Observers express skepticism over benefits of Europe-Africa summit

International Herald Tribune

The Associated PressPublished: December 10, 2007

LISBON, Portugal: The first summit in seven years between Europe and Africa
has split opinion: Was it a first baby step toward better ties? Or was it a
failure, with few results to show for all the triumphant presentation?

The two-day summit last weekend in Portugal was billed as a long-postponed
attempt to move the continents beyond their postcolonial grievances and
clear up differences over trade and human rights, especially in Zimbabwe and
Darfur. Continuing friction over those issues, however, dominated the
summit.

"It's better to talk than not to talk, to try rather than not to try," Reed
Brody of Human Rights Watch, a New York-based human rights organization,
said Monday.

But he added the summit "was very long on promises and very short on
action," noting that a declaration promised to provide swift protection for
civilians in danger but that civilians are currently dying in Darfur and
Somalia. The declaration also pledged to combat corruption, though European
banks allegedly are holding ill-gotten assets of African dictators.

Alex Vines, an Africa analyst at Chatham House, a London-based think tank,
said he had had low expectations for the Lisbon gathering, describing it as
"more a lofty, wordy, photo-call type of thing."

Even so, it laid the groundwork for longer-term progress, he said.
"It was important that it occurred because it sets a precedent for another
(summit) in the future," Vines said.

Ghanian President John Kufuor, current chair of the 53-member African Union,
said at the summit that the event proved the two continents' leaders were
getting along better.

"This is the right mood. The Lisbon mood," he said.

However, the mood quickly soured when some African leaders voiced angry
rejection of the European Union's proposals for a free trade agreement.

The EU is offering African governments unrestricted access to its 27 member
countries if Africa in turn grants tariff reductions for European goods — a
condition Africans fear will make their less competitive local companies
vulnerable and take away valuable tax revenue.

Oliver Buston of DATA, an African advocacy group founded by Bono, the
frontman for Irish band U2, said the summit gave African leaders a chance to
air their shared misgivings on the trade proposals.

"The positive thing was that the African leaders made a strong case on
trade, in quite a concerted way," he said. "The Europeans heard the message.
The question is, will they act on it?"

The EU had been particularly interested in putting the two continent's
economic relationship on better footing, fearful Europe is falling behind as
China and other developing countries make inroads on a continent where
economies and populations are growing, creating business opportunities.

Oil-hungry China's trade with Africa is expected to surpass US$70 billion
(€47.7 billion) this year. The EU is still Africa's biggest trading
partner — amounting to US$218 billion (€149 billion) last year — and Africa
is the EU's biggest aid recipient, taking about half of what the bloc hands
out each year.

Deep differences over the human rights record of Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe and currently inadequate measures to end the deadly conflict in the
western Sudanese region of Darfur also darkened the proceedings.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel told the summit EU countries were "united"
in condemning Mugabe for what they view as his economic mismanagement,
failure to curb corruption and contempt for democracy. British Prime
Minister Gordon Brown stayed away from the summit in protest against
Mugabe's attendance.

Responding at a closed-door summit session Mugabe rebuked Germany, Sweden,
the Netherlands and Denmark for their criticism of his regime, according to
a report Monday in state-controlled Zimbabwean newspaper The Herald.

Mugabe described those countries as "the gang of four which did not speak
their own minds, but the mind of (British Prime Minister) Brown," the paper
said.

Brody of Human Rights Watch said the promises on human rights delivered at
the summit remain to be tested.

"At the end of the day, the question is whether this (summit) makes a
difference to the people on the ground, and I'm afraid the answer will be
no," he said.

Zimbabwe lauds Mugabe's summit visit, calls critic racist

International Herald Tribune

The Associated PressPublished: December 10, 2007

HARARE, Zimbabwe: A hero's welcome was being prepared Monday for Zimbabwean
President Robert Mugabe, with state media portraying his visit to Portugal
for a weekend summit as a triumph despite the criticism he faced there over
his human rights record.

Mugabe, Zimbabwe's only ruler since independence from Britain in 1980, was
"an indisputable icon of African nationalism" who took center stage at the
summit and made "some of the European heads of government and his detractors
including Angela Merkel look like dwarfs," Information Minister Sikhanyiso
Ndlovu, the chief government spokesman, was quoted as saying in state media
Monday.

Official media in Zimbabwe reported that Mugabe "stole the show" in Lisbon.
Monday, busloads of supporters were seen being driven to the main Harare
airport, evidently to welcome him home.

German Chancellor Merkel had said as the special Europe-Africa summit opened
Saturday the EU was "united" in condemning Mugabe for what critics inside
and outside Zimbabwe view as his economic mismanagement, failure to curb
corruption and contempt for democracy.

That prompted The Herald, the Zimbabwean government mouthpiece, to call her
a "Nazi remnant." The Herald quoted Ndlovu as accusing her of "racism of the
first order."

Ndlovu had racially charged criticism for Baroness Valerie Amos, who
represented Britain in Portugal after British Prime Minister Gordon Brown
stayed away to protest Mugabe's attendance.
"If she (Amos) has a soul, she would understand that she is being used by
her master against her own people," Ndlovu said.

At the summit, Amos, who is black, "emphasized the importance of the
summit's goals and set out a number of stark and shocking statistics, such
as the average life expectancy for women in Zimbabwe, which is 34," a
Foreign Office spokeswoman said, on customary condition of anonymity in line
with policy.

In his summit speech, Zimbabwean media reported Monday, Mugabe described
Germany, Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands as "a gang of four" that sided
with Britain in attacking him.

Mugabe said Italy, Spain, France, Greece, Belgium, Austria, Romania and
Finland did not mention Zimbabwe at the summit and "this confirmed northern
Europe as the hard-liners while the southerners have a different approach to
Zimbabwe," The Herald reported.

Mugabe accused his critics in the EU of "arrogance" and said they had been
misinformed about Zimbabwe's situation.

Erika Steinbach, a lawmaker with Merkel's Christian Democrats, said the
German leader deserved "respect and recognition" for her criticism of
Mugabe.

"The accusation of arrogance that Mugabe then directed at the EU and
specially at Germany is outrageous" and reflects "the dictator's
small-minded and inhuman mentality," Steinbach said in a statement.

"If his information minister is now following up and insulting Chancellor
Merkel as a 'racist' and a 'fascist,' then this government is unmasking
itself," Steinbach said.

In his speech, Mugabe accused his European critics of parading a "fiction"
about his country that was "either a result of British propaganda or perhaps
a misguided sense of racial solidarity with the white farmers of my
country," according to The Herald's account.

The government-ordered, often violent seizures of thousands of white-owned
commercial farms since 2000 plunged the agriculture-based economy into free
fall, leaving the former regional bread basket with the world's highest
inflation and acute shortages of food, most basic goods, hard currency,
gasoline and medicines. Mugabe's political opponents, meanwhile, are
regularly jailed, beaten and harassed.

Foreign aid and investment have dried up in seven years of political and
economic turmoil.

Europe, Africa seem oceans apart on rights, trade

Reuters

Mon 10 Dec 2007, 12:31 GMT

By Pascal Fletcher

LISBON, Dec 10 (Reuters) - Only a slim strip of sea separates Europe and
Africa but the world's biggest economic bloc and its poor neighbour seem to
be oceans apart over how to improve human rights and build trade ties. A
weekend summit in Lisbon brought together 70 European and African heads of
state, but despite lofty proclamations of the "spirit of Lisbon" and a
post-colonial "partnership of equals", the unwieldy conclave showed little
meeting of minds.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel scolded the Africans about the situation in
Zimbabwe, where President Robert Mugabe is accused by the West of crushing
opponents and wrecking the economy.

But the former Marxist guerrilla chief, viewed as an anti-colonial
independence hero by many Africans, strutted with a steely smile through the
summit in the absence of British Prime Minister Gordon Brown, who stayed
away in protest.

Asked by Reuters for his message to the West, Mugabe, 83, was happy to raise
a combative fist for the cameras.

European Union officials soothingly assured the Africans that new
liberalising trade deals -- which Brussels insists be signed before a World
Trade Organisation waiver on preferential terms expires on Dec. 31 -- would
be good for them in the end.

But many African heads of state, led by Senegal's octogenarian president
Abdoulaye Wade, opposed the EU economic partnership agreements or any
interim substitutes, saying their imposition smacked of divisive colonial
paternalism.

Wade warned "slow, bureaucratic" Europe that it risked being left behind by
China and India in the race for investments in Africa.

Virtually the only African leader to talk to the media in Lisbon, Wade
ensured his irate public "No" to the trade deals dominated the final day of
the meeting, overshadowing the hurried closing session, which lacked several
prominent leaders.

The Lisbon Declaration at the end of the first EU-Africa summit in seven
years promised another meeting in 2010.

But human rights and anti-poverty campaigners bemoaned a wasted opportunity
to agree concrete assistance for the millions of African poor, or to move
decisively to solve festering African conflicts like the one in Sudan's
Darfur.

"Political leaders declared this a meeting of equals. They bear equal
responsibility for its failure," said El-Khidir Daloum, Advocacy Manager for
Save the Children in East Africa.

CONTINENTAL DISCONNECT

Summit hosts Portugal, who could claim a small diplomatic victory for
ensuring the summit survived a pre-meeting row over Mugabe's attendance,
tried to play down the visible divisions.

"The very fact that the summit was held at all was a result," said Prime
Minister Jose Socrates in his closing comments.

The disconnect on human rights seemed complete when Wade, responding to
Merkel's intervention on Zimbabwe, said she was "badly informed". Who could
say, he asked, that rights were abused more there than elsewhere in Africa?

"That's embarrassing," said Human Rights Watch's Reed Brody, who also chided
South African leader Thabo Mbeki, arguably Africa's most powerful leader and
a mediator for Zimbabwe, for maintaining public silence in Lisbon over
Mugabe.

"Mbeki's silence was like a thumb in the eye of public opinion," Brody said.

Some analysts question the West's obsession with Zimbabwe. Other African
leaders accused of abuses or dubious democratic credentials, such as
Equatorial Guinea's Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo or Gabon's Omar Bongo,
Africa's longest serving leader with 40 years in power, seem to enjoy far
more indulgent treatment while western companies develop their oil reserves.

Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi brought his eccentric showmanship to the
summit, pitching his Bedouin tent in a 16th century fortress on the Tagus
riverbank and deploying his khaki-uniformed and black booted female
bodyguards in the chambers of Lisbon University while he spoke there.

