http://www.telegraph.co.uk
President Robert Mugabe and his leading opponent, Morgan Tsvangirai,
are
expected to meet on Thursday after details emerged of a possible
settlement
of Zimbabwe's crisis.
By Sebastien Berger, Southern Africa
Correspondent, and Peta Thornycroft in
Johannesburg
Last Updated: 8:11PM
BST 06 Aug 2008
Under a 50-page draft agreement, Mr Mugabe would
become a ceremonial
president with Mr Tsvangirai as prime minister and head
of government until
new elections are held.
In this form, the deal
could vindicate President Thabo Mbeki of South
Africa's insistence on
solving Zimbabwe's impasse through quiet diplomacy.
But a Western
diplomat described the plan, which effectively amounts to
creating a
government of national unity, as a "shocking outcome" that failed
to heed
the will of the people as expressed in the presidential election's
first
round on March 29, which Mr Tsvangirai won. Observers said it could
leave
key institutions, including the army and Reserve Bank, under Mr
Mugabe's
control.
The worst outcome for the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC)
would be to join a government in which it ended up marginalised
and
powerless - while allowing Mr Mugabe to claim legitimacy and receive
international support.
That was the fate of Joshua Nkomo's Zapu party
after it merged with the
ruling Zanu-PF in the Unity Accords of 1987.
"Unless Tsvangirai has real
executive power then the whole thing will break
down almost immediately,"
said a constitutional lawyer in Harare. "There is
no mechanism for this
transition to be policed, so who will Tsvangirai
appeal to if Zanu-PF break
out of the deal once they have got their hands on
some international
finance?"
Under the draft agreement, as reported
in "The Star", a Johannesburg daily,
Zanu-PF would control the defence
ministry while the MDC would run home
affairs, which includes police and
prisons.
Other key ministries, including finance, land and justice, would
go to
independents - although finding such people in a deeply divided nation
may
be impossible.
The Joint Operations Command, the collection of
generals who now wield
ultimate power, would be made answerable to a
National Security Council
chaired by Mr Tsvangirai.
A new
constitution would be required to implement the agreement and Mr
Mugabe
would have to appoint Mr Tsvangirai to the Senate for him to become
prime
minister.
In theory, this would be a transitional government leading to
new elections,
which the MDC wants in two years and Zanu-PF wants to extend
to five.
Foreign aid has been promised if there are reforms in Zimbabwe,
where
inflation officially runs at 2.2 million per cent. A senior Western
diplomat
said: "We will look at the deal. If it reflects the will of the
people as of
March 29, then fine, if not then nothing will change. It is
very shocking
that people go and vote and then land up with a government of
national
unity, which is not what they voted for."
A senior
opposition MP said: "Unless home affairs, justice and the Reserve
Bank are
out of Zanu-PF hands, there can be no deal that the people can
trust. The
international community must be very careful. Zanu-PF is only
interested in
the money, in lifting of sanctions. Once that is done, they
might decide to
do their old things, then what happens?"
The agreement would give all
those guilty of political violence, from Mr
Mugabe to his loyal thugs, a
blanket amnesty. More than 100 opposition
supporters have been murdered this
year alone.
Both parties issued a joint statement yesterday urging their
supporters to
stop all "violence in any form". This appears to treat Zanu-PF
and the MDC
as equally culpable. In fact, Mr Mugabe's party has been guilty
of the great
majority of violent incidents.
Yahoo News
by Fanuel Jongwe 2 hours, 19 minutes ago
HARARE (AFP) -
Zimbabwe's rival parties issued a joint statement Wednesday
calling on their
supporters to halt all political violence in a sign that
power-sharing talks
may have moved closer to an agreement.
After more than two weeks of
negotiations in South Africa aimed at resolving
a political crisis that
intensified after President Robert Mugabe's
controversial re-election, the
parties vowed "to eliminate all forms of
violence".
Both Mugabe's
ZANU-PF and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) acknowledged
their supporters had carried out violence following the
March 29 first-round
presidential election.
The statement said the parties "call upon all our
supporters and members and
any organs and structures under the direction and
control of our respective
parties to stop and desist the perpetration of
violence in any form".
Power-sharing talks mediated by South African
President Thabo Mbeki began
after the two sides signed an agreement on July
21 laying the framework for
discussions.
The negotiations followed
Mugabe's re-election in a one-man run-off poll in
June that MDC leader
Morgan Tsvangirai boycotted, citing rising violence
against his supporters
that had killed dozens and injured thousands.
Mugabe blamed the MDC for
the violence, but the UN said the 84-year-old
leader's supporters were
responsible for the bulk of it.
Tsvangirai finished ahead of Mugabe in
the March first round of the
election, but with an official vote total short
of an outright majority.
Sources close to the South African presidency
have told AFP that Mbeki, who
has been heavily criticised in the past over
his quiet diplomacy approach to
the crisis, had recently increased pressure
on Mugabe to accept a deal.
Wednesday's joint statement came as a South
African newspaper reported that
Mugabe would have amnesty from prosecution
and a ceremonial role in
government under what it called a draft settlement
to resolve the crisis.
Tsvangirai would run Zimbabwe as executive prime
minister under the plan,
The Star reported, saying it had obtained a copy of
the draft.
It also reported that Mbeki would facilitate a face-to-face
meeting on the
draft between Tsvangirai and Mugabe in Harare on
Thursday.
The report could not be confirmed, and Mbeki spokesman Mukoni
Ratshitanga
could not say whether the South African leader would be
traveling to
Zimbabwe this week.
In a further sign the talks may be
moving ahead, UN troubleshooter Haile
Menkerios has also flown back to South
Africa to monitor the discussions, UN
spokeswoman Michele Montas
said.
Menkerios, a UN assistant secretary general for political affairs,
was first
heading to Pretoria for consultations on the mediation process,
but also
planned to visit Zimbabwe before returning to New York this
weekend.
Tsvangirai believes his first-round total gives him the right to
the lion's
share of power, but sources in his party said previously that
Mugabe's
negotiators had so far only offered him one of several vice
presidential
posts.
The ruling party has insisted Mugabe must be
recognised as president as part
of any deal, since he won the June 27
vote.
Zimbabwe, once seen as a regional breadbasket, now faces the
world's highest
inflation rate and major food shortages.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=2162
August 6, 2008
JOINT PRESS
STATEMENT RELEASED AUGUST 6
We, Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic
Front (ZANU-PF) and the two
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) formations
pursuant to Article 10 of
the Memorandum of Understanding signed by our
Principals, Comrade Robert
Gabriel Mugabe of ZANU-PF, Mr. Morgan Richard
Tsvangirai of the one MDC
formation and Professor Arthur Guseni Oliver
Mutambara of the other MDC
formation in Harare on 21st July, 2008, enabling
the resumption of dialogue
under the auspices of the SADC mediation and
supported and endorsed by the
African Union in a bid to resolve the
challenges and the multiple threats to
the well-being of our people hereby
unequivocally condemn the promotion and
use of violence as a political tool
and call for the cessation and end to
all politically motivated violence in
the country.
The Parties, acknowledging that violence that is
attributable to us and
which has been injurious to national and human
security has indeed occurred
in the country after the 29th March, 2008
Harmonised Elections hereby call
upon all our supporters and members and any
organs and structures under the
direction and control of our respective
Parties to stop and desist the
perpetration of violence in any
form.
We, further, reaffirm our commitment to ensuring that the law is
applied
fairly and justly to all persons irrespective of political
affiliation, to
take all necessary measures within our power to eliminate
all forms of
political violence, including by non-state actors, and to
ensure the
security of persons and property and provide support to victims
of violence.
The Parties express their readiness to work individually and
together in the
ongoing Dialogue to make public undertakings in ensuring the
safety of any
displaced persons and their safe return home and to enable
humanitarian and
social welfare organisations to render such assistance as
might be required.
Signed at HARARE this day of August, 2008.
1.
N.T. GOCHE ..............
For ZANU-PF
and
2. P.A. CHINAMASA
...........
1. T. BITI ..................
For MDC
and
2.
E. MANGOMA..............
1. W. NCUBE..................
For
MDC
and
2. P. MISIHAIRABWI...............
IOL
August 06 2008 at 03:06PM
By Fiona Forde
When they
meet in Harare on Thursday, Robert Mugabe and Morgan
Tsvangirai will decide
between them who will hold executive power in the
country's transitional
government.
They will also have to decide who will lead the various
ministries and
who will ultimately be guaranteed protection under the thorny
issue of an
amnesty.
Their discussions, which will be mediated
by President Thabo Mbeki,
will be guided by a 50-plus-page draft settlement,
obtained by The Star,
which outlines the framework of a transitional
government, "which will come
to an end upon the holding of the general
election preparatory to the
introduction of the new democratic
constitution".
However it is also understood that while the two-day
meeting in Harare
will go a long way towards securing a peaceful settlement,
a final deal
could still be several weeks away.
But if the two
rivals reach agreement on the core issues set out in
the agenda of the
two-day encounter, the bulk of the dealings would be
complete.
In a series of indirect negotiations in Harare over the past
fortnight, the
pair agreed in principle on the model set out in the draft
settlement under
which Mugabe would become ceremonial president while
Tsvangirai would assume
the role of executive prime minister.
While neither man was opposed
in principle to the power-sharing
agreement put before them, they have to
formally agree on it in the coming
days.
Sceptics argue they
have been this way before, both in 2003 and again
last year, when Mugabe
withdrew his support at the eleventh hour.
Members of the Joint
Operation Command, which governs Zimbabwe's armed
forces, have repeatedly
said in recent weeks that they would not recognise
an MDC-led
government.
At a cabinet meeting held on July 15, Vice-President
Joseph Msika
echoed that view when he said he would not recognise a Zimbabwe
led by
Tsvangirai - a man he called an mgodhowi, the Ndebele word for a
small dog,
which takes on a derogatory connotation when applied to
people.
However, Zanu-PF sources say it was Mugabe who reined in
Msika that
day, telling him he would have few other options in the near
future.
Despite the numerous deals almost brokered in the past,
this is the
first time that all parties to the talks say they have reached
the point of
no return and that a settlement is inevitable.
Land and the redistribution of it is one of the early sticking
points.
The draft settlement proposes the establishment of a land
commission
that would carry out an immediate audit of ownership, illegal or
otherwise,
throughout the country, with a view to "giving security to lawful
holders of
land and enable them to use and develop the land to the fullest
possible
extent".
However, the two parties are furthest apart
on this issue than they
are on any other.
If the draft document
is signed, two deputy prime ministers would
constitute what would be known
as the national security council, together
with the prime minister and one
other cabinet member.
In that single strategic move, the core
powers of the existing regime
are severely diluted and restricted, to which
many members of the existing
Joint Operation Command, along with senior
members of Mugabe's government,
are opposed.
