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Zimbabwe
to Start Registering New Voters Next Month
http://www.voazimbabwe.com
Irwin
Chifera
14.12.2012
HARARE — The government says it will embark on a
massive voter registration
exercise next month as it starts preparations for
a constitutional
referendum and elections sometime next year.
But
officials said it will depend mainly on when the new draft constitution
is
finalized.
The plan to register voters came out of a meeting organized by
Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and attended by Justice Minister Patrick
Chinamasa and Zimbabwe Electoral Commissioners to discuss preparations for
the forthcoming referendum and elections.
Minister Chinamasa told
journalists after the meeting that they also
discussed how the government
would pay for the two events.
Chinamasa said they agreed to commence a
"voter registration blitz on
January 3, and also agreed that attempts will
be made immediately to raise
$21 million."
The meeting resolved that
Finance Minister Tendai Biti would be responsible
for raising
funds.
Chinamasa’s deputy, Obert Gutu, said the prime minister assured them
that
government would provide most of the funds required for both
events.
Gutu said Mr. Tsvangirai and the other principals will meet next
week to
discuss the issue after which Chinamasa and Biti would meet to
discuss the
funding details.
"The money is going to come from
government, this government is not as broke
as people might think, the right
honourable minister did promise ZEC
(Zimbabwe Electoral Commission) and all
of us present that the events are
going to be largely funded by government,"
said Gutu
Meanwhile, ZEC deputy chairperson Joyce Kazembe said the
organization has
slashed its referendum budget from $100 to $85
million.
Although President Robert Mugabe has insisted that elections
must be held in
March next year, Chinamasa said the dates for both the
referendum and the
election depend on the completion of the
constitution-making process.
A committee tasked to resolve contentious
issues has deadlocked but is set
to meet again Monday to try and break the
impasse.
ZEC
forfeits delimitation, slashes poll budget
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
14/12/2012 00:00:00
by
Staff Reporter
THE ZIMBABWE Electoral Commision (ZEC) says it
has managed to reduce the
budget for next year’s general elections and the
constitutional referendum
after scrapping the delimitation of constituencies
which was expected to
cost millions of dollars.
The commission had
proposed a total budget of $220 million for the two
plebiscites, factoring
in the redrawing of electoral boundaries.
But authorities announced a
reviewed figure of $192 million Friday after
government decided to cut costs
and stick to existing constituencies.
Mathematically, that means the
delimitation exercise would have gobbled
US$28 million.
The electoral
panel held a meeting with Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai,
Justice Minister
Patrick Chinamasa and Constitutional Affairs Minister Eric
Matinenga to
answer questions concerning its readiness for both the
referendum and the
general polls.
The referendum has been brought down to US$85 million from
the initial $105
million, while the general election cost fell from US$115
to US$107.
“There is no delimitation this time around,” ZEC acting chair
Joice Kazembe
told a news conference in Harare. “The 210 constituencies will
remain like
what they are now. Even in wards, we will use what is there
now.”
Also addressing journalists, Chinamasa revealed that government
will begin
voter registration on January 3, adding the exercise will require
an
immediate $21 million which he said will be provided by the
Treasury.
Although government is known to be bankrupt, officials said it
will folk out
three quarters of the total budget. But they did not specify
where the
balance will come from.
It is understood that Cabinet is
contemplating to approach the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP)
which sponsored the
constitution-revision exercise.
In his 2013
national budget, Finance Minister Tendai Biti allocated the
electoral body
$50 million – but it was only on paper. He admits he is yet
to look for the
money.
Zimbabwe is currently pushing electoral and constitutional reforms
ahead of
the balloting that President Robert Mugabe says should be held in
March
without fail.
But interminable wrangling between his Zanu PF
party and the two formations
of the MDC has delayed the referendum by almost
two years.
While the MDC parties have endorsed the constitutional draft
crafted by a
parliamentary panel, Zanu PF has rejected it demanding the
deletion of a
number of provisions including the widely-supported devolution
of power from
central government.
The party has also
protested the slicing of presidential executive powers.
A panel tasked
with finding common ground on the divisive issues is
currently deadlocked.
