• Zimbabwe pressed to devalue official rate of exchange
• SA's Codesa experts beef up MDC team
• Mugabe stuns worshippers
• Fears over Mhashu's stay in UK
• Misa an outlaw organisation - Mahoso
• Govt thwarts Makwavarara's ouster
• 'Made killing agriculture'
• Donnelly digs in heels on rights abuses
• Zanu PF caught in own legal tangle
• Funds for housing projects vanish
• Zanu PF revives constitutional debate
• Garwe to rule on Tsvangirai application
• Zanu PF to elect provincial committees
• Govt rocks Oppenheimer empire
• Over $880b needed for agricultural recovery
• Begging and bombast don’t go together
• The economy can, and will, get worse
• Property market goes for forex
• Where there’s a hole, Moyo fills it
• IMF blasts Zimbabwe again
• Zimbabweans too docile - Nyemba
• Zim's domestic debt soars again
• RBZ challenges govt on inflation control
• A welcome change

      The official exchange rate has been held at Z$824 to the US unit since
the end of February, when the government devalued the currency by some 93
per cent. Last week, angry small-scale tobacco growers forced the temporary
closure of the tobacco auction floors in protest against the official
exchange rate, at which they are paid.

      They say their production costs are in effect double the revenue they
earn at the current rate of exchange.

      The growers abandoned their boycott following official assurances that
the exchange rate was under review. This suggests that the authorities are
preparing either to announce another substantial devaluation or that the
government will resurrect its export price support scheme for exports such
as tobacco and gold.

      There is no single explanation for the sudden weakening of the
Zimbabwe dollar in the unofficial market, but the country has been gripped
by a spending frenzy as individuals and businesses respond to rapidly
worsening inflation outlook.

      The year-on-year inflation number for July, due out next week, is
expected to reach 400 per cent: share prices on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange
have risen some 90 per cent in the past two months as asset inflation takes
hold.

The Codesa process ushered in a democratic dispensation in South Africa in
1994. It was held between 1991 and 1993 in Kempton Park, Johannesburg, and
represented a variety of political players.

The MDC delegation included opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's advisor,
Professor Eliphas Mukonoweshuro, party spokesman Paul Themba Nyathi,
Priscilla Misihairambwi-Mushonga, Isaac Maphosa, Mahlunge and a diplomat
based in Harare.

The South African group comprised former African National Congress (ANC)
secretary-general and key Codesa negotiator, Cyril Ramaphosa, United
Democratic Movement deputy president and ex-Provincial Affairs and
Constitutional Development minister after 1994, Rolf Meyer, South African
Communist Party secretary-general Blade Nzimande, and ex-ANC national
executive committee member and outgoing chief executive of the National
Economic and Labour Development Council, Phillip Dexter.

It also included Cape Town High Court Justice Dennis Davis, an ANC top
official and parliamentary portfolio committee on justice chair, Johnny De
Lange, and former South African President Nelson Mandela's legal advisor
during Codesa, Fink Haysom.

Meyer, a vastly experienced politician, was the National Party's chief
Codesa negotiator, while Haysom was also involved in advising on transitions
in Chile, Kenya and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Documents to hand indicate that the teams discussed case studies on
transitional issues in relation to Zimbabwe.

The MDC used the meeting to gather "lessons, experiences, perspectives, and
ideas around the issues of talks, negotiation and transition".

Although the South Africans made valuable input, documents suggest the MDC
"controlled, determined, guided and made decisions on the intellectual
aspects of the discussion".

The opposition wanted to sufficiently understand the terrain, challenges and
complexities of talks with the aim of "develop(ing) its own suggested road
map or framework of negotiations and transition".

The MDC proposed a road map that include talks about talks for two months,
formal negotiations for two months, transitional arrangements for three
months and implementation of agreed issues for another three months before
free and fair elections are held. It also alluded to a transitional
constitution. (See local news.)

Direct informal talks are currently going on between the MDC and Zanu PF to
clear obstacles before the dialogue that collapsed last year in May
officially resumes. The parties have been meeting for sometime now over the
current crisis.

The South Africans said there was need to establish a framework and broad
objectives for talks. They also said there would be need to "respect
deadlines and avoid or prevent unilateralism" during talks.

The MDC, Codesa negotiators said, should know the first rule for
negotiations was that there were no rules. But the meeting agreed "there was
need to establish mechanisms to secure the irreversibility of the
negotiations and transition" in Zimbabwe.

"Zimbabwe must think through the process of how to secure its own
transition," the records of the meeting say. "There is need to strengthen
the resolve for internal process to ensure legitimacy is accorded it."

It was said the international community should only play a supportive role.

The June meeting concluded there was a "mutually hurting stalemate" in
Zimbabwe that must be resolved urgently. It was observed that the objective
conditions on the ground, as in South Africa towards the late 1980s, were
now ideal for talks because the balance of political forces has shifted
dramatically.

While Zanu PF still controls the state machinery and has some rural support,
the MDC has 54 parliamentary seats, chairs portfolio committees in the
House, sponsors four mayors, and holds sway in most urban areas. It also has
considerable international support. This represents a sea change from the
early 90s when Zanu PF was the sole political force.

Mugabe's motorcade soon arrived at the church for the 79-year-old leader to
attend the service together with his first-born daughter, Bona and Robert
Jnr.