In return, the
planned settlement offers a blanket amnesty to every
person "who in the
course of upholding or opposing the aims and policies of
the government of
Zimbabwe, Zanu-PF or either formation of the MDC may have
committed crimes
within Zimbabwe".
That amnesty would take effect from the date when
an agreement is
reached. The settlement also proposes a fund to compensate
victims.
This article was originally published on page 1 of The
Star on August
06, 2008
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=2148#more-2148
August 6, 2008
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - The pace of Zimbabwean political events in
Pretoria has gathered
such momentum that South Africa's President Thabo
Mbeki is expected to fly
to Harare Thursday to present a power-sharing deal
to President Robert
Mugabe and the two Movement for Democratic Change
leaders.
Meanwhile Mugabe is said to have requested a one-on-one with MDC
leader
Morgan Tsvangirai, possibly ahead of Mbeki's arrival. The MDC leader
is due
back in Harare after a whirlwind tour of the African
continent.
Mbeki's decision to travel to Zimbabwe for the second time in
a fortnight
follows hard on the heels of dramatic breakthrough in
inter-party
negotiations currently being held in Pretoria by negotiators
from Mugabe's
Zanu PF party and the MDC.
Mbeki's impending visit was
prompted by the Zanu-PF's surprise accession to
a major MDC demand that the
post of executive Prime Minister be created for
the party's leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai, in return for immunity from
prosecution for crimes committed
during Mugabe's often bloody 28-year reign.
Mugabe would be retained as a
ceremonial President in a transitional
government likely to span the period
of two years. Thereafter free and fair
presidential elections would be held,
a senior MDC source privy to the talks
said. Tsvangirai would also be
allowed to pick two deputies, one from his
MDC and the other from
Zanu-PF.
Mbeki's spokesman, Mukoni Ratshitanga, was not immediately
available for
comment. But a senior SADC diplomat in Harare confirmed
Mbeki's Thursday
visit to Harare, saying he was due to hold a joint meeting
between Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and the leader of the breakaway MDC faction, Prof
Arthur
Mutambara.
"The president's visit forms part of ongoing South
African efforts to assist
the people of Zimbabwe in the challenge of
reconstructing their country," he
told The Zimbabwe Times.
Mugabe
rejected a similar call for national unity last week but backtracked
after
the first round of talks collapsed over power-sharing differences.
Meanwhile
a highly placed source in Zanu-PF has disclosed that Mugabe has
requested an
urgent meeting with Tsvangirai, possibly before Mbeki's
arrival.
"The
President has requested a meeting with Mr Tsvangirai," he said. "But
the
request has been kept such a secret that many in the Zanu-PF leadership
don't know about it."
A different source said Mugabe and Tsvangirai
were definitely due to hold
another face-to-face meeting Thursday. He also
said the meeting was at the
request of Mugabe.
Mbeki, facilitator of
the talks, travelled to Harare last Wednesday where he
met Mugabe and
Mutambara after meeting Tsvangirai in Pretoria the previous
day in a bid to
break the deadlock in Pretoria.
Mugabe's dramatic climb-down reflects the
growing pressure on the southern
African leaders to take a principled stand
against the dictatorship of
Mugabe, 84.
Mbeki is now racing against
time as he is under pressure to have a deal in
place in time for the SADC
heads of State and government summit to be held
in Midrand, South Africa, on
August 16. Mbeki is due to take over the
rotating SADC chairmanship from
Zambian President, Levy Mwanawasa.
Tsvangirai was heading back to
Zimbabwe Wednesday for the crucial meetings
with Mbeki and Mugabe after a
whirlwind tour amid a flurry of diplomatic
activity on the
continent.
The thawing of relations between the rival parties was
reflected in a joint
statement issued by both Zanu-PF and the MDC. It
acknowledges that "violence
is injurious to peace and
security".
There have been reports of sporadic acts of violence,
allegedly perpetrated
by Zanu-PF militants in the aftermath of the onset of
the talks in Pretoria.
The MDC alleges that the torture camps operated by
Zanu-PF's militia across
the country in the run-up to the June 27
presidential campaign remain
intact. An MDC official has made an urgent
application to the High Court in
a bid to force Zanu-PF to close the torture
camps.
A total of 55 such bases are reported to be still operational
throughout
Zimbabwe. The names of war veteran leader Joseph Chinotimba and a
Col
Mzilikazi have been linked to an ongoing campaign of violence with total
impunity.
The statement, issued in Pretoria Wednesday and read out to
The Zimbabwe
Times, said both parties called on their supporters, organs of
their parties
and structures "to stop and desist from perpetrating
violence".
The parties have also reaffirmed their commitment to work
together and said
the law should be applied fairly and swiftly in dealing
with all cases of
political violence.
This was a key issue in the
Memorandum of Understanding signed in Harare on
July 21.
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2008/08/06/zimbabwe-faces-50-million_n_117321.html
ANGUS SHAW | August 6, 2008 12:40 PM EST |
Associated
Press
HARARE,
Zimbabwe - Reeling from the highest inflation rate in the world,
barred by
the government from using U.S. dollars for purchases, Zimbabweans
turned to
a new money source Wednesday: gasoline coupons.
The move reflected the
complete chaos of Zimbabwe's financial system, where
prices are openly
quoted in the American currency, in Zimbabwe's own new
currency that came
out Friday, and in its old denominations, which have 10
more zeros than the
new bills.
Even coins have returned to circulation after being abandoned
in 2002.
Auctioneers Hammer and Tongues announced the first "auction by
barter" to be
held Friday. Dozens of cars and other goods will be up for
bids payable in
gas coupons instead of hard currency and the government says
the system is
legal, the auction house said Wednesday.
"Homegrown
solutions for Zimbabweans. Now we are selling in liters (gallons)
not in
dollars," the statement said.
Bidders must put down a deposit of 1,000
liters (220 gallons) of gas
coupons, worth about $1,500 at the current gas
price in Zimbabwe, and pay
the rest in coupons when they pick up their
purchases.
Zimbabweans face acute shortages of local currency. Already
gas coupons can
be used to pay some household accounts. Many businesses also
pay workers
part of their earnings in scarce foodstuffs, or demand dollars
for
purchases, which is illegal.
"Where coupons become a currency it
reflects the rapidly falling value of
the Zimbabwe dollar. Barter selling
provides something that holds its
value," said independent Harare economist
John Robertson.
Private financial institutions say Zimbabwe's inflation
rate was about 12.5
million percent in May and estimate it has likely
climbed to 50 million
percent this month.
On Aug. 1, the central bank
slashed 10 zeros from the plummeting local
currency and Reserve Bank
Governor Gideon Gono warned companies against
doing business in U.S.
dollars. He said such transactions were still illegal
and should be reported
to police.
Obsolete coins have also been revalued, sending Zimbabweans
hunting for
coins they squirreled away in recent years.
Shops battled
to count heaps of coins, causing long lines at checkout
counters. One
enterprising Harare business on Tuesday advertised coin
weighing machines
that even banks had discarded after coins went out of
circulation in
2002.
Shopping and visits to cafes and restaurants became further
confused this
week by a range of different exchange rates used against the
U.S. dollar.
Banks on Wednesday quoted the official exchange rate at
about 10 new
Zimbabwe dollars (one billion old Zimbabwe dollars) to a single
U.S. dollar.
Businesses quoted an exchange rate in new dollars of between
25-1 and 100-1.
Embattled restaurants were offering discounts of up to 80
percent for either
U.S. dollars or local cash because of shortages of both.
They also added a
penalty fee of up to 80 percent on top of bill for those
who paid by check,
estimating price rises in the five days it takes a check
to clear.
Businesses reported a slight upturn in transactions since
Friday despite the
money crisis.
"I think people were more sanguine
about spending 100 new dollars instead of
a trillion old dollars. It doesn't
feel so bad," said Robertson, the
economist.
But that would not last
long, he said.
Since the new money came out Friday, it had already fallen
in value against
hard currencies by about 20 percent.
"The petrol
coupon has a more stable value and barter works," Robertson
said.
VOA
By VOA News
06 August 2008
Zimbabwe's
state media report several police officers have been questioned
in
connection with a bomb blast Saturday at the Harare Central Police
Station.
The Herald newspaper Wednesday, citing sources close to the
investigation,
says a number of policemen and detectives are suspected of
being involved in
the bombing.
A police spokesperson contacted by the
paper would not confirm whether
police were being
investigated.
According to the Herald, investigators recovered two
unexploded bombs at
police headquarters following the blast.
Initial
reports said no one was injured.
The incident occurred on the same day
Zimbabwe's ruling and opposition
parties resumed talks on a power-sharing
government, to end a crisis over
this year's controversial presidential
elections.
Institute for War & Peace Reporting
Zimbabwean non-government organisations say their concerns are ignored
because they are shut out of political talks.
By Mike Nyoni in Harare
(ZCR No. 158, 06-Aug-08)
Negotiators at the Zimbabwe crisis talks in
Pretoria, South Africa are under
growing pressure from civic organisations
which want to be more directly
involved in the process.
As talks
between the main political parties continued beyond the August 4
deadline,
all three leaders - President Robert Mugabe of ZANU-PF and Morgan
Tsvangirai
and Arthur Mutambara of the two factions of the Movement for
Democratic
Change, MDC - indicated that they were largely happy with the
progress of
the talks. Tsvangirai pointed out that some "sticking-points"
remained.
Analysts believe the obstacles to progress could be
fundamental differences
at the negotiations over whether Mugabe or his main
rival Tsvangirai should
lead a transitional government. Both of them claim
that right, based on two
different election results - the March 29 poll in
which Tsvangirai got more
votes than Mugabe, and the June 27 run-off which
Tsvangirai boycotted,
citing violence against his supporters.
For
Zimbabwe's main civil society organisations, neither man is acceptable.
A
group of these organisations said in mid-July that they would not
recognise
an interim administration headed by Mugabe or Tsvangirai, and
instead wanted
to see a neutral figure fill the role.
As the talks dragged on past their
two-week deadline this week, more
organisations voiced demands to have a
greater say in the talks process.
The militant Progressive Teachers'
Union of Zimbabwe, PTUZ, which claims to
represent the interests of most
teachers in the country, voiced concern at
the restricted number of
participants in the negotiations, from which it
said the "voice of civic
society" was palpably missing.
Only political parties are involved in the
talks in Pretoria.
"It is our conviction that dialogue would have been
more meaningful if the
players were broadened than is the current scenario.
Reducing participants
to ZANU-PF and two MDC formations led by Tsvangirai
and Mutambara is at best
too simplistic and at worst a fabrication of
political processes," said a
statement issued by the PTUZ, recalling that
the negotiations which led to
Zimbabwean independence in 1980 were "broader
than the current dialogue".