Adding to the sense of estrangement, a Portuguese passer-by was asked by a
TV station whether he had heard of Darfur, whose name was posted up by
advocacy groups in big letters outside the summit: "Darfur? Isn't that a
supermarket chain?," he asked. (Editing by Axel Bugge and Keith Weir)

EU ignorant on Zimbabwe issue, says Mbeki

SABC

December 10, 2007, 19:00

President Thabo Mbeki says the noises raised around Zimbabwe during the
Euro-Africa summit this past weekend were due to ignorance about the SADC
initiative.

Germany said Zimbabwe was damaging Africa's image. Four EU members tried to
bring in the Zimbabwean issue.

“They didn’t understand what was happening... so they were being made as
though nothing was happening.... that the Zimbabweans had not understood
that their country faces a problem and had not responded, 'you must come and
attack and put pressure' -- there's no need for any of that,” said Mbeki.

The President also said Africa will not be pressured into accepting an
unfair deal with the EU. "We are saying no, you can’t agree to this
substance until you are quite sure the agreements address the matter of
poverty and development, which they don’t."

The deal is aimed at giving African goods greater access to EU markets.
Europe wants all parties to sign now and discuss the details later, in an
attempt to beat the December 31 deadline.

Europe seems shaken by the new alliances Africa is forming with countries
like China.” They recognise the fact that the continent was not coming to
them as beggars and Africa was saying whenever you are ready, we are ready,”
says Mbeki.

With African economies beginning to show signs of life, it seems the EU is
faced with a much tougher, more confident continent.

Africa Action Statement on the Crisis in Zimbabwe

http://www.africaaction.org/newsroom/docs/ZImbabweStatement.pdf

December 10, 2007

On Human Rights Day, Africa Action, the oldest Africa advocacy organization
in the U.S., expresses its commitment to stand in solidarity with the people
of Zimbabwe who in the midst of extreme political violence are working for democracy,
human security and social justice.

Africa Action and its predecessors have a long history of solidarity with
the people of Zimbabwe. In the 1970’s and 80’s this commitment manifested
itself in political and material support for the independence movement and opposition
to U.S. government policies that supported white minority rule. Today,
Africa Action works to deepen our ties with a range of progressive civil
society organizations that continue to struggle for democracy and human rights.

Skyrocketing inflation, massive unemployment, and widespread poverty have
left the population desperate for change. The U.S. and other western
governments have fueled today’s political and economic crisis from independence onwards. Shortly after independence, the U.S. and the UK failed to fulfill pledges to finance
land reform and address inequalities.

In the 1990’s, the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, dominated by
western governments, pushed Zimbabwe to accept structural adjustment policies that
undermined social programs and stalled economic progress. Structural adjustment drove down the standard of living for most Zimbabweans and set the stage for the current
challenges. As a result, civil society has been wary of western intervention, for fear that it carries with it a secondary agenda of promoting a neoliberalism in Zimbabwe that would not protect Zimbabweans’ right to health, education and social welfare.

Earlier this year a violent crackdown against political opposition in
Zimbabwe sparked international outrage. Thus far this year there are over
6,000 cases of human rights abuses. A recent example was the November 22nd beating of 22
members of a pro-democracy civil society organization. The political repression in
Zimbabwe stands in direct contradiction to the principles that were the cornerstone of that country’s  liberation struggle.

Dutch PM 'honoured' by Mugabe slur

Monday 10 December 2007

Dutch prime minister Jan Peter Balkenende says he is 'honoured' to be
included in Robert Mugabe's 'gang of four' critics of Zimbabe's human rights
record.

The Zimbabwe president used the phrase about the Netherlands, Germany,
Sweden and Denmark after criticism of his country for its violation of human
rights at this weekend's EU/Africa summit in Lisbon.

Balkenende said Mugabe's outburst was not just about the four countries,
because the critical remarks came from EU foreign minister Javier Solano and
commission chairman Jose Manuel Barrosa, who speak for the whole EU. But he
said: 'I consider it a badge of honour.'

© DutchNews.nl

Zimbabwe’s Mugabe Criticizes Sweden

Radio Sweden

Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has criticized Sweden’s Prime Minister
Fredrik Reinfeldt for being arrogant.

Speaking at the EU-Africa-Summit held in the Portuguese capital of Lisbon,
Mugabe pointed out that Sweden alongside with Germany, Denmark and The
Netherlands was acting hostile toward Zimbabwe. Mugabe referred to the fact
that the four European governments have repeatedly taken up the human rights
issue in Zimbabwe blaming the president for ruining his own country.

Reinfeldt said he was “honored” to be named by Mugabe in such a negative way
as this proved Sweden’s efforts to fight for human rights.

German Government: Merkel Spoke For All EU In Mugabe Attack - AFP

nasdaq

BERLIN (AFP)--German Chancellor Angela Merkel's attack on Zimbabwe's
President Robert Mugabe at the E.U.-Africa summit in Lisbon reflected the
position of all of the European Union, the German government said Monday.

"The chancellor was asked by the Portuguese (E.U.) presidency to raise the
issue," deputy government spokesman Thomas Steg told a media briefing.

"She put forward this position on behalf of all the European heads of state
and government," he said.

In her speech to the Lisbon summit on Saturday, Merkel lambasted Mugabe over
his human rights record and accused his government of "harming the image of
the new Africa".

Harare on Monday retaliated by calling Merkel a "racist" and a "fascist".
Zimbabwean Information Minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu was quoted by the
state-run Herald newspaper as saying: "She should shut up on Zimbabwe or
ship out."

"Zimbabwe is not a colony of Germany. This is racism of the first order by
the German head of state."

Mugabe, in power in the former U.K. colony since independence 27 years ago,
is accused by the West of leading Zimbabwe to economic ruin, rigging his
2002 re- election and brutally cracking down on political opposition.

But German newspapers on Monday questioned the wisdom of Merkel's remarks.

"The two sides have come to blows, sparks are flying and not a few African
leaders are feeling offended that Merkel attacked Zimbabwe's dictator in the
name of the European Union," the Suddeutsche Zeitung commented.

"This is no basis for rational politics."

  (END) Dow Jones Newswires

Diplomacy's immunity

The Guardian

Peter Tatchell is wrong: calling the cops on Robert Mugabe is a diversion
from the real task of combating impunity
Conor Foley

December 10, 2007 11:00 AM

Should Robert Mugabe be arrested while he is in Lisbon for the European
Union-Africa summit at the weekend? Peter Tatchell argues that he should and
that:

"It is time to end the culture of impunity, which allows tyrannical leaders
to get away with human rights abuses. Torture is a crime under international
law. Mugabe and other torture-condoning despots should be prosecuted. Giving
them state immunity is collusion with their crimes."

Tatchell has some previous "form" on this issue as he once attempted to make
a citizen's arrest of Mugabe, when he visited London in October 1999,
accusing his regime of condoning "murder, torture, detention without trial,
and the abuse of gay human rights". I am fairly sure the charges are true
and Mugabe has committed numerous more crimes against his own people since
then. I like and admire Tatchell's work, but I think he is wrong on this
issue.

The case that Tatchell makes for Mugabe's arrest is based on what has become
known as the "Pinochet principle", which led to the former Chilean dictator
being arrested in London, on the foot of a Spanish extradition warrant in
October 1998. I was working at Amnesty International UK at the time and we
were given leave to intervene in the case to argue that international law
creates a requirement on states to prosecute those responsible for grave
human rights violations irrespective of where these have been committed.

The UN convention against torture has universal jurisdiction and since
Britain, Chile and Spain had all ratified it, the law lords ruled that
Pinochet could be prosecuted for acts of torture that he was alleged to have
ordered after the date it came into force in the three countries. Pinochet
claimed both state and diplomatic immunity, arguing that, as a former head
of state, he could not be held personally liable for every act that his
government committed. The law lords, however, held that, since torture is
defined as something that can only be committed by public officials, it
would be absurd to give public officials immunity, since this would mean
that no one could ever be prosecuted. Quoting the Nuremburg judgment
condemning Nazi criminals, they noted: "the principle of international law,
which under certain circumstances protects the representatives of a State,
cannot be applied to acts which are condemned as criminal by international
law."

This principle is important. If it could ever be proved, for example, that
Donald Rumsfeld, or other previous members of the Bush administration, had
personally ordered the torture of detainees, they would liable to
prosecution. Ideally this should be done in a US court, but it is
conceivable that a case could be taken against them elsewhere. So what is
the objection to arresting Mugabe, who almost certainly has ordered such
acts?

Mugabe is currently head of state in Zimbabwe and so enjoys absolute
diplomatic immunity when travelling abroad in his official duties. The
concept of diplomatic immunity has customary law status. Without it heads of
state could not attend international conferences, negotiate directly or sign
treaties. When a Belgian court issued an arrest warrant for the foreign
minister of the Democratic Republic of Congo, its government complained to
the international court of justice, which ruled in 2002 that such
prosecutions couldn't be pursued while someone is currently in office. Once
they step down there is no reason why charges cannot be brought at this
stage.

Mugabe is not likely to step down from office any time soon and Tatchell
cites the issuing of indictments against both Slobodan Milosovic and Charles
Taylor by international tribunals while both were still heads of state. The
newly created international criminal court (ICC) has also recently indicted
a serving Sudanese government minister. But these are international
tribunals and that is the crucial distinction. If Europe's courts have the
right to arrest serving African heads of state then Africa's have the right
to reciprocate. The courts of Iran, Saudia Arabia and North Korea could also
order the arrest of the heads of State of Canada, New Zealand and Sweden and
so on.

This not a recipe for global stability and the problem of impunity which
Tatchell identifies is precisely the one that the ICC was created to deal
with. Unfortunately, and despite claims to the contrary, its statute
currently does not give it universal jurisdiction. It can currently only
charge people, including heads of state, either if they are nationals of a
state that has ratified the statute or have committed crimes on the
territory of a state which has done so. Zimbabwe has not ratified the Rome
statute or the UN convention against torture and so Mugabe cannot be
prosecuted on this basis. The only other way for the ICC to gain
jurisdiction is through a referral from the UN security council, which can
be vetoed by any of its permanent members.

The statute is up for an amendment in 2009 and I have argued previously that
one of the issues that it will need to discuss is how to define the crime of
aggression. The existing statute was the product of a series of messy
compromised that were primarily designed to win the approval of the US. It
failed in this objective, which means that the US, and a number of other
states like Zimbabwe, which participated in the original negotiations, have
excluded themselves from subsequent discussions.