Father Kizito Mhembere, the parish priest, told the congregation at the
beginning of mass that Mugabe had decided to attend without prior warning.

"I received a phone call this morning from the State House with the message
that the president was coming to attend mass here with us," said Mhembere.

"When I phoned back to say that we had not prepared for him, I was told it
was too late because he was already on his way. He is not here to talk
politics, but to pray just like any other Christian."

Mugabe, who was in a pensive mood, did not address the congregation. Neither
did he greet or wave to the public in his usual way.

Save for the ubiquitous soldiers and police as well as his aides dressed in
suits, Mugabe's presence at the service was low key.

Sitting in the second row with his aides seated behind him, Mugabe sat
staring straight ahead as he listened to the sermon and dutifully responded
to prayers.

In the later stages of the mass, a woman said a prayer for Mugabe: "Bless
our president who is here and bring peace to our country," she intoned.

After the mass Mugabe spent 30 minutes at the priest's home. He later
rejoined his motorcade which left for State House.

Mugabe used to attend mass at the Cathedral in central Harare but of late
the First Family had stopped attending mass on Sundays.

MDC sources told the Zimbabwe Independent this week that the party was
concerned that Mhashu could choose to stay in the UK becoming the second MDC
MP to do so after Zengeza MP Tafadzwa Musekiwa.

Musekiwa skipped the country to seek employment in the UK saying he feared
for his life.

Last week Mhashu said he had remained in the UK to nurse his wife who
suffered head injuries when she was attacked by people who raided his home
in March.

Mhashu, who is the MP for Chitungwiza, has not returned to his house since
the attack. He said the people who raided his home in March had threatened
to kill him.

"I was simply nursing my wife in the UK and she will be coming back home
soon," he said. "I remained there because those people who beat her up
threatened to kill me. There are no dead heroes as you know very well."

He denied that he had taken employment at a garage in Luton saying his sons
were taking care of his family. Mhashu said he had no intention to live
anywhere out of the country.

Mhashu, who is the chairperson of the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on
Education, left Zimbabwe on March 17 on a programme sponsored by the US
embassy. From the US he proceeded to the UK to organise a visa for his wife
to join him following the attack.

He said he had communicated with the Speaker of parliament Emmerson
Mnangagwa through his lawyers on his decision to remain in the UK.

The MDC fears that if its members skip the country its coffers will be
further stretched through by-elections.

In an interview on Wednesday Mahoso said Misa did not register because it
wanted to operate as a media commission. He branded Misa an outlaw
organisation and said others were in the same position.

"The problem is the set-up of Misa and the Media Monitoring Project of
Zimbabwe (MMPZ). There is a conflict in jurisdiction and mandate," he said.

"They expected to be made the commission and they literally masquerade as
one. They should know that a private organisation cannot make a commission,"
he said.

MMPZ yesterday dismissed Mahoso's assertions.

"Whilst I cannot speak for Misa, MMPZ has no intention of taking the place
of the MIC," MMPZ coordinator Andrew Moyse said. "It sounds like he feels
threatened by our organisations, which existed long before the MIC."

Mahoso said the Daily News, which has challenged registration in the Supreme
Court, needed to register with the commission as well.

"They have defied legislation and so they too have the status of an outlaw,"
said Mahoso.

"The Daily News has the option of registering before the judgement is out.
Misa should go and register. We want to avoid going to the courts because
it's very expensive," he said.

"The last resort is to go to jail. They are seriously pretending to be
ethical and upholders of values when they violate the law," he said.

Misa in a statement said it had only sought clarification from the
commission.

"In January Misa-Zimbabwe initiated dialogue with the Media and Information
Commission to seek clarity on a wide range of issues of concern to our
membership and to us as an organisation."

"At the time, other than the promulgation of the Broadcasting Services Act
and Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act, media practitioners
were being given very little information on the mandate of the Media and
Information Commission. As a result there was a great deal of uncertainty
over a number of issues," Misa said.

"Misa-Zimbabwe has a number of matters that it is concerned with as far as
Aippa is concerned. These include the work and composition of the MIC
itself. We believe some of such concerns can be addressed through engagement
with the MIC and other authorities," it said.

According to the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act, media
organisations which do not register with the commission can be fined up to
$300 000 or its principals imprisoned for up to two years, as well as having
their equipment forfeited to the state. Asked why the commission had not
enforced this clause, Mahoso said the process was under way.

"We are doing it step by step. But the arm of the law is very long. Nyaya
haiori (crime does not rot). It might take even two or four years," he said.

The tenure of deputy mayor Makwavarara, who has been acting mayor since
Mudzuri's suspension three months ago, expired at the end of last month and
council was expected to choose a new deputy mayor this month.

Makwavarara has had a brush with party members over allegations that she was
executing directives from Chombo in defiance of the party's position to defy
the minister. Makwavarara has denied allegations that she is pliant to the
minister's demands.

Party insiders say MDC councillors were expected to vote in a new deputy
mayor together with chairpersons of standing committees this month.

A letter from Local Government permanent secretary Vincent Hungwe to
Makwavarara on Tuesday directed the acting mayor to cancel the pending
elections.

'The minister writes to advise you that the on-going investigations by the
committee of inquiry that he appointed to investigate the allegations
preferred against suspended mayor Elias Mudzuri, touch and relate to the
activities of the key standing and other committees of council," Hungwe
said.