The trade union indicated that it was
sceptical that the talks could succeed
in their present format, given the
deep divisions between ZANU-PF and the
MDC and the "secrecy and mystery"
surrounding the talks.
The Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, an umbrella body
which represents 350
organisations, also expressed concern about whether the
process would result
in an effective political deal - and it warned against
"quick fixes" which
"do not address the constitutional and democratic
deficit".
"The coalition is utterly opposed to a pact agreed between the
political
elite which does not adequately address the socioeconomic and
political
crisis, which is by and large. a crisis of governance and
legitimacy," the
group said in media advertisements this week.
The
Media Alliance of Zimbabwe, which brings together key players from the
sector, has a particular interest in ensuring that any new constitution that
comes out of the talks contains specific guarantees of free
speech.
However, the alliance complained this week that with no media
figures
present at the negotiations, and participants barred from even
speaking to
reporters, it was not in a position to press this important
demand.
The Zimbabwe Human Rights Association also said the talks should
have been
"more inclusive", with "the input of civil society
organisations".
So far, politicians appear to be ignoring such calls for
greater inclusivity
or a broader forum.
An analyst who did not want
to be named said that whatever the merits of
such demands, the short
deadline set by the July 21 Memorandum of
Understanding did not allow of
it.
The analysts said it was feared that expanding the format of the
process
would make it harder to stop information leaking out.
"The
real fear is that expanding the negotiating process could raise more
dust
than shed light on the way forward," he said. "The real key issues in
the
current negotiations are about leadership, so there is simply no
meaningful
role for any of these civic society organisations."
Mike Nyoni is the
pseudonym of a reporter in Zimbabwe.
Wednesday, 06 August 2008 17:58 | |
Inflation has soared in the past few months at a pace that has surprised most Zimbabweans and raised many questions, if not suspicions of exaggeration. For these reasons, the figures deserve frequent re-appraisals and, given the
attempts being made by authorities to place all blame for price increases on the
business sector, everyone needs to become better equipped to account for their
origins.
When Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono proposed a social contract
in his January monetary policy statement to rescue the country from an economic
recession, now in its seventh year, but whose tell-tale signs became evident
much earlier, he forgot that the issue of legitimacy surrounding President
Robert Mugabe's regime had to be addressed first. |
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Wednesday, 06 August 2008
13:31
WINDHOEK -
WHAT REALLY HAPPENED IN THE COURTROOM
There has been a heap of
misinformation dished out in Zimbabwe as to
what took place in Windhoek.
Here is what really happened: -
We had been told to be in Court at
9.30 am on Wednesday morning 16
July and things started happening right
then. In this courtroom there are
five Judges who sit in high backed chairs
right at the back in a line facing
the court. In the next tier in front of
them and a little less elevated sits
the Registrar and one other who is the
Clerk of Court. They also face in the
same direction as the
Judges.
Before them, also in a line but this time facing towards
the Judges,
sit the front rank of the lawyers who are to argue the case.
Those for the
Applicant lay claim to the left hand side and those for the
Respondent the
right hand side. Campbell's front rankers were Elize Angula,
a partner in
Lorentz Angula which firm acts as Mike's Namibian lawyers; next
to her
Adrian de Bourbon who assists and sits next to Jeremy Gauntlett who
presents
the case. Only a couple of seats away from Jeremy was seated Mr.
Prince
Machaya Zimbabwe's deputy Attorney General, who in similar fashion to
Jeremy
Gauntlett presented the government's case. Next to Mr. Machaya sat
his
assistant deputy Attorney General - Civil, a Mrs. Maxwell, and next to
her
the Deputy Attorney General - Crime J Tomana who doubles up we are told
as
Mayor of Bindura. Next to him initially sat the lawyers for the squatters
G
Mlotshwa and F Mutamangira seeking, in spite of the judgement handed down
after the last hearing which told them they couldn't, to join with the
Zimbabwe government as co-Respondents.
In the next row towards
the back of the court sit the attorneys Dave
Drury, Josephat Tshuma and Alex
Masterson who all prepared the initial
papers together with Zach Freeth and
his son Ben. On the second day Josephat
Tshuma was accompanied by lawyer
Grayson Inyoni who hails from Bulawayo but
is now practising in Windhoek. He
owns a farming property on the outskirts
of Bulawayo which like that of
everyone else has been thieved. On their
right sit the assistants to the
attorneys for the government team and a lady
complete with Nigerian style
turban clutching a book on the Selous Scouts in
which on about page five she
kept storing her pen. We were told she is the
Zimbabwe Ambassador to
Namibia. In the final row sit reporters and the sound
engineer who plays
cards on his computer when not checking the sound waves
of his microphones.
There is indeed a good view from the gallery.
As things were due to
start, the Registrar gathered together two
lawyers each from the Applicant's
and Respondent's teams and Mlotshwa and
Mutamangira who were hoping to put
the case for the squatters to ally
themselves with government and by so
doing delay the main hearing for ever.
They were traipsed off together to a
room off the passage to the main court
building set aside for lawyers and
were given the sad news that there was
going to be no muscling in by
Mlotshwa and Mutamangira representing Nixon
Chirinda on Conrad van der
Merwe's farm sub division one of Reinfield in
Makonde district with 342
others. They were told to pack their bags and go.
Somewhat crestfallen, they
did just that to the merriment of some of us in
the public
gallery.
Then, in walked the Judges and the Judge President stated
that they
were to proceed with the main case. Jeremy Gauntlett asked if this
was case
2A, the urgent application (the Contempt of Court application which
was
shown first on the Court Roll). He was again told that it was the main
hearing that was to be heard.
There was a quick bit of
re-arranging of papers, and Jeremy began his
presentation. Here we need a
little amplification. There are two types of
hearings, those that have
evidence led by hearing and questioning verbal
evidence from various
witnesses who appear in person, and those which have
all the evidence
recorded in affidavits stored in the "bundles" of papers
presented to the
Court. It was this last type of case that was before the
Tribunal, and both
parties had previously agreed that no witnesses would be
called to amplify
anything. This made nonsense of the Herald's clarion
assertion that
ex-Minister Mutasa was to appear in Court. He didn't, nor
could he have done
so other than as a spectator.
The approach by Jeremy was that he
would make his way through his
Heads of Argument, highlighting the points he
wished to emphasize. This he
did in depth in a crisp and succinct
presentation which glared out and dared
the Respondent to refute anything he
said. Adrian de Bourbon then argued his
way through the aspects of
compensation pointing out that it was an
essential and very necessary part
of acquisition. Then the now quite
recognisable and predictable Mr. Prince
Machaya stood up and took his turn
to try and interest and sway the minds of
the Judges. Apart from suggesting
that the requirements of the Treaty were
merely guidelines for the countries
in the region and not binding, Mr.
Machaya had little else of substance to
say. Predictably, he had little
choice but to ramble on with Zanu PF's well
known political justifications
to try and give credibility to all sorts of
abominations. Farmers have heard
this sort of drivel so often from all those
doing the party's bidding that
they now refer to it as "the history lesson".
It didn't have much impact on
the Judges as it has nothing to do with law,
and they seemed to lose
concentration slightly and began a little of the
eyes rolling and gazing at
the ceiling routine.
Then it was Jeremy Gauntlett's turn to reply
and comment on what Mr.
Machaya had said. Well, Jeremy whacked it a little
differently. We really
enjoyed one of his observations on the discrimination
aspect. Not only had
the Respondent discriminated in the taking of the farms
he said, they had
done it again when they dished them out to their cronies.
Any white skin
lost out on both occasions. He helped coach his antagonist on
how he could
improve his future deliveries by reminding him of the numerous
points he had
left out or glossed over but should have countered in some
way. He was very
polite and at the same time very cutting. He cut him up
worse than the thugs
had cut up the Campbells and Ben Freeth. In fact he was
so nasty we began to
feel sympathy for this poor man who had to sit there
and endure abject
humiliation. There was no more of the eyes rolling/ceiling
gazing by the
Judges. They were enthralled.
Thus ended the
first day Wednesday. There was no doubt that justice
was in the
making.
The next day dawned, but as we sat around the breakfast
table none of
us knew the drama and delight that this day would bring. It
began with a
request by a young lady to be driven at 8.00 am to the
historical Turnhalle
which now houses the SADC Tribunal and its offices.
This young lady is part
of the documentary movie making team and felt that a
personal approach to
the Tribunal Registrar, Judge Mkandawire from Zambia,
might have more
success in obtaining permission to film in the Courtroom
than those made
previously. And she was right! Justice Mkandawire realised
the importance of
this landmark case for both the Tribunal and for SADC. It
had to be shown
that the whole procedure was beyond reproach by both parties
and the outside
world. There could be no grounds for later criticism of the
final judgement.
The movie makers were given what turned out to be a
fantastically flexible
five minutes of filming time to capture the essence
of the proceedings on
condition they stayed put in the far corner. Oh joy!
oh rapture! - but they
just didn't realise the ramifications of what
Mkandawire had authorised, nor
what their celestial scriptwriter had lined
up for them on that day!
So, on the second day in Court the Judge
President began by asking if
there were any points that had arisen the
previous day which needed
clarification. There were none so he said the
Court would then hear the
"Urgent Application". This application would be
more recognisable to the
layman as a hearing to establish "Contempt of
Court" in that the Tribunal
ordered that Campbell and 74 of the 77 Joinders
with him should be left in
beneficial and unfettered occupation of their
properties, unhindered in any
way by state agents and their thugs. They
weren't, and this led to the
Urgent Application which as we explained in the
previous newsletter it was
not possible to hear immediately.
Then things became a bit American Soap Opera-ish. Jeremy rose and
began with
due decorum to deliver his presentation. He had only got a couple
of words
in when up jumped Mr. Machaya rudely interrupting the proceedings.
Jeremy
looked more than a little surprised, displaying too by his body
language a
smattering of extreme annoyance. Jeremy is not the sort of fellow
who puts
up with wayward behaviour. Mr. Machaya was finding it difficult to
accept
that things in Windhoek were not proceeding as they had decided in
Harare
they should, so he proceeded to lambaste the Bench telling them that
he
couldn't see any need for the Urgent Application to proceed now that the
main hearing had already been dealt with. When the Judge President
re-iterated that they were to hear the contempt application Mr. Machaya lost
his senses and went so far as to demand of the Judges that they should give
an explanation of their behaviour.
Then Jeremy stepped in,
pointing out the monstrous impudence of the
Zimbabwe government's lawyer
(and by inference that of his principal). The
Judge President kept his cool,
merely saying that the hearing would proceed.
So Jeremy gets up on his pins
again and opens his mouth only to find Machaya
has beaten him to it again.