For those who really want to combat impunity, these negotiations provide an
opportunity to create a court that really can advance the cause of universal
justice. Calling the cops on Mugabe, unfortunately, is just a diversion.

del.icio.us | Digg it | Tailrank | Reddit | Newsvine | Now Public |
Technorati

This entry was tagged with the following keywords: zimbabwe petertatchell
robertmugabe diplomaticimpunity icc state internationallaw
Comments

Please note: In order to post a comment you need to be registered and signed
in for Guardian Unlimited blogs.
You can register here.
All Comments (13)
Most Recommended Comments (0)

What is this? These comments have been recommended by other users. If you
want to use this new feature to recommend comments, you need to be
registered and logged in to GU.
MerkinOnParis

Comment No. 980160

December 10 11:28
GBR

'Calling the cops on Mugabe, unfortunately, is just a diversion.'

Exactly the same as cutting up your dog-collar, I would have thought.
It will certainly be interesting to see what Mister Monist has to say on
your posting re : 'The UN convention against torture has universal
jurisdiction....'

9percentGrowth

Comment No. 980175

December 10 11:36

We should deal with our own war criminals before lecturing other countries.

Tony Blair is a war criminal & responsible for genocide & encouraging child
sex slavery. Theologically he is going to burn in Hell but there is no
reason we should not speed the process.

FinMcCool

Comment No. 980195

December 10 11:49
CAN

Lol at "lecturing other countries".

Mugabe is a MONSTER!! Do you even have a clue what he has been doing in
Zimbabwe? He is a tyrannical megalomaniac who should absolutely be arrested
while in Europe before he goes back home to ruin thousands more lives.

European impotence these days is the sad bit. Oh by the way a lot of Brits
thought it was bad form to lecture Hitler.

Let's all be reasonable :)

conorfoley

Comment No. 980214

December 10 11:57
BRA

9% My article is actually in favour of universal jurisdiction, but I think
that this should be done through a genuinely independent international
criminal court. If this could also prosecute perpetrators of the crime of
aggression, then a case could be taken against those who plan the invasion
of other countries. At the moment there is a problem of double standards. I
also think that Britain, as the former colonial power, would be one of the
worst places in the world to seek to put Mugabe on trial.

Happy human rights day, incidentally.

camera

Comment No. 980250

December 10 12:16
PRT

Conor, you are making the same mistake as Tatchell in believing that the
answer lies in international law. Legal developments do not alter the
practical obstacles to arresting Mugabe.

During African summits, Mugabe constantly attracts deafening applause from
the participating African delegates because he expresses the distaste they
have for the meddling in African affairs by European states with a recent
colonial past.
Like it or not Mugabe is extremely popular with African leaders - what
matters to them is not the poverty and lack of human rights in Zimbabwe
(which is no different to that which exists in at least a dozen other
African countries which don't get the media attention that Zimbabwe does)
but because he is seen as standing up to the West.

Mugabe could never be arrested without causing a massive outcry from the
other African heads of state. And if the ICC were involved, African
governments would simply view it as serving Western interests, however
independent the court tried to portray itself as being. The result would be
a further reduction in economic and political influence by the former
colonial powers, with China happily stepping in to replace them. Western
governments are not willing to take that risk.

To talk of legal issues surrounding Mugabe's arrest without discussing the
practical implications is pointless.

whitesox

Comment No. 980262

December 10 12:23

Thanks for clearing up the nuances on the impunity issue. What strikes me is
that the current or the proposed amended version due out in 2009 is about as
useful as pork scratchings to a man with no teeth.

It seems clear to me that the most likely abusers are the very ones that can
escape criminal proceedings by simply refusing to ratify the convention. It
makes a mockery out of the word "universal". If the only way around it is to
gain a referal from the UN that can be overriden by a veto of the Security
Council, which in practice is almost certain to happen, then what possible
motive does any would-be actual/potential abusive leader have in signing the
thing?

Surely, if it is to be truly universal it must be totally binding on all UN
members with or without individual ratification. Of course, what happens in
the practical execution of the convention is another matter. But at least
there would be no get out of jail loopholes.

FinMcCool

Comment No. 980308

December 10 12:36
CAN

Completely agree on the international court comment. But it needs more
teeth. There need also to be enforcement protocols to enable a criminal such
as Robert Mugabe to be seized.

It's a pity the Americans are consistently subversive when it comes to
international law, because with some leadership from that quarter it would
help to lend more authority to the whole concept of international law AND
enforcement.

Mugabe isn't the only criminal running a country, there are plenty of other
examples. Putin who has recently been lauded as the great protector and
hope-of-the-ages in Russia, is a crook who helped to carve up Yukos and is
probably a billionaire at this stage thanks to the ill-gotten gains he has
been busily squirreling away. He is also a murderer, who has given the green
light to a lot of very shady stuff, including the strange deaths and
disappearances of journalists, academics and critics of his regime. Gary
Kasparov is 100% correct about Putin.

Obviously a lot of this can't be challenged by way of an international
court. The players are too powerful, the stakes are too high. But in the
case of a wretch like Mugabe there needs to be action because the people of
Zimbabwe are being destroyed by his particular form of mental illness.
Something needs to happen there and soon.

Bamboo13

Comment No. 980336

December 10 12:48
IND

The recent Africa/Eu summit left no doubt what African Leaders think of
lectures from Europeans. I have no idea how many governments in Africa pass
the "Good Government" Test but I am certain it is very few.
The message from Africa is "Unity" No matter how awful the leader, he/she
will not be publicly criticised. The problem is, Europe is greedy for
Africa's resources, and has a history of supporting authoritarian
governments.
Europe complains of corruption, but much of the money ends up in Swiss banks
in Europe, and from an African perspective, these secret banking facilities
are encouragements to loot the country.
Europe has never shown any respect to Africa Slave trading and colonialism,
and centuries of European involvement, the whole continent is broken. The
Africans can play the Chinese card, and if Europe is sincere in their stated
aim of helping, can allow this. The sad truth is Europe has achieved less
than nothing in Africa, and sometimes it is possible to lose the moral right
to criticise and this may be the case with Europe.

Brazilian

Comment No. 980387

December 10 13:09
GBR

I suppose it would also be useful to determine whether there are cases in
which the amount of abuse a population is subjected to should be considered
excessive and unacceptable. Once that is established it shouldn't matter
whether the country in question is a signatory of the statute or convention
that stipulates the criteria for assessment. Countries aren't definitions of
humanity, and a human right is a human right even in Zimbabwe. What is
happening there shouldn't be tolerated. If it is tolerated it is because the
international community don't have the means or the guts, or both, to
intervene.

RogerINtheUSA

Comment No. 980473

December 10 13:40
USA

"camera posted

Comment No. 980250

December 10 12:16
PRT

Conor, you are making the same mistake as Tatchell in believing that the
answer lies in international law. Legal developments do not alter the
practical obstacles to arresting Mugabe.

During African summits, Mugabe constantly attracts deafening applause from
the participating African delegates because he expresses the distaste they
have for the meddling in African affairs by European states with a recent
colonial past. "

Hi camera

Way deep down many Europeans think that imperialism was a good thing. Look
up the Archbishop of Canterbury's recent praise of the british conquest of
India.

chrish

Comment No. 980474

December 10 13:41
GBR

'Mugabe could never be arrested without causing a massive outcry from the
other African heads of state.'camera Comment No. 980250 December 10 12:16

True, because most of them are also corrupt murderous dictators who have
committed grave human rights violations and as long as Mugabe(the worst of
the lot) is in power and the West sits back and does nothing the safer they
feel. Mugabe continuation in power provides them with a licence to ignore
international bodies and human rights and carry on as they please. Its no
wonder they are so keen for him to stay on in power.

wacobloke

Comment No. 980480

December 10 13:43

A very interesting article, and, I also thank you for setting out the
distinctions and nuances with respect to why/how known brigands can roam the
world with impunity.

For what it's worth, it seems that the question of what to do with "other
folk's abusers" is becoming ever more complicated by an ever-increasing
tendency to not hold one's own accountable.

Some of this lack of accountability is from sheer sloth and/or exhaustion on
the part of the populace and its representatives (both elected and "legal",
i.e., federal and state prosecutors), but a great part of it is a result of
ever-increasing political machinations that result in the bully-ing of
prosecutors into inaction or in statutory changes or additions wherein broad
groups of individuals (mostly employees of governments and their agencies
and departments, shamefully enough) are granted personal immunity from the
results of their work--even if it is grossly negligent, intended to harm
others personally, or reckless.

A prime and simply amazing example of blatant ex post facto immunization
without (apparently) consideration of the implications or long-term effects
is the US Military Commissions Act, an act clearly thought up by public
employee cowards and bullies who knew (or at least were consciously
concerned at the time) that what they were doing or authorizing or condoning
was wrong (if not illegal in a criminal law sense, and who then thumped for
some absolution and got it from a willing Congress composed of, um, public
employee elected representatives.

And, of course, there is also a whole cultural element most kindly
characterized as a lack of underlying desire for accountability, which is
summarized as not having the institutional fortitude necessary with respect
to addressing "root causes" of behavior. Such fortitude requires at least a
recognition and belief by a large portion of citizens that "consequences"
are mostly irrelevant if there is no sense of necessity for the application
of "punishment", and the provision of financial and administrative and
organizational support necessary to determine and mete out punishment.

And, then, there are no modern phrases that sum up the cultural lack of
desire for accountability/punishment better or more clearly than: "We need
to put this behind us" and "We need to move on."

In sum, I have no doubt that if one's own country's public servants and
elected or appointed representatives felt the weight of at least some
personal responsibility and liability and accountability for their actions,
they would likely be more forthcoming and diligent in expecting--and dealing
with--the wrongs committed by the public servants and representatives of
others.

GiyusandTrolls9

Comment No. 981107

December 10 17:50
BEL

'Diversions in the Media?' asked the little boy

'Surely not.' said the cynic,' what on earth would they want to deflect
from?'