"The minister therefore directs in terms of section 313 of the Urban
Councils Act that all pending elections for the deputy mayor and
chairpersons and members of all standing and other committees of council be
suspended until the on-going investigation by the committee of inquiry has
been concluded," he said.

Hungwe also directed Makwavarara to ensure that all senior council employees
remained in their current positions for the duration of the investigation.

"We have rampant foot-and-mouth throughout the country. He was warned this
would happen, and now the cattle industry is in deep trouble, huge resources
of forex are needed to control the situation and this finance could have
been better utilised to implement the land reform programme more effectively
and with some degree of success."

Taylor-Freeme said CFU members had an excellent track record of grain
production but vital infrastructure was sitting idle.

"We have massive food imports yet there is agricultural infrastructure
sitting idle such as irrigation schemes, tobacco facilities, greenhouses.
Crops are being abandoned or stolen, pedigree herds are being slaughtered,
and farmers being evicted when silos are sitting empty," he said.

He said Zimbabwean farmers were under threat of becoming irrelevant in the
region as their traditional markets were being taken over by other
countries.

"Commercial agriculture should be expanding, not shrinking as is happening,"
he said.

"Looking at the region, Zambia is about to export 120 000 tonnes of grain to
what traditionally was our market. Seed maize is being grown in neighbouring
countries when it should be produced here and exported," he said.

The agricultural sector has been in free-fall over the past three years as
government implemented its arbitrary and chaotic land reform programme.

The programme has brought the formerly vibrant commercial agricultural
sector to the edge of ruin as manifested through acute food and forex
shortages.

Production in general has tumbled by over 70% over the past three seasons
with areas planted being drastically reduced.

"In tonnage terms, commercial farmers, excluding A2 farmers, this year are
expected to produce 80 000 tonnes of maize (10% of normal), 35 000 tonnes of
soyabeans (22% of normal), and 15 000 tonnes of wheat (5% of normal),"
Taylor-Freeme said.

The reductions are likely to be exacerbated by the shortages of fertiliser
and other inputs.

"Two years have now passed since I arrived in Zimbabwe. It has been a
roller-coaster ride, with plenty of ups and downs and with seatbelts
fastened most of the time," he said in the latest edition of Britain &
Zimbabwe magazine.

"Among the ups: prices - of almost everything, the number of people needing
food assistance, political violence and polarisation, violations of human
rights."

Sir Brian said the downs included "economic growth, maize, wheat and tobacco
production, fuel supplies, foreign trade and investment, the value of the
Zim dollar, standards of healthcare and education, and tolerance.

"In short, by almost any measure, Zimbabwe is much worse off than when I
arrived," he said. "Why? One school of thought is that this sorry state is
largely the responsibility of the British government (aided and abetted at
different times by the United States, European Union and Australia). For
some of it I'm even blamed personally."

Donnelly said "an alternative explanation is that the current situation is
the result of a series of calamitous policy decisions in which political
ideology and survival have outweighed economic rationality and fundamental
principles of governance and human rights".He dismisses the first
explanation about Britain's colonial ambitions as "complete fiction".

"From the standpoint of knowing exactly what the British government has and
has not done over the last two years, I know which explanation I prefer -
and it isn't the first one!" Donnelly said.

"Sovereignty cannot, and should not, be used as a barrier against
international scrutiny where civil rights are concerned. Britain has learned
this lesson over the last 40 years in Northern Ireland."

London would, he said, remain undeterred in its condemnation of tyranny.

"So 'yes' we do speak out - and urge others to do so - when we see flagrant
violations of international standards of political and human rights," he
said.

"Yes we do support the right of the people of Zimbabwe to elect their
leaders freely and fairly. Yes we do support the efforts of regional states
to promote reconciliation. But 'no' we don't have any malign or subversive
intent."

Donnelly said Britain, which has donated more that £50 million to alleviate
the food crisis, would continue to provide humanitarian assistance despite
the political stand-off.

British Secretary of State for International Development, Baroness Valerie
Amos, writing in the same magazine, said Harare's imperialist claims against
London were ridiculous.

"Cooperation is often contrasted with colonialism and I know that in
Zimbabwe the British government is accused of wanting to surreptitiously
'recolonise' the country," she said.

"But the days of colonialism - the imposition of values and exploitation of
resources by force, and domination of one people by another - are gone."

Amos said inter-party talks between the ruling Zanu PF and the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change, and an end to intimidation and violence,
were the only way out the current crisis.

Ndlovu has been a councillor for Ward 20 for more than 10 years and was
acting mayor of Bulawayo for three years before the election of Japhet
Ndabeni Ncube in 2001.

The country's Citizenship Act was amended prior to the hotly contested
presidential election in March last year in a move political commentators
said was meant to bar farm workers - mainly those of Malawian and Zambian
origin - and whites from casting their votes.

The government viewed them as sympathetic to the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change.

The amendments have been challenged in the Supreme Court by local citizens
in their individual capacities. The government has since gazetted an
amendment to the principal Act to ensure some of the affected groups are
recognised as Zimbabweans by law.

The judgement by the nomination court however means that the MDC has already
secured two council seats in two wards in Bulawayo after Zanu PF failed to
field a candidate in another ward at the close of the nomination court last
Monday.

The two unopposed MDC candidates are Cornelius Ncengani of Ward Four and
Kelboy Mabandla of Ward 20.