Now the threats start to roll and Jeremy, who
heaven forbid we should refer
to as a peeping tom, detected the desperation
in Machaya and had a quiet
squiz at his paperwork on the desk a mere two
seats away. There clearly
wasn't any! For the shrewd Gauntlett this
demarcated the exact spot where
the next blow from the boot was to land.
Immediately we recalled how on two
previous occasions the Judges had we
thought too easily acceded to demands
for postponements and back then we had
the suspicion they were setting the
Respondent up in a trap. And now the
Respondent had swallowed it hook, line
and sinker. Like an errant schoolboy
the Respondent had omitted to do his
homework because the lies given twice
before could definitely not fail to
work again!
So Jeremy put the boot in yet again and emphasised the
facts. The
Respondent had had ample time to prepare, he had received his set
of papers
thirty days before and had even responded, but the Zimbabwe
Government had
not bothered to do anything about opposing the allegations
other than ask
for more time to do so. He asked for the hearing to continue.
The Judge
President concurred with everything that Jeremy had said and
declared that
the application for postponement was just another delaying
tactic. He
ordered the hearing to proceed. Now Machaya's desperation
deteriorated into
abject despair and he pulled his last card from the pack.
He stated that he
needed to consult with his principal back in Harare and
asked for an hour's
postponement. The Judges, after consulting amongst
themselves, reluctantly
gave thirty minutes.
Now our movie
maker whose watch had long since stopped saw the drama
in the making. So,
with sound engineer, complete with furry microphone
hanging from extended
boom in tow, he lugged his camera out on to the
outside walkway and
proceeded to film the Zimbabwe lawyers huddled together
with the Zimbabwe
Ambassador (the Selous Scout history lesson book no longer
quite so
prominent) all desperately working on cell phones which were
rapidly getting
red hot. Mlotshwa, the gentleman lawyer of Rydings school
and the missing
$800 million fame, immortalised himself on camera and
soundtrack by refusing
any filming. After the allowed thirty minutes we all
returned and the drama
unfurled a little more.
The government of Zimbabwe, said Machaya,
took this case very
seriously. So much so that they had instructed him to
demand a postponement
so that affidavits and other evidence could be
gathered to present to the
Tribunal. This would prove that it was mere
criminals who had committed the
Contempt. The Zimbabwe Government was "not
the one". It would be unfair to
hear the matter unless they were given
further time and the interests of
justice and fair play would not be served.
This submission we had heard
before often - in fact it was beginning to
rival "the history lesson". The
patient Judge President again pointed out
that the Respondent had had ample
time to prepare their submissions and he
was going to hear the matter
anyway.
The trap was sprung.
Machaya continued with his patter that unless
they were granted an extension
of time there was no alternative but to
refuse to take part in the
proceedings. That would have made the point and
he and his entourage could
have sat down and looked snooty, but before he
had even finished his
statement our Ambassador (if that word also covers the
female of the
species) and the rest of their team had upped sticks and were
striding out
of the Courtroom. That sneaky movie maker, whose five minutes
only time
machine was now working double time overtime, faithfully in the
interests of
fair play and justice too, recorded the whole walk out - and
Mlotshwa this
time forgot to tell him "no filming"!
So now Machaya was left all
on his tod, packing up his various files
and papers. Jeremy for the
umpteenth time launches in to his presentation
and was just into the meat of
it when the attention of all is disrupted with
a visibly embarrassed Mr.
Machaya making his way past the full Bench and in
front of Jeremy heading
for the door. So Jeremy stops again and all
attention is centered on the
hapless Machaya looking as though he is sorry
to have been chosen as the
defender of the indefensible. And worse, that
callous fellow wielding his
metre long boerewors of a movie camera has now
crept out of his innocuous
five minutes only don't move about corner and is
filming at close range poor
Machaya's acute discomfort.
One now wonders what was the purpose of
setting the dogs on to
Campbell, Etheredge and all the others in Chegutu and
after all the adverse
publicity going flat out to make amends by arresting
all the perpetrators
and recovering much of the looted property. We were
convinced it was a set
up so as to try and wriggle out of being held in
Contempt. But the Attorney
General's office failed to capitalise on it and
walked out instead. Those
whom the Gods wish to destroy, they first make
mad!
Whereafter things in Court return to simulating a sedate
British type
conservative Courtroom. All similarities to Yankee soap operas
disappear and
Jeremy Gauntlett, no longer interrupted, fires with both
barrels, no holds
barred and now unopposed. The evidence was everything that
evidence can be.
Josephat Tshuma had earlier told us what good lawyers
should strive for when
making their case. Judges are human and you need to
tug at their
heartstrings, then you have to draw them in to become involved
in the
picture you sketch in words. Jeremy did all of that. Elize Angula had
with
some magic managed to print in full colour a selection of those twenty
four
horror photographs taken just after Mike, his wife Angela and
son-in-law Ben
were admitted to hospital. But they were now no longer just
photographs,
they were now the size of Castle Lager (sorry, Windhoek Lager)
billboards
and horrible in their detail. That of Mike's broken and torn open
finger
hanging obscenely at right angles that precluded him from signing the
"withdrawal from the court case in Windhoek" as demanded by his attackers
was particularly gruesome and not one to gaze upon before breakfast. Mike's
picture made him look like a battered cadaver and bruised and battered
Angela's image too tugged mightily at the heartstrings.
The
evidence was unassailable, and had Mr. Machaya heard it he would
have found
no "history lesson" to refute any of it. Names, ranks of army and
police
involved in the state orchestrated operation poured out. Details of
how the
authorities tasked with maintaining law and order did the opposite
and
assisted in the continued looting and violence could not be challenged
even
had the Respondent's legal team remained. But the supreme bit of
stupidity
was a letter written on 11 July 2008 by the Attorney General's
office, and
signed by J Tomana himself as the Deputy Attorney General -
Crime, to firm
of lawyers Coghlan, Welsh and Guest, incorporating Stumbles
and Rowe, for
the Attention of Mr. A N B Masterson. He wrote: "the
provisional order of
the SADC Tribunal cannot and has not suspended the
Attorney General's
Constitutional responsibility to prosecute violators of
any of Zimbabwe's
existing criminal laws such as section 3 of the Gazetted
Lands
(Consequential Provisions) Act. As I stated in my previous minute to
yourselves the Attorney General's Office is proceeding with the
prosecutions." The letter was copied to the Acting Attorney General -
Justice Patel. Again, those whom the Gods wish to destroy, they first make
mad!
The Zimbabwe Ambassador wasted no time after their walkout
to try a
little damage control. She called a press conference complete with
television cameras and explained that the whites had infiltrated the
Tribunal and as they were now prevented from receiving a fair deal they had
no choice but to withdraw. The damage was compounded.
There is
no doubt that this case is of great importance for future
governance in the
SADC region. In fact, it is going to have a bearing on
land matters
throughout Africa. What the Judges don't know is that there is
this
delicious documentary "Mugabe and the White African" in the pipeline
and
that this film although not yet released has already generated great
interest, admiration and not a little annoyance in some quarters. It too
will provide for the man in the street much detail of what the case and
issues are all about. We all wish that the final Tribunal judgement and the
facts portrayed in the film will together and in unison bring the saga to
the sort of end it obviously deserves.
We now have the
judgement in the Contempt of Court case and the
Government of Zimbabwe has
been found without any shadow of a doubt to be in
Contempt. The Contempt has
been conveyed to the SADC Summit who in line with
the rules of the Tribunal
will have to deal with it. This meeting of the
Summit will take place quite
soon, but may be a damp squib as South Africa
is to take over its
chairmanship and President Thabo Mbeki, who has just
asked the International
Criminal Court not to proceed with the prosecution
of Sudan's President Al
Bashir, will occupy the chair.
To rev him up a bit, we arranged for
the Contempt judgement to get to
the EU before Mbeki's visit there where he
is seeking investment for Africa.
We shall do what we can to point out to
the SADC Embassies that unless they
take a hard line on this judgement which
clearly establishes the lawlessness
of one of their members, there will
doubtless be repercussions on the
western aid they can expect in future. Aid
obviously cannot flow to those
who are in bed with the lawless. Further
evidence of ongoing prosecutions,
harassment, evictions and looting of those
supposed to be under the
protection of the Tribunal interim relief order is
being prepared and will
be delivered to the SADC Secretariat in Gaborones in
good time before the
SADC Summit sits on the 15 August.
OUR
RECEPTION IN WINDHOEK
Once again we have nothing but praise for the
people of Namibia and
their capital city Windhoek is as delightful as ever.
Wherever we went
sympathy and support for our cause came our way and all the
people we met
with were friendly and chatty. The Namibian Agricultural Union
could not
have been more hospitable. We all met with their President Raimar
von Hase.
He is an aristocratic gentleman, whose ancestry hailed from
Germany some
three generations back, and his sojourn in Africa has matured
what was a
fine wine to start with into a most charming and polished
product. There is
however a darker side to this delightful fellow, but of
that more later.
Dave Conolly together with Deon Theron and Alex Masterson
also met with the
NAU Executive Manager Sakkie Coetzee who kindly organised
a quick whip
around to buy some groceries for the pensioners of
Harare.
Raimar joined us all for a drink at the Guest House on
Wednesday
evening and stayed for dinner. We were also joined by Mr. Robert
Ridgway who
hails from the UK and has a friend in common with Zach Freeth,
Ben's father.
It transpires that Mr. Ridgway is in Namibia working on a
project funded by
the European Union to survey and grant title to the
communal lands of
Namibia. Your scribe unfortunately did not meet with Mr.
Ridgway but has
written to him to obtain details of this trail blazing
giving of title which
in SACFA's opinion is the key and solution to many of
the ills of Africa. it
is especially important for all of us in the southern
end embroiled in
various land reform programmes. We shall bring to you more
detail when we
receive it.
So far Mr. Ridgway has set up and
surveyed using satellite imagery the
land holdings of about five hundred
families in the north. He also disclosed
that Botswana is similarly engaged
in granting formal tenure, in fact they
are further along the road than
Namibia he said. The word was that the EU
had earmarked 53 million Euros for
the task in Namibia. We find this
programme really exciting for there is no
doubt that the benefits of title
will soon become apparent in Namibia and
Botswana and without doubt will
spur their neighbour Zimbabwe to implement
the same programme. In so doing
we can cut out the lunacy of the present
theft and destruction of productive
farming properties.
BEN'S
FUN AND GAMES ON THE RETURN JOURNEY
The mills of God grind slow but
exceeding fine. Mr. G Mlotshwa, the
lawyer who did not want the Zimbabwe
legal team to be on film outside the
Courtroom, was by some quirk of fate
placed in a seat on the plane back to
Harare which nestled next to those he
considered his arch enemies lawyer
Dave Drury and worse still, Ben Freeth.