'911 now looking even more like an inside job?' said conspiracy Grandma

Cynic alleged:

'Fransesco Cossiga, former Italian President and one of the alleged
architects of Operation GLADIO (and thereafter alleged false flag terror
campaigns in Italy such as at Bologna) has recently alleged that most secret
services consider 911 to be an inside job organised by the CIA and Mossad:'

wikipedia entry

''From circles around Palazzo Chigi, nerve centre of direction of Italian
intelligence, it is noted that the non-authenticity of the video is
testified from the fact that Osama bin Laden in it 'confessed' that Al Qaeda
would have been the author of the attack of the 11 September to the Twin
Towers in New York, while all of the democratic circles of America and of
Europe, with in the forefront those of the Italian centre-left, now know
well that the disastrous attack was planned and realized by the American CIA
and Mossad with the help of the Zionist world to put under accusation the
Arabic Countries and to persuade the Western powers to intervene in Iraq and
Afghanistan. For this, no word of solidarity arrived to Silvio Berlusconi,
who has been the author of the brilliant falsification, neither from the
Quirinale, nor from Palazzo Chigi, nor from representatives of the
centre-left!''

'Can we expect the ''centre-left'' press to investigate?' asked the cynic
'or to DELETE?'

One way street – to despair: Life for Zimbabwe's Street Kids

Sokwanele Article: 10 December 2007

“Cops accuse us of loitering and violence,” he explains, “so it safer to prowl for food at the lodges than near the banks and hotels.”

“Omakokoba are worse than the ZRP”, he says, “because they move in packs and do not wear uniforms. They take you by surprise and chase after you for long distances.”

It emerges that for the street kids life in the city is one continuous cat and mouse game with the police. To spot the “omakokoba” they look out for the Bulawayo City Council trucks with their easy-to-identify white and black number plates. Some plain clothes municipal details can be identified by the walkie-talkies they use with their long aerials. The street-wise youths have also learned that for them it is safer to hunt for food during the night when the ZRP are more concerned with criminals and prostitutes. For this reason they tend to venture out opportunistically by night and spend many of the daylight hours sleeping under cardboard boxes in the remoter back alleys of the urban sprawl.

Despite the huge disadvantages of his early life, Mandla is not without hope for the future. As unlikely as it might be, he has his eyes set on getting a driver’s licence and an old vehicle and setting up as an emergency taxi driver. He concedes the obstacles are formidable – first getting a birth certificate, then a national identity card, to say nothing of the cost of the driving lessons – but with all the confidence of an eleven year old who has already seen more of life than most youngsters twice his age, Mandla declares that he will achieve his ambition. Who would be so cruel as to deny him his dream?

“If I can go through the first month on the job, I will spruce up, rent a room and bath more often”, he says.

Visit our website at www.sokwanele.com
Visit our blog: This is Zimbabwe (Sokwanele blog)
Send an e-card! www.sokwanele.com/sendcard/

We have a fundamental right to freedom of expression!

Sokwanele does not endorse the editorial policy of any source or website except its own. It retains full copyright on its own articles, which may be reproduced or distributed but may not be materially altered in any way. Reproduced articles must clearly show the source and owner of copyright, together with any other notices originally contained therein, as well as the original date of publication. Sokwanele does not accept responsibility for any loss or damage arising in any way from receipt of this email or use thereof. This document, or any part thereof, may not be distributed for profit.

Zimbabwe Vigil Diary in Lisbon and London - 7-9 December 2007

A Vigil team of about 30 grabbed the attention of the media during the EU/AU
summit in Lisbon.  Our demonstrations were shown on television all over the
world. In Britain we were on BBC, ITV, Channel 4, Sky News .. We gave
interviews to broadcasters and other journalists from all over the place:
Finland, the Czech Republic, Voice of America. In addition we were tracked
for a TV documentary to be shown later.

In Lisbon itself we became minor celebrities because we were on television
every day. People greeted us when they saw our Vigil t-shirts (it was lovely
weather). They agreed with our stand: 'Super Bastardo' was how Mugabe was
described by one of our taxi drivers who had seen us on TV. (Our celebrity
status extended to Luton when, on our return, we were recognised by an
immigration official.)

We staged demonstrations near the Summit meeting on all 3 days we were in
Lisbon and, in between, plastered the city with our posters contrasting the
living conditions of the poor in Zimbabwe to Mugabe's new mansion.

On our first morning, on Friday, Fungayi Mabhunu and Farayi Madzamba were
roped in by the group Crisis Coalition to play the roles of Mugabe and Sudan's
President Bashir for a stunt in which they were shown in bed with President
Sarkozy of France and Chancellor Merkel of Germany - the suggestion being
that these two leaders were being soft in dealing with tyranny. The four
playing the roles wore very realistic masks: no doubt many of you will have
seen pictures in the papers showing them surrounded by Vigil supporters.
(The stunt seems to have worked because both Sarkozy and Merkel were later
reported to have been pretty tough with Mugabe!)

On Saturday, the opening of the Summit, we staged a seven hour protest while
our supporters in London held the normal Vigil outside Zimbabwe House. We
certainly had better weather in Lisbon and felt sorry for our colleagues
shivering in the wind and rain in London.  Thanks to Chipo Chaya, Luka
Phiri, Gugu Ndlovu-Tutani, Sue Toft and Arnold Kuwewa who kept things going
in London in our absence.  They were augmented by the prayer group, the
Zimbabwe Watchmen.

We wondered whether we would get any publicity at all given the saturation
coverage our anti-Mugabe campaign had already received but the CIO came to
our rescue.  They arranged a pro-Mugabe demonstration with the notorious
George Shire ("Widening Participation Officer" of St Martin's College of Art
in London).  Among his supporters were several young women from
Guinea-Bissau who had obviously been paid to take part.  We tried to talk to
them but they knew no Zimbabwean languages.  Someone who could at least
speak English was a Jamaican woman from Brixton in London who shouted racist
abuse at her own MP, Kate Hoey, who joined us for the day.  The Jamaican
asked us 'Are you African? Why are you being used by whites?'

The only person who managed to shut the Shire group up was Adella Adella,
wife of Tichaona Chiminya who was burnt to death by Mugabe agents in 2002.
She said "You have left my children fatherless"-referring to the murder of
her husband . . . . The pro-Mugabe demonstration guaranteed we would achieve
our aim and keep Zimbabwe  on top of the Summit agenda.

Armed police separated us from the Mugabe group, who were penned in on one
side of the square, together with Gadaffi supporters flown in for the
Summit.  We were kept on the other side, together with anti-Gadaffi
demonstrators and a group demanding freedom for Cabinda in Angola.  By the
end of the day we were firm friends with the other antis: the Libyans gave
us their loudspeaker when they left and the Angolans gave us their t-shirts.
This was after both groups joined us in singing 'Nkosi Sikilele'. Media
interest was further heightened when police wrestled  to the ground and
arrested two pro-Mugabe people when they tried to cause problems.

We ended Saturday by displaying a huge banner saying 'Mugabe you would be
more welcome in the Hague--- a reference to the International Criminal
Court. We invited everyone to sign it. The banner had earlier been flown
over the beach area; unfortunately, permission was refused to fly it over
the Summit itself.

On the final day of the Summit, we staged another demonstration in case the
Mugabe hirelings were there.  But Mugabe had obviously decided that enough
had been spent on a losing cause and the money could be better spent
stocking up on electricity, water, bread and other essentials from the local
boutiques. Only the Gadaffi supporters were on the other side of the
square - but they have oil money! As everyone says, if only Zimbabwe had oil
(rather than diesel coming from the rocks).

We are writing this hurriedly on our return and will report later on the
many people who helped us.

Lance Guma of SW Radio Africa was with us on the trip to Lisbon and will be
posting reports, pictures and videos.  See www.swradioafrica.com for links
to this information.  We will posting our own pictures as soon as we get a
chance.

Vigil co-ordinators

The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place
every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of
human rights by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in
October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored, free and fair
elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk

Press Statement: Anglican Diocese of Harare (CPCA) condemns violent Priest

THE ANGLICAN DIOCESE OF HARARE CHURCH OF THE PROVINCE OF CENTRAL AFRICA
(CPCA)

THE Anglican Diocese of Harare (CPCA) is concerned with the safety of
priests who have come out in the open endorsing the newly appointed Bishop
of the Anglican Church in Harare Diocese Dr Sebastian Bakare following
repeated threats by a clergyman based at St Columbus Church in Kuwadzana,
Reverend Alfred Munyanyi.

It is highly immoral for a member of the clergy to use force to get his
ideas or beliefs across and we continue to urge members of the Anglican
Church to pray ever more under the prevailing political, economic and social
difficulties the country is going through.  These problems must not in any
way influence the Church's members to engage in acts of violence in defence
of a lost cause.

Bishop Bakare reiterates his call for peaceful engagement within the church
during this transitional period and urges all Anglicans to shun violence.
His appointment was procedural in terms of the Canons of The Church and will
not be reversed by mere engaging in acts of violence in order to make a
point.

The actions of Reverend Munyanyi must be punished under the laws of the
country, and we urge the police and other law enforcement agents to protect
the Anglican Church against unruly elements who strongly believe in violence
to settle purely internal church matters. Priests are the shepherds of their
laity in their respective parishes but if they become agents of violence
they cease to be relevant to the Christian faith.

We take this opportunity as the Anglican Diocese of Harare (CPCA) to make it
clear to all our members that the former bishop Nolbert Kunonga is no longer
entitled to carry out any assignments in the name of the Anglican Church
(CPCA) after he voluntarily left the Province of Central Africa over
non-existent issues.

Kunonga cannot therefore baptize, confirm or ordain anyone in the name of
the Anglican Church (CPCA)..This warning comes in the wake of unconfirmed
reports that the former bishop has done two confirmations in Chitungwiza on
cards clearly marked the Anglican Diocese of Harare (CPCA) implying he has
already forgotten that he left the Church.

Bishop Bakare was legally appointed by the Dean of the Church of the
Province of Central Africa, Bishop Albert Chama, as the Vicar General and
Acting Bishop of the Diocese of Harare (CPCA) on 7 November 2007 and as such
is the only head of the Anglican Diocese of Harare (CPCA). All
churchwardens, laity and priests in the diocese should desist from hosting
anyone supporting Kunonga in their parishes as this could make them loose
their privileges and rights under the Anglican Communion.

The Diocese of Harare (CPCA) urges its members to remain committed to prayer
and to continue with the holding their special vestry meetings to make their
position clear that they want to remain in the Province of Central Africa.
 Ends
For further details and comments please write to the Acting Diocesan
Secretary and also Spokesperson for the Diocese Reverend Christopher Tapera
on snrhead@theheritage.co.zw or mobile number 0912 282 464.

Zimvigil Activists Dominate Lisbon Summit

SW Radio Africa (London)

10 December 2007
Posted to the web 10 December 2007

Lance Guma

When Mugabe arrived in Portugal last week he probably bargained on another
self-serving publicity escapade. However activists from the Zimbabwe Vigil
and other groups had other ideas.