The two are expected to take office at the beginning of September after the
elections.

MDC provincial spokesperson for Bulawayo, Victor Moyo, confirmed that the
two MDC candidates were unopposed at the close of the nomination court on
Monday and said they would take office at the beginning of September.

"We have 29 candidates contesting council seats in Bulawayo and already we
have won two uncontested as Zanu PF failed to field candidates," he said.

Prospective home-seekers were made to contribute to the new housing schemes.
Structures that had been built illegally were subsequently destroyed by
police amid promises by government that the home-seekers would be given
alternative land in Harare.

The Harare City Council, led by executive mayor Elias Mudzuri, overturned
decisions by the Elijah Chanakira-led commission to allocate stands to war
veterans in the capital. The commission had allocated stands to war veterans
in Crowborough North, Lochinvar and Warren Park.

The war veterans, who had contributed funds to cooperatives headed by party
activists in the hope of getting stands, were told to wait for the council
to allocate them, but this has been in vain. Some of them are now demanding
reimbursement of their contributions.

Zimbabwe National War Veterans Association secretary-general Andy Mhlanga
confirmed this week that most of the schemes had been abandoned but he said
he was not in a position to comment on the whereabouts of members'
contributions.

"There are some schemes which were abandoned because the sites were not
suitable for housing projects," said Mhlanga. "We advised the Harare City
Council and the Local Government ministry to relocate the affected people.
We are not aware of any progress made on relocating the people."

Mhlanga said the schemes were spearheaded by housing cooperatives
independent of the war veterans' leadership. He said his association only
assisted in securing land.

War veterans who had contributed funds towards the housing schemes said they
were not reimbursed their money, which sources said run into "hundreds of
millions".

"We contributed funds which were over $20 000 per person in 1999 towards the
housing scheme near Harare International Airport," said Steven Muzariri, a
Harare a war veteran.

"The scheme failed to materialise and we haven't been reimbursed our money.
We are still waiting to hear from (Vivian) Mwashita who was the leader of
the cooperative."

When contacted for comment last week, Mwashita said she was not sure what
became of the projects.

"No I'm not sure about that (monies)," said Mwashita. "I am only aware of
one (housing scheme) that we used to run with the late (Chenjerai) Hunzvi
near Granville Cemetery but I don't know how it ended."

The sources said the ruling party wants new constitutional provisions
instead of an interim document to facilitate any transition because it is
anxious to secure immunity guarantees for President Robert Mugabe to protect
him from charges of human rights abuses.

It is understood the MDC wants limited constitutional reform to facilitate
the creation of an independent electoral commission that would run elections
under an interim constitution with a transitional authority supervising the
process.

The new or revised constitution that Zanu PF wants would combine elements of
both the rejected government-sponsored draft and the National Constitutional
Assembly (NCA)'s proposals.

The two existing drafts are fundamentally divergent in their proposed system
of government, although they have similarities in other areas.

The official document proffers a French-style co-habitation system of an
executive president and a prime minister, while the NCA suggests a
Westminster model of a powerful prime minister and a titular head of state.

Sources said Zanu PF legal technocrats are busy trying to distill the two
drafts to come up with a consolidated document that would be debated in
parliament.

Reports of a revived Zanu PF-engineered constitutional agenda came as it
emerged yesterday that MDC officials recently met Convention for a
Democratic South Africa (Codesa) veterans to sharpen their negotiating
skills in preparation for the resumption of the collapsed talks with Zanu PF
(See Headlines)

The South Africans suggested a transitional constitution as the best route
out of the current quagmire.

Mediators at Codesa - the process that led to a democratic dispensation in
South Africa - told the MDC leaders that although problems like these in
Zimbabwe are better resolved politically, there was need for durable and
legal mechanisms to underpin agreements and political solutions.

There is now a new impetus towards a negotiated political settlement. Zanu
PF and the MDC have been in direct informal talks for sometime now to clear
contested issued before talks officially resume.

South African President Thabo Mbeki, who recently secured American support
for his "quiet diplomacy", and local church leaders are actively involved in
trying to broker dialogue.

When a new constitutional dispensation is secured, sources said, that could
be the most practical way to ease Mugabe out of power and pave way for new
elections.

MDC attorney Innocent Chagonda said Garwe, who is judge president, would
hand down his judgement on the application by head of the defence team
George Bizos today.

"The ruling will be made tomorrow morning at 11:00," Chagonda said
yesterday.

The High Court deferred ju-dgement on the case on July 28.

Garwe had promised two weeks earlier to deliver a ruling on Bizos'
application to have treason charges against Tsvangirai and others dropped on
the grounds they were allegedly trumped-up by government agents for
political reasons.

Tsvangirai is jointly charged with MDC secretary-general Welshman Ncube and
secretary for agriculture Renson Gasela for plotting to assassinate Mugabe
in 2001.

The trio has denied the charges but face the death penalty if convicted. The
alleged intrigue was uncovered after Canadian political consultant Ari
Ben-Menashe accused the MDC officials of approaching him to arrange Mugabe's
murder. Ben-Menashe has produced grainy video and inaudible sound tapes
recorded at meetings between MDC members and himself in London and Montreal
as evidence.

However, MDC attorneys led by Bizos have dismissed the purported evidence as
contrived and useless after a dramatic long-running trial.

Ben-Menashe was "a notorious and demonstrable liar", Bizos said in his
application for a discharge.