This was an untenable state of
affairs so he complained bitterly to the
Stewardess but to no avail. When
however they arrived in Harare, Mlotshwa
decided to film Ben as mobile. This
was to prove the farcical assertion made
by both the Chronicle and the
Herald that Ben had suffered no injuries and
he was only made up to look
like he had been injured. What particularly
incensed Mlotshwa was that he
had seen Ben walk on or off a plane somewhere
so his appearance in court in
a wheelchair proved the humiliation they had
suffered was all stage managed.
It had nothing to do with neuro surgeon Mr.
Auchterlonie's instructions that
Ben could walk a little if he had to, but
otherwise had to use the chair.
Mlotshwa should have taken time to glance at
the Windhoek Observer newspaper
and read Ben's Medical Report which was
quoted verbatim.
Things became particularly unpleasant when
Mlotshwa began to harass
Ben in front of his camera. He was creating such a
ruckus that three
security gentlemen in civvies came to find out what was
going on. Mlotshwa
wanted Ben taken down to the dungeons for questioning
which Ben politely
refused. Mlotshwa's rage knew no bounds when the security
gents took Ben's
side and started asking him how the case had gone. Then
they made it worse
by insisting that Mlotshwa leave Ben alone. So he took
his camera and
stormed off. We wonder whether Ben had the presence of mind
to take a leaf
out of Mlotshwa's book, hold up his hand and shout "no
filming"? Mlotshwa's
strange behaviour has been reported to the Law
Society.
THE JOYS AND RISKS OF TRAVELLING WITH THE
SCRIBE
Dave Conolly decided that because he had no South African
visa it
might be a good idea to travel to Windhoek by road with the scribe
through
Botswana. He was warned of the unpredictability of such an escapade.
We left
Bulawayo early on Monday morning and stopped in Francistown for
fatty
biltong for the road and a box of Select Claret to go with the dinner
sandwiches when we stopped to sleep on the roadside. Conolly showed the
effects of his misspent youth by referring to Select Claret as "happy
juice". At the roadblock at Kuke we told the police we were on our way to
the SADC Tribunal for the case, and when we returned through there several
days later they remembered us and wanted to know exactly how it had gone. We
made good progress and had reached the town of Ghanzi by nightfall. We were
planning to stay with Jack and Jane McLellan who live on a farm 20
kilometres out of town on our way back from Windhoek, but decided we were
early enough to go and bother them for a bed which we did. We were right
royally received and spent some time chewing the cud and supping "happy
juice", Conolly included. We left the next morning to make our way to
Windhoek.
Again we made good progress and decided to wait at
the Windhoek
Airport for the arrival of the rest of the gang. We met the
sound engineer
who had been waiting since morning and had been detained for
not having the
right bit of paper. Unlike Zimbabwe, where he would have been
dragged off to
the cells, he detained himself in the restaurant and after a
while the
correct piece of paper appeared. After some time our camera man
appeared
from town with his good lady and the equipment was assembled
pending the
arrivals of the stars. They duly arrived and were filmed for
inclusion in
the documentary. Then we set off for the Klein Windhoek Guest
House which
was to be our base whilst the case was being heard.
The case was completed by Thursday lunchtime, after which we were free
to
try and source all the various items we had been tasked to buy. This
routine
continued the following day and we got off to a late start on
Saturday
morning for various nefarious reasons which will remain
unmentioned. The
late start was compounded by the Namibians who lose an hour
to their
neighbours by changing their clocks each winter and we arrived at
the
Botswana border in the dark. From there we travelled to a place called
Tshootsha, formerly known as Kalkfontein, where we turned off along the
original untarred road from Ghanzi to the border at Buitepos. Having
travelled on this road from the McLellans before, the Scribe knew he could
safely leave the driving to Conolly whilst he softened the bumpy road with
shots of "happy juice". Just the right degree of somnolence had been
obtained by the time we turned off onto the remarkably bad road leading to
the farm. The scribe slept for the forty five minutes or so it takes to
negotiate the 15 kilometres of Neanderthal road which rather surprised
Conolly. Rather rudely he described the scribe's resting to the "setting of
a snoring jelly"!
The next morning, Sunday, we were asked what
our plans were. They were
to leave early on Monday morning so that we could
reach the bank in
Francistown and do some shopping before everything closed.
When Jack told us
nothing would even open until Wednesday morning because
Monday and Tuesday
were holidays so the scribe seized on the opportunity to
see a little more
of the Ghanzi hinterland. Conolly lost much of his sense
of humour and
suggested he was going to steal the bakkie and go home. Later,
we were taken
for a short tour of part of the farm by Jack and saw close up
their battle
to tame and make profitable this vast waterless Kalahari
flatland.
There is no electricity reticulation to this area and
eight solar
panels on the house's outbuilding roof provide the means of
charging 18 very
large 2 volt batteries connected so as to provide a 36 volt
supply. This is
fed through a large inverter which converts the 36 volts of
direct current
into 240 volts of alternating current to supply the house.
The house has a
gas stove but the refrigerator/freezer is a low wattage type
run by the
solar electricity supply. The hot water supply comes from the
donkey boiler
outside which we noticed had a neat pressure release valve
fitted instead of
the tall breather pipe contraption we are all used
to.
These Ghanzi properties were originally used as cattle ranches,
but
many are now turning to game and are building lodges to cater for the
tourists. Bush encroachment is similar to that in Namibia. The same species
are to blame, swarthaak and sekelbos, only here they go by the names of
blackthorn and sicklebush. Jack showed us a bush cutting machine one of the
neighbours had bought and lent to them for a trial. It has a circular saw
blade mounted in front parallel to the ground, which is hydraulically driven
and has hydraulic rams which can move the blade from side to side. Wheels
are solid rubber so as not to suffer from punctures in this thornveld, and
the driver sits in an expanded steel plate cage so that falling thorn trees
do not damage him. These invader species are very hard woods and take quite
a bit of cutting and not very much had been cut down in one day. For the
huge areas involved this machine seemed not to be a solution. A really hot
fire would solve the problem, or maybe the Namibian methods of brush killer
chemicals and the making of charcoal. This area employs Zimbabwe labour, all
with work permits and legal. Farm wages are apparently in the region of 1800
Pula monthly and the staff are issued with overalls, industrial boots and
food rations. All have cell phones. Small wonder then that there is a
shortage of labour in Zimbabwe.
There are several boreholes on
the farms which supply water to the
cattle and game. These are each equipped
with submersible electric pumps
which are solar powered by four panels but
have no storage batteries so
pumping starts at sunrise and stops at sunset.
The water table in the areas
underlain by calcrete is only about ten metres
below the surface and these
solar powered pumps produce about two to three
cubic metres of water per
hour. In the kalahari sands the boreholes can be
up to two hundred metres
deep and would need many more panels to cope with
that head. The farm was
busy installing a cold room and meat processing
facility which was going to
have 20 solar panels.
THE SECRET
LIFE OF WALTER MITTY a.k.a. RAIMAR VON HASE
On our final night in
Windhoek, the Namibian Agricultural Union very
kindly invited us all out to
dinner at Joe's Beerhouse of which you have
heard before. Most of us ordered
steak, but the scribe ordered Eisbein which
for those who haven't lived
properly is a roasted pork shank. At Joe's these
are very different to the
emaciated specimens you can on occasion find in
present day stock feed free
Zimbabwe. Joe's Eisbein could really be confused
with a whole leg of pork.
What is more, for some very delightful reason they
don't serve you one, they
serve you two!
Conolly was still in friendly mood as he had not yet
heard of his
upcoming extended stay in Botswana, but he was still amazed to
observe that
the scribe, whom he insulted in Ghanzi as two livestock units,
was only able
to deal with one. For those of you mere crop farmers, one
livestock unit is
a fully grown cow weighing 450 kgs. The second Eisbein
provided a late lunch
for the two of us the following day on the road to
Gobabis and the border.
Now this is where the plot grows darker and
more ominous. After dinner
we were presented with a couple of shots of Joe's
favourite liqueur,
Jaegermeister. Then at about 11.00 pm when it was time to
go home, we
gathered in the car park, and Walter Mitty's partner in crime
Marietjie van
Staden who produces the NAU magazine Agriforum took three of
us back up the
road to the Guest House. The scribe then took Josephat Tshuma
on to his
larney lodgings at the Country Club beyond Eros airport. On the
way back he
wondered how he was going to get back in to his lodgings as
Conolly had the
flat keys in his pocket together with the remote control for
the gate. By
this time he was no doubt cosily tucked up in his bed. The
scribe rang the
bell at the gate and lo and behold the gate was opened by a
tired young lady
at reception who then retired.
The scribe
headed for the flat to find the lights on and the
television playing - but
it was all locked up and Conolly was missing! No
key, no more receptionist
but worst of all no Conolly with the keys either.
He wasn't with any of the
others whose rooms were all in darkness. No way of
going to look for him as
it was not possible to open the gate. So the scribe
sat down in reception
wondering if it would be more comfortable than
sleeping in the
car.
At 2.00 am guess who comes home? Conolly and his tsotsi friend
from
the CFU Deon Theron. And guess what else? These vulnerable Zimbabwean
youngsters had been led astray by that villain von Hase and his cohort van
Staden, ensnared and corrupted by that drug Jaegermeister which is unknown
in our blighted country. That nearly geriatric juvenile delinquent von Hase
had enticed Conolly and Theron back into Joe's from the car park and stayed
with them until they had got the taste of Jaegermeister and were hooked on
it. Then he sneaked away leaving these poor youngsters in the care of that
terror Marietjie who proceeded to supply them liberally with the
Jaegermeister stuff that gets served in little glasses.
CRAWFORD VON ABO WINS HIS CASE
The ruling in Mr. von Abo's case has
just been released. Mr. von Abo
is a South African citizen who maintains
that his interests and investments
in Zimbabwe were not properly protected
by the South African government. In
spite of many approaches they did little
to protect the affairs of von Abo
and stood idly by while his farms in this
country were stolen. Mr. von Abo
took the matter to court and Justice Bill
Prinsloo agreed and ordered the
South African government to remedy Mr. von
Abo's rights and report back to
the court within 60 days. Mr. von Abo, like
pretty well everyone else, was
not paid any compensation. SACFA
congratulates Crawford von Abo and thanks
him for his tenacious stand over
many years which has now culminated in a
blow against those who refused to
oppose the blatant theft of other people's
property. We look forward to see
how President Mbeki's merry men are going
to deal with this
one.
FOOD
At long last some maize is being imported
from South Africa and there
is a little maize meal to be had on the black
market at $500 billion per ten
kgs or if you are well connected you might
get it closer to the mills at
$350 billion. Whole maize is allegedly being
sold at GMB depots for $250
billion for supposed 50 kg bags.
