by Mugabe's black government.

This brutal repression, which claimed thousands of lives, had the desired
effect. Nkomo surrendered in 1987, agreeing to abolish Zapu and join
Zanu-PF. In return, he became a powerless vice-president, while Msika
returned to the cabinet as minister without portfolio.

Having paid a bitter price for crossing Mugabe, Msika was anxious to prove
his loyalty. For the rest of his career he did so by attacking all Mugabe's
opponents with special vehemence.

When Nkomo died in 1999, Msika replaced him as vice-president. After
suffering a stroke in 2005, he tried to retire, but Mugabe insisted on
keeping him in office. The ageing and sick Msika then lapsed into almost
total inactivity.

Joseph Msika is survived by his wife, Maria, and six children.


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Zimbabwe doesn't need two Vice Presidents

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=20714

August 5, 2009

By Geoffrey Nyarota

WHILE Zimbabwe mourns the passing away of Vice-President Joseph Msika, a
serious problem has been created for President Robert Mugabe as he ponders
over who will succeed him.

Debate over this crucial issue had become dominant in political circles in
Bulawayo even before government officially announced the death of the Vice
President. It is a general expectation in that part of the country that the
second vice presidency is reserved for Matabeleland. This expectation is
premised on the Unity Agreement signed in 1987, which brought former
political rivals Zanu-PF and PF-Zapu together under the umbrella of Zanu-PF.
Critics say effectively Zanu-PF swallowed PF-Zapu and, as a result, its
leader Dr Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo died a broken and frustrated man 12 years
later.

The Unity Accord does not categorically state in any of its clauses,
however, that one of the Vice Presidents of the united Zanu-PF would be from
the former PF-Zapu and by inference from Matabeleland.

Clause 4 of the document signed by Mugabe and Nkomo in December 1987 states
categorically that Zanu-PF, the party, would have two second secretaries and
vice presidents who would be appointed by the first secretary and president
of the party, Mugabe.

That's it. There is no reference to any Vice Presidents of Zimbabwe, the
nation, as opposed to Zanu-PF the party. More significantly, no reference
whatsoever is made to the region of origin of the persons who would be
appointed to these two posts.

Notwithstanding that, the first triumvirate established in 1987 comprised
Mugabe from Mashonaland as President, with PF-Zapu leader Nkomo representing
Matabeleland as one Vice President and Simon Vengai Muzenda of Masvingo as
second Vice President.

This was an strategic act of ethnic balancing and a precedent was thus set.
This arrangement also entailed that the Vice Presidency was shared between
the former feuding parties. The arrangement was designed to address the
politically polarised atmosphere of the Gukurahundi period.

In that spirit when Nkomo died in July, 1999 he was succeeded by his former
deputy in Zapu, Joseph Msika, who remained in office until this week, a
little over 10 years later. The office of one Vice President was therefore
reserved through mutual understanding for the Zapu element in the united
Zanu-PF.

Likewise, when Muzenda passed on in September, 2003 his office went to the
next claimant within Zanu-PF. The process was not quite as straight-forward
as had been the case with the PF-Zapu succession. Joice Mujuru, wife of
wealthy former army commander Solomon Tapfumaneyi Mujuru, however emerged as
the successful candidate, after she overcame the challenge of then Speaker
of the House of Assembly, the powerful and also wealthy Emmerson Mnangagwa.

It is no surprise in the circumstances that a few names were immediately
thrown into the ring or had already been under active consideration in
Bulawayo as potential successors to Msika, even before government had
officially announced the Vice President's death, which apparently
deliberately delayed. A short list compiled on the basis of common sense in
the context of the 1987 Unity Accord includes the names of Zanu-PF chairman,
John Nkomo, Mines Minister, Obert Mpofu, and Bulawayo metropolitan
provincial governor, Cain Mathema. Mpofu is said to enjoy the support of
Mnangagwa, which is totally irrelevant in Matabeleland.

I would place my bet on John Nkomo as the most likely successor to Msika.