A number of state witnesses have concurred that the evidence is unreliable.

"The terms of all provincial chairmen are coming to an end," said
Shamuyarira. "Elections to fill these positions would be held soon and a
special conference or different conferences will be held soon after the
council elections," he said.

Shamuyarira said the elections would also fill positions in provinces that
did not have substantive chairmen. Mashonaland Central has an acting
chairman after the position was made vacant this year by the death of
Stephen Nkomo.

"There are some provinces that have acting chairmen like Bulawayo and we
want to call for elections so that substantive chairmen are found for those
provinces," he said.

Jostling for positions in various provinces, especially in Matabeleland
South and Bulawayo, has already started amid allegations that those eyeing
the party presidency are pushing for the candidacy of trusted party cadres.

The provincial leaders will next year vote into office the party president
and executive members. While other provincial leaders have remained mum on
the future of President Mugabe as party leader, Matabeleland South and North
leaders have said they would pick party chairman John Nkomo to succeed
Mugabe.

Party sources said the jostling threatens to compromise the party's campaign
for local government elections scheduled for the end of the month.

The Zimbabwe Independent this week learnt that camps had emerged in Bulawayo
province with senior party leaders backing different people for the post of
chairman, left vacant after Jabulani Sibanda was kicked out.

Sources said names that have been thrown into the fray include those of
acting chairman Silas Dlomo and two provincial committee members, Jimmy
Nleya and Abu Basuthu.

The six properties are Josephs Block ranch, Esmyangene Block, Bulawayo
Syndicate Block, Mbati Tlabetsi and sub-division A of Mbati Tlabetsi - all
in the Bubi district of Matabeleland South. The other one is Umgazi farm
registered under Belingwe district.

The latest development comes after government seized over 35 000 hectares of
land from the Oppenheimer-owned Debshan ranch in 2001.

The government has alleged that the Oppenheimer family owns land the size of
Belgium.

Vice-President Joseph Msika, accompanied by Ignatius Chombo, the Minister of
Local Government, Olivia Muchena, the late Matabeleland South governor
Stephen Nkomo, and Midlands governor Cephas Msipa, swooped on Debshan farm
to kick-start the demarcation of the property in 2001.

The Oppenheimers control two of Africa's richest companies, Anglo American
Corporation and De Beers, a diamond mining concern.

The government has said it will acquire a further 65 000 hectares from the
135 000 hectares at Debshan ranch.

This is despite the fact that in September 2000 the Oppenheimer family and
the Anglo American Corporation (AAC) offered government 40 000 hectares of
the 960 000 hectares of land they own for resettlement.

The latest listing of the Oppenheimer farms come after President Mugabe said
his government had completed its fast-track land reform. - Staff Writer.

Asked what was being done about the issue Estate Agents Council chairman
Tavenganiswa Mabikacheche said the matter was supposed to be handled by the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ).

"We have not received any complaints from tenants and as such we cannot act
on the issue," he said in an interview.

"Unless we receive a complaint we cannot do anything. Our role is to deal
with complaints from tenants unhappy about their relationships with their
landlords. The Reserve Bank deals with foreign currency issues and would be
better placed to answer your questions."

The RBZ said questions on the matter should be put in writing.

The latest developments come as landlords, especially those living abroad,
are snapping up properties using foreign currency earned in the West.

Thousands of locals, including top professionals, have quit the country to
sometimes take menial jobs in the United Kingdom, the United States,
Australia and in neighbouring South Africa in search of elusive foreign
currency and to escape Zimbabwe's economic and political uncertainties.

The Zimbabwe dollar is struggling against the world's major currencies
making the parallel market a norm in the country.

The local currency is trading at a minimum of $2 500 against the greenback,
$3 500 against the pound sterling and about $350 against South Africa's rand
on the parallel market.

Houses are being advertised in newspapers for between US$300 to US$1 000 a
month, translating to between $800 000 and $2 million in Zimbabwe dollar
terms.

The Zimbabwe dollar is however officially pegged at $824 against the US
currency, $1 300 against the pound, $105 for the rand and $160 against the
Botswana pula. This arrangement has riled the business community especially
the mining and tobacco sectors.

Investigations by businessdigest revealed that landlords were now avoiding
registered estate agents preferring to advertise their properties and handle
their own sales.

A four-bedroomed home in the upmarket Highlands suburb along Glenara Avenue
advertised as being "very good for diplomats" was asking US$300 with the
amount payable in US dollars "only".

"We are only interested in United States dollars," said the agent. "This is
an expensive property and we are interested in diplomats who are more
responsible than locals."

He said he did not care whether it was illegal or not to charge in foreign
currency because "everybody is doing it".

"All chefs are doing it," he said. "Investigate more and you will discover a
shocking number of individuals are doing the same thing. Nothing is being
done about it. That's Zimbabwe for you so just leave me alone. It's nothing
new."

Another property being leased out by Alex & Webb Realty in Helensvale, also
said to be ideal for diplomats, was going for US$550, the equivalent of
about $1,1 million on the parallel market. The landlord wanted six months
rentals in advance for the property.

"The owner wants United States dollars only," said an official from Alex &
Webb Realty, the letting agents.

It is reliably understood that some landlords are now requesting potential
tenants to deposit the money in their offshore accounts.