MIKE CAMPBELL
Mike Campbell and his wife Angela have recovered
sufficiently to be
able to be driven back to their farm for their first
visit since being
abducted and assaulted. There were some touching scenes as
their staff
gathered around to greet and welcome them back to their home.
Mike's station
wagon has been found. The transponder which was not
transmitting for some
reason decided to work late one night and showed that
the vehicle was parked
in a garage in Kadoma. This led to the arrest of
Gilbert Moyo and some of
his cronies. The prosecutor has withdrawn charges
against many of those
arrested and they have been released.
The
electronic wizardry in the tracking device of Mike's car shows
exactly where
the vehicle has been. It went, on Mike's two full tanks of
diesel, to
Harare, Mutare, the Mozambique border and various other little
sorties. Best
to keep the tanks empty! Moyo didn't realise he was being
spied on and the
information was invaluable in locating other skelms in the
looting,
abduction and assault saga.
The electricity supply in Chegutu and
environs is worse than that in
Bulawayo. There the power goes off for the
whole day, whilst here in
Bulawayo on the bad days you are only without
power for about eight hours at
a stretch.
Harassment and
evictions of remaining farmers is ongoing, this
treatment seems especially
aimed at those in the district who have joined
with Campbell. In spite of it
all, the harvest of oranges proceeds apace and
the whole area is flooded
with oranges being peddled by vendors. Others ship
sacks full of oranges to
other markets.
SW
Radio Africa (London)
6 August 2008
Posted to the web 6 August
2008
Alex Bell
As the secret power sharing talks continue
between the MDC and ZANU-PF in
South Africa, Zimbabweans are fighting a day
to day battle to feed
themselves and their families, in a situation that is
increasingly
desperate.
Although the Zimbabwean government this week
announced a partial lifting of
the ban on international food aid, to permit
the resumption of feeding
programs for people living with HIV/AIDS, the
wider NGO distribution ban
remains in effect and continues to block the flow
of food aid to an
increasingly distressed population.
As a
result, food security for millions of Zimbabweans is deteriorating
rapidly.
The population has also been forced into a situation where basic
food is
already a luxury, with hyperinflation driving prices beyond the
means of the
majority of people. The country's most vulnerable, with no
money to even
consider making food purchases, have been left completely
helpless without
crucial aid needed to survive.
Last week, disaster relief officials for
the US Agency for International
Development (USAID) made an urgent appeal to
the Zimbabwean government to
rescind it's ban and guarantee the safety of
humanitarian workers. It came
after a visit to the country, which USAID
described as "extremely alarming".
Fambai Ngirande from the National
Association of NGO's, told Newsreel on
Wednesday that at least 5 million of
the country's population are facing
starvation, and called the situation a
"hidden crisis". He said the
government's refusal to lift the ban is
"complicating an already dire
situation" that will have ripple effects well
into the future. He said the
food crisis is forcing people to become
criminals or "enter prostitution for
food and money", and added that "an
entire generation is being wasted away".
Ngirande also labeled the
continuation of the talks between MDC and ZANU-PF
"ridiculous" given that
millions of people are starving in the country. But
he added, that if the
government cannot be pressured to aid its own people
in the face of such
suffering, "what else can be done?"
Meanwhile, the Red Cross said on
Wednesday it was launching a multi million
US dollar emergency food security
appeal, to help the Zimbabwe Red Cross
deliver food aid to "particularly
vulnerable people" and for the
organisation to import over 350 000 tons of
food. It said it's concerns are
based on future figures that "5.1 million
people could face food insecurity
by the beginning of the year if the
current harvest projections are
accurate".
http://zimbabwemetro.com/news/politics/cio-abduct-student-leader/
By Roy Chinamano ⋅ © zimbabwemetro.com ⋅ August 6, 2008
⋅ Email This Story
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As power sharing talks are
progressing in Pretoria,state sponsored violence
has reared its ugly head
again.
A University of Zimbabwe student activist and ZINASU general
councillor
Tafadzwa Mugwadi was yesterday kidnapped and assaulted by state
security
agents in Harare.
Mugwadi was at the Market Square bus
terminus on his way home in Glenview
when seven unidentified men bundled him
in a their vehicle before being
taken to an area near Kopje. The gang took
turns to assault him using
various objects including sjamboks, sticks and
clenched fists, accusing him
of training polling agents for the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC).
In a statement ZINASU condemned the
crackdown,”We condemn any acts of
violence and banditry at a time when the
main political players in the
country are currently on the negotiating table
to find a solution to the
crisis facing the nation.”
SABC
August 06,
2008, 21:15
Thulasizwe Simelane, Harare
Reports of an imminent
power-sharing deal have raised the expectancy of
ordinary Zimbabweans.
Political punters have hedged bets on a new look
government where Zanu-PF
and the MDC both occupy strategic positions.
Others believe change must
find expression in all tiers of government.
"While you parcel out positions
in governmentt or the executive, you must
ensure that you carry out
meaningful reforms, including personnel changes as
well in key policy making
institutions and key democratic institutions in
the country - if you want it
to be meaningful," said McDonald Lewanika, of
the Crisis in Zimbabwe
Coalition.
With ongoing claims of state sponsored violence, it will be
interesting to
note who takes control of security institutions like the
Army, Intelligence
and Police Departments. The state media, which has come
under fire by the
opposition, could also expect a facelift.
The
country's economic meltdown, which has seen inflation rocket to over 2.2
million percent, will demand major shakes up in institutions like the
reserve bank.
"The executive arm of the state would be charged with
dealing with these
matters, a ceremonial president would (have) very little
influence in these
matters. But if it's true that President Mugabe would be
ceremonial, given
the fact that he's been at the helm of government for 28
years, he'd have a
lot of influence in the manner in which dispensations
starts, and the urban
flow of that dispensation," said Ibbo Mandaza, a
researcher at Sapes Trust.
In a country that has experienced more that 10
years of bitter political
strife, expectations are now high that peace will
finally take root in
Zimbabwe.
By Lance
Guma
06 August 2008
Ruling party militants were caught on camera
beating up MDC supporters, 5
days after the signing of a Memorandum of
Understanding between Robert
Mugabe, Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara
where all parties agreed to
stop the violence. The damning footage shown by
UK Channel 4 news exposes
the terror inflicted by militants, operating at a
rural primary school
outside Harare. The film shows a group of thugs armed
with machetes and
clubs beating up a man lying on the ground. One of the
guards confessed on
camera that the reason he was opposed to the MDC coming
to power was that he
would face prosecution for his involvement in the Zanu
PF terror campaign.
The man who runs the camp openly boasted about
maiming and killing
opposition supporters and declared; 'Some we aim to cut
off their limbs,
some we remove their (sex) organs. The MDC will never rule
this country.'
Despite claims that Zanu PF was closing down its torture
bases, only the
smaller ones have been shut, with the militants being
transferred to bigger
bases known as District Command Centres. Each
constituency in the country
has one major base still in operation and
attacks on suspected opposition
supporters are still ongoing.
On
Wednesday the Zimbabwe National Students Union said its general
councilor,
Tafazdwa Mugwadi, was kidnapped and assaulted by state agents
Tuesday.
Mugwadi was at Harare's Market Square bus terminus trying to catch
a bus to
his home in Glen View. Seven unidentified men accosted him before
bundling
him into a waiting vehicle. 'The gang took turns to assault him
using
various objects including sjamboks, sticks and clenched fists,
accusing him
of training polling agents for the MDC,' a ZINASU statement
read. The
assailants also told Mugwadi they were looking for ZINASU
President Clever
Bere, the Secretary General Lovemore Chinoputsa and former
President Promise
Mkwananzi, who is now studying in the Netherlands.
In Buhera South two
MDC activists, Witness Maambire and a friend, were
abducted at gunpoint by
Colonel Morgan Mzilikazi at Chapanduka Business
Centre on the 24th July.
Three days after the signing of the MOU the local
MDC MP Naison Nemadzviva,
Maambire and a truck driver attempted to rescue 17
MDC activists injured in
brutal assaults by Zanu PF militia on the 17th
July. The injured have been
stranded in the area with no access to medical
treatment while Colonel
Mzilikazi blocks their movement. Mzilikazi and a
large number of militants
came to their truck, took out a gun and abducted
Maambire and the driver.
The MP managed to escape into the mountains and has
since been holed up in
Mutare fearing for his safety.
These and many other incidents have led to
serious questions being asked
about the sincerity of Zanu PF in it's
engagement with the MDC at the talks.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe
news
http://www.hararetribune.com/index.php?news=164
Tribune Staff 06 August, 2008
07:24:00
In Mash. West, persecution of MDC supporters and activits continues,
but on
a smaller scale that was the trend before the talks
began
Hurungwe North
Persecution of MDC supporters still continues
but on a smaller scale. In
Kazangarare area, near the town of Karoi
Malberiegn Kauchivenga, a 53 year
old MDC supporter was seriously assaulted
by Jawet Kazangarare on 25 June
2008. The victim had approached Kazangarare
at his homestead claiming money
for a goat allegedly forcefully taken from
him by the perpetrator as a form
of punishment and sign to show that he had
repented from being an MDC
supporter. Kazangarare was detained briefly by
the Zimbabwe Republic Police
in Karoi but was later released for reasons
still unclear. Rueben
Marumahoko, Senator for Hurungwe, and Peter Chanetsa,
previous governor of
Mashonaland West and now MP for Hurungwe North were
seen entering Karoi
police station shortly after Kazangarare's arrest and
ordering his release.
The police complied despite the many crimes he has
committed.
The notorious Jawet Kazangarare, a "war veteran" is known in
Mashonaland
West for spearheading the murder of Tapiwa Mubwanda, a MDC
activist murdered
in cold blood on the 12th of April 2008, and for
organizing and leading the
violent persecution of MDC supporters and accused
sympathizers. Returning
residents, who had been displaced when the violence
peaked, are being forced
to pay cattle, goats and chickens by Jawet
Kazangarare for them to be
readmitted into the community. Those who are
failing to do so are being
subjected to further violence and intimidation
and the threat of being
permanently chased away from their homes and
livelihoods. Confiscated
animals and grain are the major source of food for
the unemployed Zanu PF
youth and "war veterans".
Kariba
In
Musambakaruma area reports of continued violence are being received.
Cosmetically, torture bases in the area have hurriedly been dismantled in
recent weeks but the perpetrators have now resorted to a "new" strategy. It
is reported that they gather up in large numbers after a short, prior
arrangement and descend on unsuspecting victims, unleashing an orgy of
violent beatings and arson.