Instead of the summit providing Mugabe another platform to divert attention
from his brutal regime back home, the committed activists stole the
limelight and captured the attention of the world's media. Even the
residents of the capital Lisbon embraced the drum-beating group who
virtually made the Vasco Da Gama train station and shopping complex (near
the summit venue) their second home. They sang and danced in protest for
over 6 hours on Saturday.

Pro-Mugabe activist George Shiri travelled to Lisbon and tried to put up a
fight by guiding a small group of CIO's to masquerade as ordinary
Zimbabweans, supporting their Mugabe. Tempers briefly flared when the two
groups came head to head. Adella Chiminya whose husband Tichaona Chiminya
was murdered by state security agent Joseph Mwale, confronted the Mugabe
supporters with chants of, 'You murderers, you killed my husband, my
children do not have a father because of you.' Also present was Elliot
Pfebve, a former parliamentary candidate for Bindura, whose brother Matthew
was murdered by ruling party thugs who unleashed a violent terror campaign
in the area.

Many of the protestors bore personal scars from the brutality unleashed in
Zimbabwe and were eager to show the world that it was wrong for the man
responsible for their pain, to be allowed to wine and dine with other world
leaders at the summit. WOZA leader Jenni Williams, Dr John Makumbe, ZINASU's
Promise Mkwananzi and Washington Katema, Sidney Chisi (Youth Initiative for
Democracy), Primrose Matamabanadzo (Zimbabwe NGO Human Rights Forum) and UK
Labour Party MP Kate Hoey were some of those who took part in the protests.
Former national soccer team coach Roy Barreto and his wife also joined in.

It did not take long for journalists present to work out that the pro-Mugabe
group included Angela Moyo the head of the CIO in Kezi, Farai Mutamangira
(said to be a lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe) and Darlington Muzeza
a member of the state funded Zimbabwe Youth Council. Adding to this weird
collection were 2 black Americans, 1 Jamaican, and 9 Libyan and Portuguese
youths. George Shiri who was holding a pro-Mugabe banner complained to
journalists not to take his pictures without permission.

This surprised many because by holding the banner he was clearly courting
media attention. His concern soon made sense when it was revealed that
London's Open University where Shiri teaches is receiving hundreds of
complaints that his pro-Mugabe work is tarnishing the image of the
university. If the university needed any evidence, this was in abundant
supply over the weekend. Meanwhile Shiri and his group on Saturday were left
looking like sheep without a shepherd when the Libyan and Portuguese youths
left after an hour. Journalists joked that this half-hearted commitment
betrayed the group's status as a rent-a-crowd. At this point Shiri and his
group packed up their material and retreated to a corner, watching
helplessly as the ZimVigil activists put in a further 5 hours of singing and
dancing.

Asked how they measured the success of their action, Rose Benton the
ZimVigil coordinator said the publicity surrounding their activities during
the summit had gone a long way to raising awareness. Portugal's human rights
organisation (ADDHU) helped coordinate the protests in Lisbon, including the
translation of English posters into Portuguese. One banner on a flyover on
Lisbon's busiest road read, 'Mugabe Rascita, You are not Welcome.' Another
placed on the beach and measuring 30 x 10 metres read, 'Mugabe You´d Be
More Welcome at The Hague' (the International Criminal Court based in
Holland).

Lance Guma's Lisbon Diary

SW Radio Africa (London)

COLUMN
10 December 2007
Posted to the web 10 December 2007

Reporter

There is a big difference between talking to people over the phone while
conducting interviews and actually meeting them in person. This weekend I
travelled to the Portuguese capital Lisbon, for the EU-Africa summit. I
spent 4 days with activists from the Zimbabwe Vigil who had gone to
demonstrate at the venue. Most of them are victims of human rights abuses in
Zimbabwe and witnessing their passion and dedication to raising awareness of
the crisis in the country was a humbling experience.

I refer to the likes of Adella Chiminya who lost her husband Tichaona
Chiminya in a petrol bomb attack in Buhera. Then there was former Bindura
parliamentary candidate Elliot Pfebve, whose brother Matthew was killed by
ruling party militants. The list was endless. Robert Mugabe of course stole
most of the headlines because he was 'persona non grata' at the summit and
only attended because the hosts were eager to avoid a collapse of the talks,
after a boycott threat by African countries.

Thursday evening the first supper by the group at a restaurant in the city's
Rosio Square basically set the tone for a vibrant few days of protest.
Bemused but excited Portuguese diners watched the activists break into song
soon after the meal and the questions soon came flooding in. Who were these
people from Africa wearing 'Zimbabwe In Our Hands' t-shirts? What were they
doing in Lisbon? The education began.

The following day the group spent time putting in place the logistics for
the protest and some of the stunts that were going to be performed. A play
featuring look-alikes of Robert Mugabe and Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir
was later performed on the street. It showed the two leaders sleeping in
bed, while protesters next to them held up banners and chanted slogans,
'wake up to human rights.' On Saturday there were at least 6 protests going
on at the same time, in the same square.

Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi hired two planes packed with his supporters
and these clashed with Anti-Gaddafi protesters. Sudan also had protesters
highlighting the Darfur issue while a group from Angola promoted their
campaign to win independence for the province of Cabinda. Pro-Zanu PF
commentator George Shiri, in league with about about 4 CIO's from Zimbabwe,
grouped together a half dozen Portuguese and Libyan youths to put up a
pro-Mugabe presence along with a sprinkling of black Americans, who have
never set foot in Zimbabwe.

On Sunday at the press centre I met ZBC's Rueben Barwe who sauntered his way
through the area accompanied by an army of state media journalists. These
included Munyaradzi Huni, Itayi Musengeyi from the Herald and Barwe's
cameramen whose name now eludes me. Two men from the Presidents office, one
with a scar on the side of his face and another with one eye were with this
group (shades of 007 bad guys!) Barwe and I immediately went into a debate
on the Zimbabwean crisis and the entire state media group ganged up on me
and attempted to tell me I was a sell-out.

I say 'attempted' because they failed dismally. I made it clear they sang
for their supper and could never in their wildest dreams ever criticise
Mugabe. SW Radio Africa however has the freedom to criticise anyone from
Tsvangirai to Mugabe without any repercussions. I asked them why former ZBC
cameramen Edward Chikomba was killed if everything is okay in Zimbabwe. I
got a shocking 'he was a coward,' answer from Barwe's cameraman.

Reuben obviously realised this was less than an ideal reply and quickly
stepped in, saying Chikomba's murder was a case of mistaken identity. 'Oh,'
I said, 'mistaken identity, why should anyone be killed in the first place?'
The conversation was weird by any standard. Why would a group of fellow
journalists not sympathise with the death of one of their own? Asked why the
police beat up Tsvangirai in March this year, I was told it was because he
walked into a police station and assaulted policemen just doing their job.

Ha! Dear reader, I am sure you are with me when I say we live in a parallel
universe with some of these people. Barwe went on to boast about the
billions of dollars coming from his farm and insisted all was well in
Zimbabwe. The entire group used the word, 'we' when talking about Zanu PF. I
told them this indicated they were now mere appendages of the ruling party.
Not everyone in Zimbabwe can be a Reuben Barwe and enjoy the benefits of
state patronage.

Another interesting chat I had was with pro-Zanu PF commentator George
Shiri. He complained that several people were trying to get his Vice
Chancellor to fire him from the Open University in London, over accusations
he is tarnishing the image of the university. Despite saying he was not a
pro-Mugabe supporter he was holding a banner proclaiming support for him. He
was very unhappy when I took a photo of him holding the banner.

Dr John Makumbe provided some light-hearted intervention as tensions were
boiled over between pro and anti Mugabe protests. He stood in front of a
Zanu PF poster as I took pictures and I told him mine would be a sensational
headline, 'Makumbe joins Zanu PF in dramatic u-turn!' Makumbe held out the
MDC open palm symbol and this prompted those holding the banner to shift to
the side. Makumbe moved to follow them as the crowds broke into laughter.

I also met the energetic Jenni Williams from WOZA, Promise Mkwananzi and
Washington Katema from ZINASU, Primrose Matambanadzo (Zimbabwe NGO Human
Rights Forum), Sidney Chisi (Youth Initiative for Democracy) plus Hebson
Makuvise from the MDC. Professor Elphus Mukonoweshuro was around but I never
got to meet him. Other people present who deserve mention are Temba Moyo, a
community development worker in Cardiff, activist Anna Merytt, Swedish MP
Birgitta Ohlsson and former national soccer team coach Roy Barreto and his
wife.

Former MDC Youth Coordinator Sanderson Makombe, Wiz Bishop, Stendrick
Zvorwadza, Ephraim Tapa, Judith Mutsvairo, Victoria Chitsiga, Willie Chitima
and others showed outstanding commitment during the 4 days I spent with
them.

It is very clear we are not going to have Father Christmas delivering
freedom for Zimbabwe and that Zimbabweans have to fight for it, but what I
saw in Lisbon was group of people who have the potential to shape the
country's destiny.

Media Leaks Cause Friction At SADC Talks

SW Radio Africa (London)

10 December 2007
Posted to the web 10 December 2007

Tichaona Sibanda

There is heightened tension at the ongoing SADC sponsored talks among the
negotiating parties, who are blaming each other for leaking 'sensitive'
information to the media.

A source in South Africa told Newsreel on Monday that leaks to the media
were creating a lot of friction between the negotiating teams, as much of
the time was being spent haggling over who was responsible for leaking
confidential information.

'The leaks are not being helpful at all. Some of the reports are totally not
true and they are causing more harm than good at the talks. I wish the media
could refrain from reporting such falsehoods,' said our source.

An agreement from the talks is expected to be ready by Friday but there are
lingering doubts as to whether the Tsvangirai led MDC will sign it or not.
Secretary for International Affairs Professor Elphas Mukonoweshuro said the
Accord is expected to come in two parts.

He said the first would be the actual text of agreed measures between the
ruling Zanu-PF party and the two factions of the MDC. The second would be a
memorandum of understanding between the same players.

'Once we get a copy of each the two pacts, we will convene a meeting of the
national council and study the two documents. But we should emphasize from
the beginning that we have kept our bargain from the start and Zanu-PF has
failed to implement any of its concessions,' Mukonoweshuro said.

Mukonoweshuro told us from Lisbon, Portugal on Monday that they had fruitful
discussions with many European Union delegates on the sidelines of the
EU-Africa summit. The SADC sponsored talks however dominated most of their
meetings.