Meanwhile, four bed-roomed houses in upmarket suburbs are now being leased
for between $800 000 and $2 million monthly in Zimbabwe dollar terms.
Despite the huge figure diplomats, chief executive officers,
non-governmental organisation bosses and bank managers entitled to
million-dollar monthly perks including company houses and luxurious vehicles
are snapping them up.

As a result of that decision Zimbabwe can no longer appoint a governor or
alternate governor to the IMF, participate in the election of an executive
director for its board, or cast its vote in decisions on IMF policy or
country matters.

On Tuesday last week the IMF issued a Public Information Notice (PIN) to
make known its views to the world about Zimbabwe.

According to PIN regulations, the action is intended to "strengthen IMF
surveillance over the economic policies of member countries by increasing
transparency of the IMF's assessment of these policies".

The six-page report was a longer version of that given out on June 6
expressing the IMF's dissatisfaction about relations with Zimbabwe.

The report was released as the country's banking system faced its worst
crisis ever with an acute shortage of banknotes and collapse of public
confidence.

The IMF said the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) should ensure that banks met
all prudential regulations and were adequately capitalised and fully
provisioned for non-performing loans.

They noted that strengthened banking supervision and determination in
dealing with problem institutions would also be prerequisites for the
successful introduction of the planned Deposit Protection Scheme.

Directors urged the authorities to introduce legislation to combat money
laundering and the financing of terrorism in accord with international
standards.

The IMF expressed concern about the expansionary stance of fiscal policy,
including large quasi-fiscal operations, which had weakened the fiscal
position and contributed to exchange market distortions.

They said dealing with inflation would require expenditure restraint, in
particular on low-priority items, while protecting key social services.

President Robert Mugabe and his government officials have however said they
are no longer bothered about IMF advice, mainly because the organisation had
messed up Zimbabwe's economy in the first place, they argue.

Mugabe and his officials claim Zimbabwe is better off without the
Washington-based institution including its sister organisation, the World
Bank, because their policies have become bitter pills to swallow for
citizens.

The president has openly told his government to dump the Bretton Woods
Institutions.

In its report the IMF said Zimbabwe's economic crisis reflected to a large
extent "inappropriate economic policies: loose fiscal and monetary policies,
the maintenance of a fixed exchange rate in an environment of rising
inflation, and administrative controls".

"Increased regulations and government intervention have driven economic
activity underground, and contributed to the chronic shortages of goods and
foreign exchange," the IMF said. "The impact of these policies have been
exacerbated by the fast-track land reform programme, recurring droughts, and
the HIV/Aids pandemic.

Meanwhile, investor confidence has been eroded by concerns over political
developments, weak governance and corruption, problems related to the
implementation of the government's land reform programme, the push for an
increased indigenisation of the business sector, and the selective
enforcement of regulations."

Insiders this week said Mugabe and his government officials were extremely
unhappy about the release of such a damning report internationally,
especially coming when they are engaged in behind-the-scenes talks with the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) to try and solve the current
crisis.

They said government was of the opinion that the West was happy if
Zimbabwe's political and economic problems persisted resulting in citizens
considering overthrowing the 21-year old regime.

The said another issue was that IMF was riled by the fact that government
had grabbed vast hectares of fertile land from thousands of commercial
farmers who were now seeking employment and sometimes citizenship in the
West.

"Decisive steps to restore confidence in the government's economic policies,
including enhanced governance and transparency and respect for the rule of
law, and broad ownership of the reform process, will be key to revamping
productive investment, attracting needed foreign direct investment, and
regaining the support of foreign creditors and donors," the IMF said.

"Directors considered the government's recent steps to adjust exchange and
interest rates and fuel and electricity tariffs, and ease price controls to
be steps in the right direction. They stressed, however, that the magnitude
and pervasiveness of economic distortions call for a significant further
enhancement of the scope and speed of stabilisation efforts."

The IMF directors said these efforts should be implemented within a
consistent overall macro-economic framework and complemented by the
sustained implementation of key structural reforms

      Yes, admittedly there is a banking crisis but seriously, gentlemen, do
we think nobody knew that things would go this way?"

      The prominent banker made the remarks before presenting his financial
institution's sterling results at an analysts' briefing.

      In its unaudited group interim results for the half year ended June 30
Trust's net profit for the period stood at $15,1 billion in historical
terms, an increase of 150% over the performance figure for the whole of the
2002 financial year.

      In inflation-adjusted terms the group chalked up $12,6 billion.

      Compared to the six months ended June 30 2002 this represents an
increase of 817%, while in inflation-adjusted terms it stood at 176%.

      The group's total balance sheet size stood at $202 billion compared to
$44 billion as at June 2002.

      Earnings per share stood at 3 924 cents.

      Trust declared a dividend of 700 cents per share and Nyemba promised
shareholders this would double "when next you hear from us again".

      "Despite the difficult economic hardships we are going through we all
need to work together," Nyemba told analysts.

      "We are happy that the clergy, politicians and concerned citizens are
working together, sometimes behind closed doors, to try and solve what we
are experiencing. Even us as bankers are also trying to help the country get
back on track. I worked in Ghana which went through the same patch and I
have been consulting government on how we can get back to where we belong."

      Nyemba and another prominent banker Kingdom Financial Holdings Ltd
founder and deputy chairman Nigel Chanakira represent Zimbabwe on the
influential World Economic Forum (WEF).