The remaining provinces have reported
that violence has died down but that
distribution of food aid and maize meal
from the Grain Marketing Board (the
only source of the staple food) is still
being controlled by ZANU PF
councilors and chiefs who are denying any known
MDC supporters access to the
scarce commodities
The violence
experienced in the province of Mashonaland West has displaced
close to 100
MDC supporters with many being left homeless as their houses
and property
burnt or destroyed. Three known deaths of MDC activists have
been reported
and many more injured.
6 August
2008
Residents in the
eastern suburbs of
CHRA has
consistently called upon the ‘Government’ to reverse the ZINWA take over, and
return the responsibility to manage water supply to the city council. However,
the Government remains adamant and maintains that there is ‘no going back on its
sinister and reckless decision to give ZINWA such a delicate mandate’. Last week
Walter Muzembi, the ‘Minister of Water’, vowed that the Government will not
reverse its decision to mandate ZINWA run
Meanwhile CHRA
dismisses the claims by ZINWA and the city health department that the eastern
suburbs are dry because they are ‘situated on high ground and therefore it is
difficult to pump water to those areas’. Those are ridiculous statements
characteristic of a defunct yet ruthless institution. Before ZINWA, these
suburbs have always been situated on high ground yet they have always had clean
water supply though erratic at
times . CHRA asserts
that these suburbs are not getting water not because of their location, but
simply because ZINWA is bankrupt and its management is not
serious and diligent enough in executing its
responsibilities. The
residents are not suffering because they are living in suburbs situated on high
ground, but simply because they are being ruled by parastatals and
a regime that is not
attentive or sincere about their plight. CHRA suspects
that the Government wishes to maintain its decision on ZINWA so that the water
crisis can continue, and generate hostility between the city council and the
residents. The residents are aware that the privatization of such social
services like water provision is a milking cow for the political heavy weights.
CHRA wonders who is getting the tenders to supply ZINWA with chemicals and
protective clothing.
Farai Barnabas Mangodza
Chief Executive
Officer
Combined
Exploration
House, Third Floor
Landline: 00263- 4-
705114
Contacts:
MUTARE, 6 August 2008 (IRIN) - Diamonds have scripted a typical rags to
riches story for Bonny, 35, who spent most of his life on the streets before the
discovery of the gems three years ago, near the eastern Zimbabwe town of Mutare,
transformed his life. "I have, over the last two years, acquired a fleet of 12
cars and several houses in Mutare and in the capital, Harare," Bonny told IRIN.
Photo:
IRIN
Boom times
"When the diamond rush began, very few people believed the stones were
precious. In fact, a company which had been doing some explorations here even
went as far as to say the stones were worthless industrial diamonds," he said.
"We had nothing to lose because we had little to occupy our time as
street dwellers. We collected as many stones as possible and when buyers started
flooding in, we realised we had made a lot of money," Bonny said.
Most
of the diamond fields are located in the Marange area, about 60km southwest of
Mutare, the provincial capital, but wealth is a difficult condition to keep
secret; before long, Zimbabwe's ruling elite arrived in a second diamond rush,
bringing with them policemen and soldiers to seal off the diamond-producing
area.
Entry to the diamond fields is gained by producing a national
identity card, proving the bearer is a local resident, or a police clearance
letter confirming that the bearer has legitimate business to conduct in the
area.
The state-owned Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation is
responsible for mining the diamonds, which are marketed by another state entity,
the Minerals Marketing Corporation of Zimbabwe (MMCZ).
The US government
targeted both organisations with sanctions in response to the recent elections
that were widely condemned as not free or fair, for "undermining of democratic
processes and institutions in Zimbabwe".
An IRIN correspondent managed
to enter the area after paying a soldier an "entrance fee" of R100 (US$13), and
was guided around the diggings by Simeon Nyati, from the Marange area.
Militarised zone
"The whole area is like a militarised zone
which can only be accessed by the powerful. There are checkpoints leading into
and out of Marange, complete with sniffer dogs," he told IRIN.
"One of
the vice-presidents has a big diamond field which is guarded by the military.
During the presidential campaigns, President Robert Mugabe visited a diamond
field, together with the First Lady, Grace Mugabe. We don't know the reason
behind the visit, but one of the most heavily guarded fields is said to belong
to the First Family," he alleged.
The diamond boom has made cellphones,
a symbol of wealth, a common feature in these rural areas, but appearances were
deceptive, resident and retired policeman Talent Makoni told IRIN, as the
diamonds had seen the town's population of 150,000 balloon to nearly one million
people, stretching the ability of Mutare to deliver services.
The diamond
rush also has brought rising levels of crime - last year an official of the
ruling ZANU-PF party was arrested after trying to persuade customs officials to
allow a Lebanese woman carrying several kilograms of diamonds to board a plane -
and sex workers were being drawn to the area to take advantage of the "free
spending" diamond dealers, Makoni said.
Unfortunately, our clients are not the traditional tourists. They are
diamond traders, who usually hire the services of local prostitutes and many
actually pay using the scarce US dollar
A hotel employee, who declined
to be identified, said they were always fully booked, even though tourism
arrivals had declined. "Unfortunately, our clients are not the traditional
tourists. They are diamond traders, who usually hire the services of local
prostitutes and many actually pay using the scarce US dollar."
A police
officer, who declined to be named, said: "There has been an upsurge in crime and
corruption following the discovery of diamonds. Our cells in the city are full,
and we are now holding some of the suspects in police cells outside Mutare. It
is either that the suspect stole somebody else's diamonds, or sold another
person fake diamonds."
Outside the town's courthouse there are often an
unusually large number of people milling around. "Most of them are here to pay
bail money for friends, relatives or spouses engaged in diamond trade," the
officer said.
In many cases diamond exhibits used as evidence had been
replaced by worthless pieces of glass, the police officer remarked. A visit to
the local police housing revealed that despite their low pay, many officers had
luxury electrical gadgets and television satellite dishes installed on their
roofs.
Zimbabwe economy is in meltdown, with unemployment in excess of
80 percent and annual inflation officially at 2.2 million percent, forcing
people to seek alternative ways of making a living.
"Cases of children
dropping out of school are higher in Marange, where the diamond fields are
found," said an official at the ministry of education, who declined to be
identified. "The explanation from the children and their parents is that they
see no need to pursue education when diamond panning can provide instant
riches."
He said the public service had also lost many employees, who
had opted for diamond trading "after seeing the change in lifestyles of other
people in the city".
The majority of shops in Zimbabwe, where even
basic commodities are difficult to obtain, have empty shelves, but in Mutare the
shop shelves are well stocked with groceries and electrical gadgets, mostly
imported from neighbouring Mozambique and South Africa.
Foreign currency
only
Widespread use of foreign currencies, such as South African rands,
Botswana pulas, the Mozambican metical and the US dollar, instead of the
increasingly worthless Zimbabwean dollar, had driven up the cost of living and
the local hotels were now charging more than those in Harare, a local
journalist, who declined to be identified, told IRIN.
"Transactions in
most commodities and services, such as medical consultations, rentals, even
purchasing firewood, are now done in foreign currency. Even commercial sex
workers now demand payment in foreign currency," he said.
However, other
residents said the proceeds from the diamond boom were not a curse but a
blessing that had greatly improved their standard of living. Mutare's
residential suburb of Murambi was until recently the most affluent in the city,
until Murambi East sprouted nearby, where multi-storey mansions are being built
on the side of the mountain.
Ephraim Milanzi, a taxi driver, said the
profits from diamonds were trickling down to all levels of society and had
created a source of employment for hundreds of residents.
"I resigned
from the civil service just over three years ago and used to ply the border
route when it was less lucrative. When the diamonds were discovered, business
improved and I have increased the number of my taxis to four," he told IRIN.
"On average, we gross US$400 a day. Business improves a lot during
public holidays. I am now building my second house in one of the prime
residential areas."
[ENDS]
[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United
Nations]
SW
Radio Africa (London)
6 August 2008
Posted to the web 6 August
2008
Alex Bell
South African police are investigating how a
controversial Zimbabwean
politician became the owner of an armoured
Mercedes-Benz, registered with
the South African government's VIP protection
unit.
The two million rand car was discovered parked in a lock up garage
at an
upmarket residential complex in Johannesburg on Saturday by the
maintenance
man. He had been asked to unlock the garage for a new tenant and
phoned the
police shortly after suspecting the dusty S 600 Mercedes parked
inside was a
stolen government car.
The luxury vehicle was found
to be complete with bullet proof windows,
hidden blue siren lights and an
internal camera.
Justine Chiota, who founded the Zimbabwe People's Party,
was eventually
traced by police and told South African media he had left the
car parked at
his girlfriend's house, but would not explain if he bought it
or if it was
given to him.
Chiota has been making waves in Zimbabwe's
political waters, after filing
two cases in court to contest his exclusion
from the March elections and to
halt the crisis talks currently taking place
in South Africa. The latter was
filed at the Johannesburg High Court this
week and names Presidents Thabo
Mbeki and Robert Mugabe and MDC leaders
Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur
Mutambara as respondents.
According to
South Africa's The Star newspaper, independent sources ran
checks on the
customised number plate "GP GP" - and the car's individual
engine number -
and confirmed it was registered as a state-owned car
belonging to the "VIP
government protection unit (diplomatic)". The car's
windscreen also
displayed a second number plate number on a separate licence
disk - and
that, too, was registered to the government.
A case of suspected stolen
property is under way.
http://zimbabwemetro.com/news/investigationwho-is-behind-justice-chiota-p1/
By Investigations Unit ⋅ © zimbabwemetro.com ⋅
August 6, 2008 ⋅ Email This
Story ⋅ Post a comment
Controversy is
brewing as speculation is rife that the South African
government could have
worked with a shadowy political party and the Central
Intelligence
Organisation to influence the outcome of the March 29th Poll.
In the centre
of this controversy is Justice Chiota president of a shadowy
political party
that became active just before the March 29 election has
been found in
possession of South African customized Government VIP Mercedez
Benz.
Background
Justice Chiota is the President of a shadowy
political party, the Zimbabwe
People’s Party (ZPP). He is the only known
official of the party. While the
party has registered offices and vehicles
according to our investigation it
has no structures
whatsoever.
According to the party ’s website the party was created on
the 19th of
February 1994 by its Founder President, Justine Chiota, “Its
main mission is
to take a leading role in the restructuring of Zimbabwe’s
policies by
bringing a majority of all Zimbabweans together in a dynamic
political
movement based on proven core values and standards for the
future.”, reads
an introduction on the website.
No other candidate
has ever contested an election under the party ’s name to
date except Chiota
himself who in 2000 contested the Harare North
constituency (ZPP),he amassed
222 votes, against the winner MDC’s Trudy
Stevenson who got 18
976.
After that election he was never heard of again nor his party until
eight
years later on the March 29 harmonised election as an aspiring
presidential
election candidate.