'Almost everyone we met from Foreign Affairs ministers to high ranking
government officials from the European Union wanted to know how the talks
were progressing. It shows this is a big issue which Zanu-PF is
unfortunately undermining,' he said

From trillion tragedy to quadrillion quagmire

zimbabwejournalists.com

10th Dec 2007 18:17 GMT

By Chenjerai Chitsaru

THE tragedy of a budget running into quadrillion dollars was matched only by
President Robert Mugabe’s sorry performance at the European Union-African
Union summit in Lisbon.

If the Minister of Finance, Samuel Mumbengegwi, seemed shameless as he
presented a budget running into 24 or 15 zeroes, then we must all plead with
the Almighty to have mercy on him.

Bernard Chidzero, who once held that portfolio and was reckoned by many to
be the best custodian of the country’s coffers must have turned in his
grave.

Mumbengegwi stammered and stuttered as he presented the budget. His most
acerbic detractors concluded he had not taken an active part in the
preparation of the budget – or had arrived at the scene of the crime too
late to make an intelligent assessment of the damage.

Few countries in the world run inflation rates topping 10 000 percent. But
even fewer countries have currencies with 15 or 24 zeroes.

In Britain and Germany, quadrillion is the number that is represented as a
one followed by 24 zeros. In the United States and France, it is one
followed by 15 zeros.

Mugabe went to Lisbon with this burden on his shoulders. Yet he walked as
jauntily as if he was coming from a country with a single-digit inflation
rate, or a currency with the normal number of zeros – 10, 100, 1 000 and so
on and so forth.

It is doubtful that any of the European or African countries in Lisbon had
more zeros in their currencies than Zimbabwe, or had an inflation soaring
into the ionosphere, as we have.

Yet none of this daunted Mugabe, sitting there among his peers as if he had
nothing to be ashamed of. It seemed as if even the British prime minister
Gordon Brown’s absence at the summit made no impression on him at all.

A few people watching TV footage of the summit back home wondered, in wild
amazement, if Mugabe actually believed he had scored a point against Brown.
Some of the footage showed him sitting comfortably among the other leaders,
his dignity and poise unimpaired.

Others were reminded that Mugabe had long dominated his temperament so
thoroughly that it could do nothing without his say-so – a feat apparently
accomplished only by the most scrupulous control freaks among us.

The man reacted icily to any rebukes from the European leaders, particularly
that of Angela Merkel, the German Chancellor, who was unsparing.
I particularly enjoyed one barb which suggested people who had fought for
their country’s independence should allow all their citizens to enjoy that
independence too.
Merkel won my heart when she referred to the absence of freedom of the media
in Zimbabwe.

If that piece of rebuke did not pierce through Mugabe’s thick skin right to
his heart or soul, then nothing is else is likely to in the foreseeable
future.

His reaction that the EU leaders were being arrogant and had trumped up
charges against him was feeble and a desperate attempt to shift the blame to
his accusers.
How all these protests settled with ordinary Zimbabweans may vary from one
citizen to another.

Yet there are incontrovertible facts to the considered: for 27 years, Zanu
PF has run this country into the ground. In that period, 20 000 citizens
have been killed in a mini-civil war in two provinces of the country
inhabited by one or two ethnic groups.

Zanu PF decided to award extravagant gratuities and allowances to thousands
of war veterans when the economy, at the time, could not bear that burden.
The people in charge of supervising the finances were not afforded an
opportunity to estimate how much damage this unplanned expenditure would
inflict on the value of the dollar.

Other decisions were taken which even his mildest critics found untenable in
their logic, concluding with the land reform fiasco, which alone cost the
country most of the goodwill it had enjoyed internationally since 1980.

In Lisbon, the one reason for Mugabe’s humiliation was the fact that
Zimbabwe took centre stage. The African Union members had threatened not to
attend the summit if Mugabe was barred from it. They had also insisted that
Zimbabwe would not be discussed.

Mugabe did attend but Zimbabwe was discussed, thoroughly, a fact regarded as
a thumping victory for ordinary Zimbabweans who have been clamouring for
international intervention in their country’s crisis.

Critics have often condemned this attitude. They have lambasted Zimbabweans
for not boldly confronting Mugabe head-on. It appears to be deliberately
forgotten that this confrontation could degenerate into violence. This is a
country in which 30 000 died during the liberation war, and 20 000 more died
after independence.

If Mugabe was confronted on his own familiar turf – that of violence – there
is no telling how many more would die.

Not many Zimbabweans are willing to risk that. Too many of their relatives
have perished in other internecine conflicts already.

An assessment of the success or failure of the second EU-AU summit cannot be
confined to what Zimbabwe gained or failed to gain through Mugabe’s
customary “go to hell” strategy.

Briefly, though, the president’s performance did not enhance the country’s
standing among EU members, or even moderate African countries. Most of these
prefer a steady, sober and gradual approach to the establishment of a
relationship with the former colonial powers which is not dominated by
rancour and revenge.

Why does it appear to many of us as if the African leaders worry more about
the political element of this relationship than the physical contribution to
the elimination of poverty on the continent?

The EU countries are mostly answerable to their constituencies for any
action they take at such bilateral conferences as the EU-AU summit. How
would any agreements they sign settle with their voters?

Unfortunately, a good number of African countries have no such obligations
to worry about. Mostly, it is their own personal stature they worry about.
This is particularly obvious in the case of President Mugabe.

We are all reminded of his recent speech at Zimbabwe Grounds, after the
Million Men-Women march: we should not worry about the shortage of most
basic commodities, but concentrate on the fact of our victory against
colonialism.

Unfortunately, a number of other African leaders seem to have been sold on
this theme. Senegal ’s Abdoulaye Wade, who recently visited Zimbabwe, spoke
out in defence of Mugabe – not necessarily Zimbabwe, at the Lisbon summit.

His point, made by Mugabe, Zanu PF and others obsessed with political
posturing in relation to Africa’s relationship with the West, was that there
was nothing wrong in Zimbabwe.

What is ignored is that because of Mugabe’s and Zanu PF’s preoccupation with
“socking it” to the West, the average Zimbabwean can now live only up to 34
years.
For the same reason, we are now into the quagmire of a currency running into
quadrillions. This is nothing compared to the number of people without jobs,
health care and even food.

A long time ago – it now seems -  the Southern Africa Development Community
(Sadc) decided to draw up plans to provide aid to Zimbabwe .
At last, most of us concluded, these leaders were now prepared to put their
money where their revolutionary rhetoric was.

Some evidence of this aid may now be discernible, particularly from South
Africa, in the form of relaxation of travel for Zimbabweans into that
country. But the bigger picture is far from encouraging. There is still far
too much time spent on rubbishing the former colonial masters than on
attacking the continent’s No. 1 enemy – poverty.

Recent Price Increases Set to Kill Holiday Spirit

The Herald (Harare)   Published by the government of Zimbabwe

8 December 2007
Posted to the web 10 December 2007

Dyton Mupawaenda
Harare

There is nothing that beats the aura of a cool breeze, relaxing in the
greens with a glass of martini to keep you company while your kids play
their heartsout in a swimming pool at one of Harare's top hotels.

But an average income earner who had planned to spend Christmas in a hotel
or any plush lodge in and around Harare might have to revise their Christmas
holiday schedule as the recent price increases by most hotels and lodges
will kill the holiday spirit of many.

Yes, it is true that Harare has become too exorbitant for its own and it's
only for those who are privileged to have the US dollar that are guaranteed
joy during the festive season.

For the ordinary folks the chance for a family leisure outing remains pie in
the sky.

The costs of tourism products in the city have become crippling for many and
this has had a negative impact on the hugely anticipated flow of domestic
tourists in hotels and lodges in the Sunshine City and its peripheries.

It is a fact that every successful tourism nation always builds its industry
on domestic tourism.

But the recent price hike by hotels and other accommodation providers has
come as a shock to many who had already made bookings for the festive
holidays for they will have to top up more than they had already paid for.

The domestic tourism market has increased and has been the pillar of the
country's tourism industry, which has for a number of years, taken a slump
due to negative publicity.

Domestic tourism can offer a socio-economic alternative to the further
expansion of international mass tourism.

According to a research and development report by the Zimbabwe Tourism
Authority 162 874 people travelled within the country in the year 2006,
which translates to an 86 percent growth during the year.

The number of city travellers is growing rapidly lately and this is the
chance for tourism operators to capitalise on this boom that has been
affected the high cost of going on a vacation for most of the average
working men and women.

If domestic tourism is developed, marketed and well packaged it has the
potential to wipe out the stigma of five-star tourism that Harare, other
cities and resort areas are slowly adopting.

Our tourism will be branded as a five-star culture because it has not
developed a network of economy hotels and lodges, thereby limiting domestic
tourism only for the rich.

Paying $140 million for overnight accommodation at a five-star hotel in
Harare is too much for many an average income worker and spending $30
million on lunch is unrealistic.

The question that still lingers in the minds of many is that will the
relevant tourism authorities do something to make the festive season a time
for everyone to enjoy regardless of the status and class differences that
exist in today's society.

Tutu, elder statesmen denounce rights abuses

Business Day

10 December 2007

Sapa-AFP

ARCHBISHOP Desmond Tutu and other elder statesmen today denounced the rights
records of Myanmar, Sudan, Chad and Zimbabwe at the launch of a new human
rights campaign.

The Nobel peace laureate was speaking in Cape Town at the launch of the
Every Human Has Rights campaign on the United Nations (UN)-designated
International Human Rights Day.

There had been too many abuses since the launch of the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights 59 years ago, said Tutu. He was flanked by Ireland’s former
president Mary Robinson - who has also served as the UN Human Rights high
commissioner - and woman and child rights campaigner Graca Machel.

"The principles of the declaration have not been applied far and wide
enough, even by the governments that originally signed the document," said
Tutu.

Citizens needed to be galvanised to shame governments and create an ethos in
which it would be more difficult to act with impunity.

"I would like African leaders to be the kind of leaders that many of us
hoped they were going to be," he said.

Tutu named war-torn Chad and the conflict-ridden western Darfur region of
Sudan as among the most worrying cases. "Our hope is that we can keep Darfur
in the spotlight and spur on governments to help keep peace in the region,"
said Tutu - who described the region as one of the "more awful" places he
had visited.

The cleric then pointed to an empty chair on stage, draped in orange, saying
it should have been filled by Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel peace prize
winning opposition leader confined to her house for 12 of the last 18 years
by the military junta of Myanmar.