      They meet with WEF officials at least once a month to update the
association on Zimbabwe's economic progress.

      "We just need higher bank notes full stop," Nyemba said, departing
from his prepared presentation. "With the level of inflation we simply
cannot hide behind a finger and pretend that somebody is going to help us
get out of our situation. Printing small notes just does not solve
anything."

      The banker was referring to the current cash crisis facing
Zimbabweans.

      He said while the banking sector was being blamed there were more
players that needed to take responsibility about the cash problems. Nyemba
is a former deputy president of the Bankers Association of Zimbabwe.

      Trust chairman Tichaendepi Masaya said the cash shortage, a first of
its nature in the history of the financial services sector, continued to
escalate to crisis levels particularly in the latter part of the period
under review.

      He said this had negatively affected confidence and service delivery
in the sector.

      Masaya said it was imperative for authorities and industry players to
urgently put in place measures to overcome this crisis, and avert serious
dislocation of economic activity.

      During the period under review, Trust successfully concluded
negotiations to acquire a controlling stake in CAL Merchant Bank Ltd, a
leading merchant bank in Ghana.

      The group expects to assume control of operations in the last quarter
of this year.

      Negotiations have reached an advanced stage for the acquisition of a
business in Malawi, as well as the opening of a start-up project in
Botswana.

      Masaya said these international and regional transactions would in the
immediate future contribute significantly to the group's earnings, and
reinforce Trust's already growing position as a dominant financial services
group.

The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) in its Weekly Economic Highlights for the
period ending July 18, said reduced spending on investment goods was
reflected in collapsing private and public infrastructure, deteriorating
stock of capital, as well as de-industrialisation.

The bank said during this time lending to banks declined while credit to
government increased.

However, RBZ weekly advances to government steadily declined during the
period from $50,3 billion on May 16 to $11,3 billion on June 27.

The bank said as of May 16 the government's domestic debt stood at $446 101
900 000. This shot up to $460 374 400 000 on May 23, $493 648 600 000 (May
30), $496 556 000 000 (June 6), $490 641 900 000 (June 13), $508 948 400 000
(June 20) and $542 235 300 000 (June 27).

During this time the RBZ's weekly advance to government however declined
from $50 291 200 000 on May 16 to $12 864 900 000 (May 30 and June 6), $12
258 900 000 (June 13), $5 293 200 000 (June 20), and $11 334 800 000 on June
27.

The central bank said it was worrying that Zimbabwe's consumption levels had
risen significantly, from around 80% of GDP in 1995, to over 100% in the
last two years.

"Consumption levels in excess of 100% are particularly worrying, as they
signify that, as a nation, we are living beyond our means," the RBZ said in
its latest report. "It also implies that investment is financed from sources
other than domestic resources, which is only made possible by accumulating
balance of payments deficits."

The bank said both private and public sector consumption levels rose
significantly over the last decade.

The rise in government consumption - largely reflecting recurrent
expenditure - had been reflected in persistent fiscal budget deficits, which
had averaged 10% of GDP since 1990.

"Private consumption, representing the nation's unwillingness to forego
current consumption, also rose to over 50% of GDP, in 2001," the RBZ said.
"Regrettably, the private sector's high propensity to consume, has been
reflected in increased spending on non-essential and speculative activities,
which fuel inflation, currently at 364,5% as of June 2003."

The central bank said the decline in investment had been mirrored in
concomitant decline in real economic activity, across major sectors of the
economy.

"In particular, shrinkage in key sectors of agriculture, manufacturing,
mining and construction, resulted in a fall in real GDP growth rates, from
9,7% in 1996, to an estimated minus 12,1% in 2002," the RBZ said.

Neighbours Botswana, Malawi, South Africa and Zambia have inflation rates of
11,1%, 16,7%, 11,3% and 21,9% respectively while another major trading
partner, the United Kingdom has an inflation rate of 2,8%, down from 2,9% in
May this year.

The surge in inflation has been blamed for the current serious cash crisis
facing Zimbabwe and the decision by the RBZ to introduce the $1 000 note in
October.

The RBZ said it would rebrand the $500 note in a bid to force customers to
send money through the financial system, which is currently cash-strapped.

Inflation has also resulted in citizens carrying around large amounts of
money just in case they come across scarce goods available on the parallel
market at exorbitant prices.

The RBZ said national economies prosper on increased domestic investment,
which required a sacrifice on current consumption, among other bold
measures.

It said against the background of declining savings and deteriorating
balance of payments in the economy, it was clear that Zimbabwe needs to
reduce the current levels of consumption, so as to free resources for
investment.

"There is also need for concerted efforts towards fighting inflation, which
has fuelled consumption spending and, discouraged saving," the RBZ said in a
report.

"Low inflation is also critical for enhanced savings mobilisation and
increased investment - preconditions for economic growth and development."

Zimbabwe's balance of payments position remained weak last year propelled
largely by the continued decline in export receipts and the absence of
offshore lines of credit and multilateral and bilateral support.

The current account suffered from protracted shrinkage in export volumes.

Annual merchandise exports in 2002 were estimated to have nose-dived by
10,8% from US$1,57 billion in 2001 to US$1,4 billion in 2002.

Major declines were in gold (25%), tobacco (17,1%) and pure manufacturers
(8,7%).