During the campaign period his party
raised eyebrows when it flighted
full-page advertisements in the state media
and buying spots on TV and
radio,signalling that is it well financed.
It
is not plausible Chiota could have financed these adverts himself since
his
only registered business is a film production company,hardly a big
investment in Zimbabwe.
“Fight poverty, join ZPP. Be active - it is
your future,” said one of the
advertisements then.
Chiota has never
granted an interview to any journalist and in August last
year declined an
interview with Zimbabwe Standard reporter Caiphas Chimhete
telling him he
was not prepared for an interview as it would jeopardize his
political
strategy.
He said he would only grant the newspaper an interview after he
had
registered “several vehicles and a building” he had bought for the
party.
“There is a strategy which we want to use and talking to the press now
would
kill that strategy,” he said.
After the presidential
election
After the presidential election Chiota alongside a former ZANU PF
chair
Daniel Shumba president of United People’s Party of Zimbabwe filed a
chamber
application arguing that there were unlawfully denied registration
as
candidates.
Chiota claimed that he arrived at the nomination court
in sufficient time on
nomination day, to be told that his papers were soiled
and could not be
accepted. He was advised that he could fill in new papers,
and as he was
present at the court they would be accepted even after the
4.0pm deadline.
The papers were rejected but Chiota appealed the decision and
the
Nominations Court refused the appeal. However, the case then went to the
Supreme Court, which agreed that there was a prima facie case. A ten-judge
bench is now due to consider the case.
Chiota has since instructed
his lawyer to write to President Thabo Mbeki,
demanding to join the ongoing
talks,Presidents Thabo Mbeki and Robert Mugabe
and MDC leaders Morgan
Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara as respondents.
Chiota also plans to file
an urgent application in the Pretoria High Court
instructing the talks to
cease and the participants to return to their home
countries, as well as to
pay the costs of the application.
Links with South African
government?
This week on Saturday in the plush suburb of Sandton, Chiota
was found in
possession of a R1,4-million armoured Mercedes-Benz S 600
allegedly
registered with the South African government’s VIP protection
unit.
The explanation lurks somewhere between Justine Chiota’s claims
that the car
legitimately belongs to him and the vehicle’s two different
number plates
linking it to the VIP fleet.
The Sandton area is one of
the most opulent in Johannesburg and South
Africa, homes in the estate sell
for as much as R3-million.
The car has bullet-proof windows, blue sirens
behind the front grill and an
internal camera by the rear-view
mirror.
When South African paper The Star contacted Chiota about the car,
his
response was: “That’s my car. Period,it’s just a full bullet-proof
vehicle”.
He would not explain whether he had bought it in Zimbabwe or in
South Africa
or whether it had been given to him.
Independent sources
who ran checks on the customised number plate “GP GP” -
and the car’s
individual engine number - and confirmed it was registered as
a state-owned
car belonging to the “VIP government protection unit
(diplomatic)”.
The car’s windscreen also displayed a second number
plate number on a
separate licence disk - and that, too, was registered to
the government.
Chiota also claimed he was in a position to speak
personally to Mbeki.
Could the Mbeki government have worked in cohorts
with the Central
Intelligence Organisation(CIO) to sponsor the ZPP as as to
split the
opposition vote in the last election?The court application by
Chiota could
it be Mbeki’s underhand plan to delay reaching a settlement
with the MDC?The
investigation continues.
http://www.radiovop.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=3451&Itemid=755
HARARE, August 6 2008 - Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor,
Gideon Gono has demanded back close to 21 vehicles
he leased to the Zimbabwe
Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) for the coverage of
the 2008 general
elections.
Sources at ZBC said Gono
last month wrote to the corporation's
management requesting that the vehicles
be returned to the Central Bank
given that election coverage was
over.
ZBC had, prior to the elections, failed to cover some
rallies, which
were addressed by President Robert Mugabe alongside a host of
other Zanu PF
officials in various parts of the country where it runs
bureaus, owing to
shortage of vehicle.
The sources said
management was in a panic following the request for
the return of the
vehicles as this could bring the newsgathering activities
at the state
broadcaster back to its knees.
"Gono wrote to the ZBC board
last month demanding that his cars be
returned to the bank because they had
served their purpose. All the bureaus
had been allocated vehicles from the
RBZ fleet and the demand leaves the
organization in a precarious position,"
said the source.
Radio VOP understands that Gono was angered by
the prohibition imposed
on RBZ's live broadcasts of the monetary policy
statements as well as other
events.
It is understood that
Gono wanted a two-way relationship where he
would not be charged for live
broadcasts and would in-turn, subsidize ZBC
through vehicle schemes and other
loans.
ZBC management, however, has insisted that the Reserve
Bank should pay
for the broadcasts being subsidized by the
bank.
The ZBC management said there was a crisis at the company
as workers
were still to be paid their July salaries, owing to poor cash
flow.
"If Gono manages to pull out as he is threatening, then
there could be
a serious problem that would need government intervention
through extensive
funding of the corporation's operations," a source
said.
No comment could be obtained from ZBC management.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Wednesday, 06 August 2008
14:32
--as price of
milk affecting production
Milk production in Zimbabwe has drastically
decreased with the
consumption of milk by a Zimbabwean being 14 litres per
year. Milk
production fell from 430 tons in 1980 to 248 in 2006. The country
needs over
13 million litres of milk every month , but production is now
less than 9
million litres.
The Presidential land report
recommended that 20 000 heifers be
imported ''to boost the national herd ''
and ''concrete plans[by
government ] should be made to increase the number
of new indigenous farmers
in milk production through various support
programmes '', to resuscitate
the dairy industry, africa Dairy Mail
reports.
Meanwhilst the National Dairy Farmers Association recently
called on
the government to review the price of milk upwards to enable
dairy farmers
sustain operations.
NDF Chairman Ajs Kirk called the
government that the gazetted price of
milk ws to low to sustain production
since prices of dairy inputs such as
stockfeed and vaccines were constantly
being adjusted in line with the
hyperinflationary environment .
"Farmers are finding it difficult to maintain production levels as
returns
are not matching costs of production ,'' he said.
Kirk urged the
govrnment to consider introducing a willing -buyer
and willing -seller
concept for dairy farmers since the industry could
not withstand the
prevailing hyper inflationary environment.
''The industry will continue
to sink if the governmentdoes not address
the plight of dairy farmers ,''
he added.
He said farmers were also failing to access funds at
financial
institutions while in some cases the money was released
late.
Kirk said the stock feeds constituted about 77 percent of
the total
costs incurred in milk production while the use of vaccines was
another
major factor. Dairy farming is one of the zimbabwe's major
components of
agriculture but unviable prices have affected the industry
over the past few
years.
Export of dairy products generates
substantial amounts of foreign
currency for the country whikle in large
number of locals depend on the
industry for emloyment.
Most shops
are dry and have no milk products stocks . Most of these
commodities are
readily available on the parallel market where the prices
are not within
the affordable reach of many.
'BY GRAIL KUPAKUWANA
http://www.hararetribune.com/index.php?news=165
Tribune Staff 06 August, 2008 07:30:00
Ian Kay,
charged by the pro-ZANU-PF police for "inciting violence", has had
his
passport denied today by a magistrate in the town of Marondera
Harare --
Hon. Iain Kay MP elect for Marondera Urban who is being charged
with
"Inciting violence in Wenimbe resettlement" has appeared three times in
three days at Marondera Magistrates court seeking to have his bail
conditions lifted ie. his passport returned to him and his twice weekly
reporting to Police stopped.
Hon. Kay's lawyers made this application
as he and his family had booked and
paid for a short five days holiday in
Mocambique over the long weekend. The
magistrate has just dismissed the
application. An urgent application will
be made to the High Court on
Thursday morning.
This is clear harrassment as the State has no evidence
to substantiate their
allegations of inciting violence.
http://www.monstersandcritics.com
Aug 6,
2008, 13:14 GMT
Geneva/Johannesburg - The Red Cross in Zimbabwe
on Wednesday issued an
emergency appeal to donors for 26.6 million dollars
for food aid to
Zimbabwe, saying millions in the politically and
economically unstable
country faced hunger.
The International
Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies
(IFRC) in Geneva said
the funds would help those already in need and avert
an aggravation of the
situation.
The number of people in need could rise to up to 5.1 million,
almost half
the population, by the end of the year, the IFRC
noted.
The IFRC currently provides food aid to 260,000 people in
Zimbabwe,
including orphans, the chronically ill and other vulnerable
people, IFRC
relief programme coordinator John Roche said.
'Given the
worsening supply situation, we want to expand these efforts in
the coming
six to nine months and also coordinate with other relief
organizations,' he
said.
Populist policies that have resulted in hyperinflation of several
million
per cent, combined with drought, are blamed for the hardship of many
in the
southern African country.
Aid agencies say food imports are
urgently needed to counter the situation.
Zimbabwe's controversial
President Robert Mugabe, whose re- election in a
one-man election in June
has been derided as a sham by the West, has come
under fire for ordering
'pro-opposition' aid agencies to suspend their field
operations in the
run-up to the poll.
Under pressure from the African Union and the dire
state of the economy,
Mugabe's Zanu-PF party has entered talks in South
Africa with Morgan
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) on the
formation of a
unity government.
A unity government that is led by
the MDC would attract a glut of donor
funding and foreign
investment.
According to South Africa's The Star newspaper Wednesday, a
draft agreement
that is being circulated at the more than two-week-old talks
proposes that
Tsvangirai be made executive prime minister and Mugabe a
ceremonial
president.
Johannesburg-based radio station 702 also
carried a similar report.
The Star said the deal would also give Mugabe
and other Zanu-PF leaders
immunity from prosecution for atrocities committed
under his 28-year rule.
Neither party to the talks would confirm the
report because the they are
subject to a media blackout.
Appeal for ZNSPCA
ZNSPCA are
once again appealing for assistance to feed over 110 dogs that
have been put
into our custody by the Zimbabwe Republic Police pending a
Court Case for
charges of animal cruelty. We originally had over 50 dogs but
unfortunately
more dogs are now starving, resulting in our involvement once
again. We
appreciate all the assistance offered to us since our last appeal,
without
which we could not have catered for the needs of the animals in our
care. We
are unsure as to how long the Court case will take, but will keep
the public
informed on its' progress. Some of the animals are under
veterinary
attention and may not recover from the abuse that they have
suffered.
The dogs under veterinary attention are being housed at
Harare SPCA, the
remainder of the animals are "on site". In order to protect
these remainder,
ZNSPCA Inspectors are camping at the premises and taking
care of the dogs.
Once again, any donation, no matter how small, will be
appreciated by both
us and the animals. Please contact our offices for
further information in
this regard - on cell numbers 0912 335 464 and 011
630 403.