"The deteriorating situation in (Myanmar) serves as a stark example of why
the world must reclaim the principles of the Universal Declaration and
demand that they be recognised for all."

The campaign, launched by a group of statesmen known as The Elders, seeks to
make ordinary citizens watchdogs over human rights and is seeking a billion
supporting signatures.

Robinson said the world was gripped by fear, discrimination and poverty.

"The response of governments to the hostile attack on the US in September
2001 has been too often to unjustifiably sideline human rights obligations
in the name of state security."

Machel said more than 800-million people did not have enough to eat - more
than the populations of the US, Canada and the European Union combined.

African systems were letting the people down, said Machel, and continental
leaders’ hands were tied in dealing with human rights violators such as
Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe.

"Africa is bound by the systems we have. The only thing (we have) is to sit
down and talk," she said. Machel is the wife of another Nobel peace prize
winner, Nelson Mandela.

Mugabe must be faced down and deposed

Published Date: 10 December 2007
  Source: News Letter
  Location: Belfast

By Staff reporter
The enormous humanitarian crisis in Africa was starkly highlighted at the
weekend with German Chancellor Angela Merkel laying the blame where it
rightly belongs – at the feet of despotic African leaders like Zimbabwe's
Robert Mugabe, whose human rights abuses on their own people have become a
scandal.
Angela Merkel was clearly speaking with the full authority of the other main
European nations when she charged the Mugabe regime with “damaging” the
image of Africa and, indeed, her comments will resonate with quite a number
of leaders on the African continent.

“The whole European Union has the same view of what is happening there.
Zimbabwe concerns us all – in Europe, as in Africa – the intimidation of
opponents, the restrictions on the free Press cannot be justified,” said the
German Chancellor.

Prime Minister Gordon Brown boycotted the European/Africa summit in Portugal
because of Mugabe’s presence, but the token British protest seemed rather
pointless, particularly as the Government had a representative present in
Baroness Amos, who quite bizarrely defended South African president Thabo
Mbeki for omitting any reference to Zimbabwe in his speech.

Mbeki, of course, is a close ally of Mugabe and, along with several other
African leaders not noted for their espousal of democracy, he callously and
deliberately adopts a “hear no evil, see no evil” policy in relation to the
vicious government-led starvation assault on millions of Zimbabwean
citizens.

Ulster-born Labour MP Kate Hoey has campaigned vigorously against the Mugabe
administration and she joined a protest at the Lisbon summit as chairperson
of the all-party Westminster parliamentary group on Zimbabwe.

On the strength of the Angela Merkel invective, Uganda-born Church of
England Archbishop Dr John Sentamu defiantly nailed his colou
rs to the mast by declaring that he would be refusing to wear his clerical
collar until Mugabe was out of office and no longer in power.

This is a very powerful statement from a black churchman against a black
African leader and his lead should be followed by Government ministers from
Gordon Brown down, and by the Archbishop of Canterbury and other religious
prelates.

Zimbabwe is not the only rogue nation which needs to be directly confronted
and dealt with about bad governance and genocidal treatment of its citizens.

The totalitarian leaders of Sudan, Burma and Belarus are also in the dock
over the calamitous situation they have presided over for years, resulting
in the deaths of many of their indigenous people.

It is time for all of these abuses to be confronted and ended by
intervention from the United Nations, the European Union and, most
importantly, the African Union.

MDC might boycott poll

From The Star (SA), 10 December

Basildon Peta

Zimbabwe's opposition has threatened to reject next year's election over
President Robert Mugabe's gerrymandering of constituencies. The Movement for
Democratic Change has claimed that Mugabe has allocated newly created
constituencies to his stronghold provinces in the rural areas. The MDC
wanted the delimitation of constituencies to happen only after the current
political negotiations being mediated by President Thabo Mbeki. The latest
delimitation has been done in terms of a constitutional amendment which
expanded the size of parliament from 150 seats to 210 seats. Ironically, the
MDC supported Zimbabwe Constitutional Amendment No 18 as a result of the
current negotiations between the opposition and the ruling Zanu PF party.
The MDC supported the amendment mainly because it removed Mugabe's power to
appoint 30 MPs to parliament. But now Mugabe has virtually guaranteed that
he will get the seats back through the back door.

High Court Judge George Chiweshe announced last week that the three Zanu PF
stronghold provinces - Mashonaland Central, Mashonaland East and Mashonaland
West - will get 27 of the 60 new seats. The remaining 33 are
disproportionately shared by the other seven provinces. "This is
gerrymandering of encyclopedic proportions," said MDC spokesperson Nelson
Chamisa. Chiweshe claimed the constituencies had been created in proportion
to the number of people who had registered to vote - at least 5,6-million
people in total. Bulawayo province, which is controlled by the opposition,
gained the lowest number of new seats - five. The two Matabeleland
provinces, also MDC strongholds, got only 12 new seats. And although Harare
province, also an MDC stronghold, was allocated 11 more seats, many are to
be converted into peri-urban seats incorporating large chunks of rural areas
where Zanu PF is strong. After the allocation of seats to the provinces, the
Zimbabwe Election Commission must now draw up the new constituency
boundaries. The MDC will meet this week to review Mbeki's mediation and
decide whether to remain in the dialogue which resumed in Pretoria last
week.

In Zimbabwe, Mugabe set for political victory

From The Daily Telegraph (UK), 10 December

By David Blair in Lisbon

Shunned and denounced by European leaders, President Robert Mugabe cut an
isolated figure in Lisbon. Yet at home in Zimbabwe, his prospects look
increasingly bright. In the next three months, Mr Mugabe must win two
crucial elections and be able to handpick his successor whenever he chooses
to retire. There is every sign that he will achieve these goals. The driving
force of Zimbabwean politics is the self-destruction of the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Thanks to the party's catastrophic
decision to split along ethnic lines and indulge in constant internecine
warfare, Mr Mugabe is no longer under any real domestic pressure. Combined
presidential and parliamentary polls are due in March. Unless they agree an
electoral pact - which is highly unlikely - the two wings of the MDC will
run candidates against one another, a course which one of their own MPs
calls "insane". Without a pact, Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, the
leaders of the two MDC factions, will both run for president, thus splitting
the opposition vote and virtually guaranteeing victory for Mr Mugabe.

The situation in parliament will be even worse. By agreement between Mr
Mugabe and the MDC, the House of Assembly will be enlarged from 120 elected
seats to 210. The regime will position most of the 90 new constituencies in
Mr Mugabe's rural strongholds. This measure alone will probably guarantee a
majority for his Zanu PF party. If the MDC factions run candidates against
one another, the opposition vote will be split, handing victory to Zanu PF
in dozens more seats. So, thanks to the MDC's helpful decision to destroy
itself, Mr Mugabe is already assured of victory in next year's elections. As
for being able to choose his successor, the constitution has been amended to
allow parliament to select a new president when Mr Mugabe, 83, resigns.
Previously, his retirement would have triggered an election within 90 days.
Given that Zanu PF will have a comfortable majority in parliament, Mr Mugabe
will be able to ensure victory for his favoured candidate. Incredibly, both
MDC factions agreed to this constitutional amendment while failing to seek
any concessions in return. Relieved of an opposition challenge, Mr Mugabe
may allow free campaigning in the elections and possibly the return of the
"Daily News", an independent paper shut down in 2003. Then his African
allies will urge Europe to recognise his legitimacy. If this happens, Mr
Mugabe's victory will be complete.

Zuma takes aim at arch-rival Mbeki

Monsters and Critics

Dec 10, 2007, 17:10 GMT

Johannesburg - South African presidential hopeful Jacob Zuma on Monday used
the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration on Human
Rights Monday to slam leaders who turn a blind eye to repression in other
countries in an apparent dig at his arch-rival President Thabo Mbeki.

Ruling African National Congress (ANC) party deputy president Zuma, who is
leading Mbeki in the race for the leadership of the party, also warned
against 'the growth of despotic rule' caused by leaders seeking to 'usurp,
enforce or hold on to power,' in what was seen as further criticism of
Mbeki.

Mbeki, who has served two five-year terms at the head of the ANC, is seeking
to have his leadership extended for a third term at the party's elective
conference beginning Sunday.

His bid to remain on as ANC leader, although he is barred by the
constitution from remaining on as president for a third term beyond 2009,
has drawn criticism from some who see in it a desire to continue to rule by
proxy.

'History is dotted with the legacies of tyrants who abused the rights of
their citizens in order to usurp, enforce or hold on to power,' Zuma told an
audience of about 300 supporters in a memorial lecture on human rights
organized by Lawyers for Human Rights at the University of the
Witwatersrand.

What was even more tragic, according to the 65-year-old anti- apartheid
struggle veteran, is that 'other world leaders who witness the repression
pretend that it is not happening or is exaggerated, especially if it does
not threaten their strategic interests at a particular time.'

Mbeki's refusal to roundly condemn human rights abuses in neighbouring
Zimbabwe, opting instead for 'quiet diplomacy' with the authoritarian
President Robert Mugabe, is one of the black marks against him in his
re-election campaign.

The South African government has also held a dissident stance at the United
Nations this year on Myanmar and on rape as a weapon of war.

'When history eventually deals with the dictators those who stood by and
watched the deterioration of nations should also bear the consequences,'
Zuma added ominously.

Zuma used other known Mbeki weak points, including his lack of leadership on
HIV/AIDs and violent crime, to stump for support days before some 4,000 ANC
delegates meet to elect a new leader from December 16 to 20.

With over 19,000 murders and 52,000 reported rapes a year, South Africa has
some of the world's highest crime rates. It also has the highest number of
HIV-positive people.

In a speech indirectly outlining his priorities if elected president of the
ANC and later, in 2009, president of South Africa, Zuma called for harsher
sentences for violent crimes and said crime and HIV/AIDS should be treated
as national emergencies.

Alleviating poverty and widening access to education should be other
government priorities, he said.

'People like Jacob Zuma because he cares about people,' Papi Maleho, one of
several dozen ANC members waiting to see the controversial but charismatic
presidential candidate outside the packed university theatre.

Mbeki has become the focal point for much of the discontent of grassroots
ANC members with the government over high poverty levels and growing
inequality 13 years after apartheid.

Although Zuma was deputy president in that government until Mbeki sacked him
over corruption allegations in 2005, the ANC's frustrated left-wing alliance
partners, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South
African Communist Party have successfully cast him as the candidate of the
oppressed.