But then the three politicians are natural candidates only in terms of an
unwritten clause of the 22-year old and totally discredited Unity Accord
signed by Mugabe and Nkomo. The Zapu that Nkomo represents or represented
has been overtaken by events that have rendered politicians such as him
irrelevant in the real politics of Matabeleland.

They have become regional political leaders with little or no following on
the ground today. But, knowing President Mugabe, he will overlook such
sentiments.

The original ZAPU has re-emerged and its train left the station without them
in December. It has a new crew at the helm of a movement which is gathering
momentum by all indications. The new leadership of the party declared at its
formation in December 2008 that it was Joshua Nkomo, specifically who was
the driving force behind the 1987 Unity Accord. But efforts over the past
two decades to make the Unity Accord work had failed dismally, hence the
recent pull-out of Zapu from the 1987 Unity Agreement and the February 2009
unity government with the MDC.

That new ZAPU is not represented in the government of national unity. In
fact, it is fast becoming Zimbabwe's de facto opposition party, with due
respect to Dr Simba Makoni's Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn. The former vibrant
opposition MDC of Morgan Tsvangirai finds itself suffocating in the belly of
Zanu-PF, in exactly the same situation that Dr Nkomo and PF-Zapu found
themselves immersed at the beginning of 1988. This is an indisputable fact,
whatever volumes of love Zimbabweans may profess for the MDC and Tsvangirai.

ZAPU has re-emerged as a new party led by Dumiso Dabengwa in he interim and
with nothing to do with John Nkomo. With the MDC co-opted into the GNU with
Zanu-PF, ZAPU is developing into what could be Zimbabwe's new opposition
party.

So Mugabe will have to play his cards well to avoid creating a backlash that
could completely obliterate both Zanu-PF and the MDC in Matabeleland at the
hands of ZAPU in the next elections. The new party could also make pickings
outside Matabeleland, capitalising or exploiting disgruntlement with the
performance of the government of national unity, especially if Dabengwa and
Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn leader, Makoni, revived their alliance before March
2008.

The Unity Accord is history. It only remains on paper. Even there its
existence cannot withstand close scrutiny. It was a very superficial
document anyway.

The much-venerated Unity Agreement that brought PF-Zapu and Zanu-PF together
was more or less a wish list which has not been seriously put into practice.
Clause 5 of the agreement states without equivocation, for instance, that
that Zanu-PF would seek to establish a socialist society in Zimbabwe on the
guidance of Marxist-Leninist principles. This has turned out to be a
self-seeking pipe-dream on the part of Mugabe.

The next clause then proclaims with sublime optimism that the united Zanu-PF
would seek to establish a one-party State in Zimbabwe. Fear of Mugabe
blinded those who drafted the document to reality.

Transcending from the sublime to the ridiculous, Clause 7 of the Unity
Accord states that the leadership of the new united Zanu-PF would abide by
the tenets of the Leadership Code. I will bet that 96 percent of the Zanu-PF
leadership has not set their eyes on the Leadership Code over the past two
decades. They have been too busy accumulating wealth, much of it illegally.
The Willowgate Scandal broke 11 months after the signing of the Unity
Accord.

This is the discredited document that Mugabe will most likely rely on to
influence his selection of a new Vice President.

In fact, logically, it is the MDC, Zanu-PF's new partner in government, not
the non-existent PF-Zapu, that John Nkomo represents, which should now be
entitled to the Vice Presidency.

But it is patently clear, however, that the only beneficiary of the
appointment of a new Vice President will be the incumbent himself or
herself, not the generality of the people of Zimbabwe. For what benefit has
Zimbabwe derived so far from the services of two vice presidents?

We are a poor country. Our economy is in ruins thanks to the performance of
the government after the signing of the Unity accord.

This is an appeal to President Mugabe, rather than crack his head over whom
to appoint as the next second Vice President, the government should just
scrap the position. Zimbabwe should have one Vice President. In future the
origin of the Vice President or of any government official should not be
taken into consideration when appointments are made.

Only merit, not ethnic or other form of balancing, should influence
appointments in government.

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