The tourism sector, which is one of the country's sectors with high
potential to earn foreign currency, remained subdued in 2002 registering
inflows of US$42,6 million over the nine months to September 2002 compared
with US$59,3 million over the same period in 2001.

I was a guest of the US State Department's International Visi-tor Programme
which seeks to familiarise foreign guests with the workings of government
and civil society. It provided an opportunity to meet leaders in a variety
of fields and learn the priorities of policy-makers on "US engagement in the
post-9/11 world".

Ours was a small party of African editors but much larger groups from a wide
range of countries visit for longer periods. I bumped into MDC chief whip
and Mutare Central MP Innocent Gonese on a tour of the Rocky Mountains in
Colorado. We both froze at 11 400 feet!

Alumni of the programme, I was told, include Festus Mogae, Margaret
Thatcher, John Kufuor, Mwai Kibaki, Tony Blair, Bakili Muluzi, Megawathi
Sukarnoputri, Mahathir Mohamad, Gerhard Schroeder, and Hamid Karzai. A large
number of civic players and journalists have also benefited.

While largely centred on Washington DC, our programme did provide a major
excursion to Denver, Colorado, where we visited the nearby US Air Force
Space Command and met Denver's Homeland Security chiefs. In Washington we
met with Stephen Hayes, president of the Corporate Council on Africa,
economist Dr George Ayittey who cut through much of the verbiage on African
politics with an incisive analysis of where the continent's problems really
lie (not anywhere else!), and Congressional staff members.

I was particularly impressed by Salih Booker of Africa Action whose
penetrating and fluent analysis of America's role in the world left nobody
in any doubt as to his credentials as a severe critic of his government. He
has been pilloried by Zimbabwe government spokesmen as an Uncle Tom because,
with other distinguished African American activists, he dared criticise the
Mugabe regime. I asked him what he thought of the December 12 Movement. "Be
suspicious of any organisation with a date in its name," he joked.

Briefings at the Pentagon were off the record so I cannot repeat them here.
But I was struck by the openness and readiness of political staff and
serving officers to discuss with the media the strategies and actual
workings of the Defence department as it faces a number of threats to the
security of the US. The Americans openly say that US security interests are
linked to the elimination of terrorist networks and that vulnerable states,
such as those in sub-Saharan Africa, create threats to those interests. As
in Liberia they are committed to working with sub-regional organisations
like Ecowas (Sadc isn't mentioned any more!) while at the same time
cultivating strategic port and airfield access.

This explains the emphasis on stability and combating the spread of HIV/Aids
during President George Bush's recent tour. The US conducted US$22,4 billion
in trade with Africa in 2000.

In Colorado a huge airbase hosts the US's eyes-in-space command where
satellite surveillance, in addition to providing weather, communications,
intelligence and missile-warning roles, also ensures the "friendly" use of
space through what are termed "counter-space operations". Here, every item
that it is possible to detect in space is monitored including a glove that
one astronaut lost and paint particles floating around posing a hazard to
space vehicles.

The new mayor of Denver, John Hickenlooper, had only been in office four
days when we met with him. His brewing company and chain of restaurant/bars
have done much for the city's revitalisation.

Many US cities are engaged in energetic downtown renovation. We saw the
results in Washington, Baltimore and Denver where people are moving back
into immaculately maintained city centres bringing life and revenues. Free
transport on Denver's main thoroughfare makes getting around easier. But I
don't know if the sound of lowing cattle emerging from grilles in sidewalks,
designed to evoke the city's cattle-herding past, did much for one's
appreciation of local history!

For me, user-friendly American bookstores are a treat. Armchairs and sofas
encourage browsers to relax with coffee and cookies while leafing through
the world's greatest array of books and magazines. We also saw how public
television, although comparatively tiny compared to the commercial stations,
can provide a useful alternative. Ray Suarez, senior correspondent for The
NewsHour with Jim Lehrer, gave us a fascinating glimpse of the workings of a
financially pressed but much-respected broadcaster.

I had to tell an editorial staffer at the Denver Post that members of our
party found the mainstream American press bland. Nothing invites the reader
to buy a US paper. Headings are dull, news reports are formulaic, and
preoccupation with balance often means pointless journalism. Our host agreed
and said he always asked friends returning from Britain to bring papers with
them so he could show his staff what a lively press looks like.

I raised with Homeland Security personnel at every opportunity the
contradiction of the US promoting the rule of law in Africa and then
facilitating the abduction of terrorist suspects from countries like Malawi
where they enjoyed court protection orders. The officials invariably
professed ignorance of this episode and promised to investigate. I'm not
expecting a response any day soon!

At the end of a hectic two weeks I could tell our hosts that while we were
unlikely to return home as enthusiasts of America's new world order or its
sudden discovery of Africa, we could at least comment with more insight and
depth on this amazingly diverse and energetic society that for better or
worse influences our lives in every degree.

A concluding thought for those who like to talk about American imperialism:
Americans of Hispanic origin now form a majority in several cities. Cubans
in Miami, Puerto Ricans in New York, and Mexicans in LA, they are visible
and voluble.

Spanish is virtually a second official language used extensively.

Spanish-language radio and TV stations are available in all hotel rooms. The
Latin beat can be heard everywhere.

This demographic tide is adding vitality and diversity to American society,
just as irish and Jewish immigrants did in the past. So what will the face
of American "imperialism" look like in 20 years time?

Less like George Bush, more like Jennifer Lopez?