'We as workers - the poor and the marginalized - we see in Jacob Zuma
ourselves. We see somebody who reflects the basic values of our continent -
humility and ubuntu (solidarity),' COSATU's Zwelinzima Vavi said, whose
disparaging references to 'the other candidate' (Mbeki) drew hoots of
laughter from the audience.

Before beginning his speech Zuma joined his supporters, many clad in Zuma
t-shirts, in a rendition of his trademark, anti-apartheid song Umshini Wam
(Bring me my Machine Gun).

Yet, the prospect of a Zuma presidency does not enthral all South Africans.
The business community is nervous about his left-wing links, he still faces
possible corruption charges, and his conservative views on women as
expressed during his 2005 trial for rape - in which he was acquitted - have
led many to question his fitness for high office.

© 2007 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur

Amnesty International Marks 60th Anniversary of Human Rights Declaration

SW Radio Africa (London)

10 December 2007
Posted to the web 10 December 2007

Tererai Karimakwenda

The human rights watchdog Amnesty International launched their activities
for the year 2008 on Monday in South Africa, at an event that also marked
the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).

Special guests at the occasion were The Elders, the group of 13 elderly
statespersons that includes Nelson Mandela, former US president Jimmy Carter
and the Nobel Laureate Bishop Desmond Tutu. The Elders came together this
year to try and resolve critical issues in conflict areas around the world.

Amnesty's Secretary General Irene Khan said they chose to work with The
Elders because they are respected internationally and can help bring the one
billion signatures that are needed for the "Every Human Has Rights" campaign
that is part of the group's programme for 2008.

December 10th is also Human Rights Day, and Amnesty International chose the
day to release the initial findings of their latest research on the human
rights situation in Zimbabwe. A team from Amnesty recently spent time
monitoring police brutality and torture on the ground in Zimbabwe.

Khan said the team spent 6 weeks in Zimbabwe and spoke to human rights
defenders, activists and politicians from the opposition parties. They
reported an escalation of government sponsored human rights abuses aimed at
political opposition, women, activists and human rights practitioners.

Khan stressed that although their research team members were able to
function on the ground with the government's knowledge and approval, they
were concerned for the safety of those who had given interviews to them and
took measures to maximise their security.

The Amnesty findings will soon be published and Khan said their
recommendations are very crucial in view of the agreements that are due to
be signed by the ruling party and the opposition factions at the conclusion
of the mediated talks. Khan said it is important that the agreements include
concessions that ensure the protection of human rights. Police impunity is
one of the issues that she stressed must be done with away.

'When Will the Postcolonial Hangover End?'

Spiegel, Germany

December 10, 2007

Instead of marking a new beginning, the EU-Africa summit this weekend ended
in bickering over new trade deals between the two continents. German
commentators ask how business interests can be combined with human rights
concerns.

 It was supposed to mark a new chapter in relations between the two
continents. But instead the European Union-Africa summit in Lisbon (more...)
this weekend was overshadowed by bickering over trade agreements and rows
over human rights.
The meeting between the 27 EU and 53 African countries was described as
launching a new "relationship of equals" between the EU and Africa. The EU
trade commissioner, Peter Mandelson, wanted to use the summit -- the first
of its kind in seven years -- to set up new trade deals, known as economic
partnership agreements (EPAs), with Africa.

The World Trade Organization has set a deadline of the end of 2007 for the
EU to reach new trade agreements with Africa, after declaring that the
privileged terms of trade which countries such as the UK, France and
Portugal have with their former colonies are illegal.

Under the new proposals, the EU is offering African governments unrestricted
access to its market if African countries in turn reduce tariffs on European
imports. Yet many African leaders oppose the deal because they fear that
reducing import tariffs will hurt local companies.

Now the future of the EPAs seem in doubt after African leaders rejected them
at the summit. Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade said Sunday that most
African leaders had dismissed the EU's proposals, which he said weren't in
Africa's interest. "It's clear that Africa rejects the EPAs," Wade said. "We
are not talking any more about EPAs ... We're going to meet to see what we
can put in place of the EPAs."

South African President Thabo Mbeki also criticized the proposals, saying
they "will not contribute to the development of the
African-Carribean-Pacific countries as they do not assist in fighting
poverty."

Issues of human rights also dogged the summit, with Zimbabwe's President
Robert Mugabe the focus of European criticism. British Prime Minister Gordon
Brown boycotted the summit over Mugabe's attendance, while German Chancellor
Angela Merkel said Saturday the EU was "united" in condemning Mugabe for his
economic mismanagement, failure to curb corruption and contempt for
democracy.

Mugabe himself seemed little bothered by his reception, raising his fist in
the air in a symbol of defiance as he arrived for the summit. In a speech
given at a closed-door meeting, he reportedly accused Europe of arrogance
for criticizing his human rights record, according to sources who were
present.

The summit was also attended by another highly controversial figure, Libyan
leader Moammar Gadhafi, who begins a visit to France Monday. French
President Nicolas Sarkozy was forced to defend his invitation to the Libyan
leader after coming in for criticism by human rights groups. "If we don't
welcome those who take the road to respectability, then what do we say to
those who take the opposite road?" Sarkozy said in remarks at the summit.

Gadhafi begins a six-day visit to Paris Monday, his first trip to France
since 1973. He is pitching his Bedouin tent in the gardens of the official
guest residence near the Elysee Palace in Paris, in a nod to what was
described by a French presidential spokesman as "desert tradition."

The visit marks Gadhafi's return to grace after years of being an
international pariah. Libya returned to the international fold in 2003 when
it renounced state sponsorship of terrorism and stopped its nuclear weapons
program.

During his visit, Gadhafi is expected to sign deals worth billions with
France, including contracts to buy Airbus jets, a civilian nuclear reactor
and possibly defense equipment.

Although France is keen to do business with oil-rich Libya, some worry that
the Libyan leader could have a hidden agenda in coming to France: Gadhafi
said Friday in a speech in Lisbon ahead of the summit that Europe's former
colonial powers should provide restitution to Africa.

Commentators writing in Germany's newspapers Monday were agreed that the
summit was a disappointment but were divided over how the EU should best
deal with Africa.

The center-left Süddeutsche Zeitung writes:

"Africa and Europe have already wasted many years which they could have used
to build common ground. Meanwhile other countries such as China have, with a
cool eye to their business interests, used these years to build up
opportunistic partnerships. The impression arose that it is possible to come
to an arrangement with despots like Mugabe, and that war and business -- as
in Sudan -- can be separated from each other.

"This political schizophrenia is difficult to bear. The EU was well advised
not to cancel the summit because of Mugabe, as the British had demanded. The
bloc was also right, however, in its decision to confront the dictator with
toughness and to isolate him. The differences over the free trade agreements
with the states of the African Union show that the two continents have got a
lot of political detail work to catch up on. There is a lack of contact with
each other -- and a lack of mutual understanding. Mugabe can no longer be
allowed to stand in the way of this attempt at mutual communication."

The business daily Handelsblatt writes:

"China and the United States have been setting the tone in Africa for some
time now. The Europeans, who have long regarded their neighboring continent
as their backyard, are lagging behind. At the EU-Africa summit in Lisbon,
they wanted to make up for lost time. But that went fundamentally wrong.
Although the summit brought some important progress, overall it ended with a
setback. The Africans allowed the new free trade agreements with the EU to
fall through and refused to be lectured on the subject of human rights
policy."

"The new Africa is obviously different from what the old Europeans want. The
conflict is not unexpected: Offering the Africans a 'partnership of equals'
while at the same time trying to meddle at every opportunity simply doesn't
work. Although Mugabe definitely deserves to be criticized, the scolding
would probably have been better received if it had been accompanied by some
self-criticism."

The conservative daily Die Welt writes:
"Angela Merkel has once again delivered a clear message. ... She is the
natural voice of the EU -- Germany is less burdened by the colonial era than
England (sic), France or Portugal. The issue of human rights is not an
appendix, not just some minor annoyance. As far as Africa is concerned, the
issue of human rights is a pre-condition to all talks and accompanies them
like an invisible guest."

"The fact that all African leaders continue to stand behind Mugabe is a sign
of failure on their part. When will this postcolonial hangover and cynicism
end, and when will African leaders finally learn to judge each other
according to international standards? Everything else is just empty words
and the opposite of the 'new Africa' that everyone loves to talk about."

-- David Gordon Smith, 12 noon CET

Water woes worsen in Bulawayo

10 Dec 2007,

Water woes have worsened in Bulawayo with water levels having diminished to
desperate levels. The current water shortages in Bulawayo are said to have
dwindled to only less than a quarter of normal supply. The City of Bulawayo
is sitting on a health crisis, time bomb which can explode anytime. Reports
from the City of Bulawayo indicate that piped water supply has been cut to
less than half a day per week for individual households a situation which
has not gone well with residents.

Residents are now being supplied water using bowsers or they have to resort
to getting water from streams. This exposes them to cases of water borne
diseases. This situation in Bulawayo is more like the disaster in Harare's
Mabvuku Tafara suburb where some house holds have gone for months without
running water. CHRA is wary that the situation will be further compounded by
the takeover of sewer and water administration by the Zimbabwe National
Water Authority (ZINWA). In Harare the water bodies have about 60% water but
the problem of purification has led to the water crisis. It is almost
certain that ZINWA will further exacerbate the water situation in Bulawayo
owing to its incompetence record. Apart from the poor services that ZINWA
has to offer, residents in Bulawayo must brace for massive rates increases
as happened in Harare.

The City of Bulawayo will loose the much needed revenue to help resolve the
water crisis. The problem of water in Bulawayo arises primarily from drought
that has hit the region. Three of the dams supplying Bulawayo have been
decommissioned owing to critically low levels of water. The only dam left is
Insiza with about 37% capacity. CHRA submitted a paper to the Parliamentary
portfolio committee on Local governance and renewed its calls for the
cabinet to rescind its decision on the takeover of sewer and water services.
CHRA called upon Parliament and the Government of Zimbabwe to increase
funding to local authorities to help resolve the water crisis in Zimbabwe.

Farai Barnabas Mangodza
Chief Executive Officer
Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA)
145 Robert Mugabe Way
Exploration House, Third Floor
Harare
ceo@chra.co.zw
www.chra.co.zw
 Landline: 00263- 4- 705114

Contacts: Mobile: 0912638401, 011443578, 011862012 or email info@chra.co.zw,
programs@chra.co.zw and admin@chra.co.zw

 

Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP): Appeal 2008 for Zimbabwe