Tsvangirai,
Mugabe in cash scramble
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Fungai Kwaramba, Staff Writer
Saturday, 15
December 2012 12:45
HARARE - President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai are
desperately in need of over $20 million to kick-start
a voter registration
blitz ahead of a referendum and watershed
election.
With the constitution-making process stalled because of
disagreements
between Mugabe and Tsvangirai’s parties, the fragile unity
government is
agreed that there is need to adequately fund the Zimbabwe
Electoral
Commission (Zec) for the body to carry out a thorough
job.
Zec is a constitutional body mandated with conducting elections and
related
matters such as voter registration.
Tsvangirai yesterday met
with Patrick Chinamasa, minister of Justice and
Legal Affairs and officials
from Zec where all parties agreed that
principals should dig for cash to
bankroll the election programme.
“The meeting was about making
preparations for a referendum and an election
and how we can locally raise
resources to fund the referendum and the
election,” Chinamasa
said.
“We have agreed that we should commence a voter registration blitz
from the
3rd of January. We have also agreed that attempts should be made to
immediately raise $21 million towards funding the initial steps or processes
towards the referendum.
“Some of the resources will have to be raised
later but immediately Zec
wants $21 million which will be necessary to
undertake the initial steps
towards a referendum,” Chinamasa
said.
Before the meeting, Zec was demanding that Treasury sets aside a
combined
$220 million for the harmonised elections and the referendum, but
yesterday
Joice Kazembe, the commission’s acting chairperson revised the
figure
downwards to $192 million.
“This was an urgent meeting towards
preparation for the forthcoming
referendum and elections with respect to
mobilising resources and the urgent
requirements of the commission,” said
Kazembe.
Kazembe was optimistic that Zec, despite having been allocated a
meagre $50
million in the 2013 national budget, would get additional funding
to enable
the country to vote for a new constitution then go for fresh
elections.
“We require $85 million for the referendum and $107 million
for the
elections,” she said. “The figure has gone down because there are
activities
we thought would happen which are no longer going to take
place.”
While in past elections, constituency delimitation used to chew the
election
fund, the often controversial exercise for the forthcoming polls
has been
skipped.
Apart from delimitation of constituencies, in the
impending referendum,
citizens of the country will not be required to
register with Zec in order
to vote but will use their national identity
cards.
That has cut costs.
Other urgent requirements for Zec
include purchasing indelible ink that
would be used in the voting
process.
Obert Gutu, deputy minister of Justice and Legal Affairs, who
also attended
the meeting, said the indelible ink would cost at least $900
000 and then
take up to eight weeks for the manufacturer to
deliver.
Gutu said Zimbabwe is not as broke as what many people believe
and during
Monday’s principals meeting, funding for polls will be
discussed.
“The premier has assured us that on Monday at the meeting of
the principals
they are going to make sure the money is
available.
The good news is that the money is going to be available. The
money is going
to come from government,” said Gutu.
Despite the
spirited efforts to mobilise funding for elections and a
referendum, there
are no fixed dates yet in regard to when the two
plebiscites would take
place.
Progress in the constitution-making process is currently stalled
due to new
demands by Zanu PF to rewrite the draft.
A new
constitution is regarded by Sadc guarantors of the coalition
government as a
stepping stone towards holding free and fair elections, but
stakeholders say
Zanu PF is delaying the process after demanding amendments
to the
Parliament-authored draft.
MDCs
cross swords
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Saturday, 15 December 2012 12:45
BULAWAYO - Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and Industry minister Welshman
Ncube’s MDC have
exchanged harsh words, blaming each other for the 2005
party
split.
Economic adviser for the Tsvangirai-led MDC and Bulawayo South
MP, Eddie
Cross blamed Ncube for the split, saying the party could still be
united had
it not been for the latter’s “self
centredness”.
Addressing a public meeting here organised by Bulawayo
Agenda on Thursday,
Cross said it is no secret that Ncube personally caused
the split of the
MDC.
“Welshman Ncube was responsible for the split
of united 2005. He was
personally responsible for that and everyone knows
about it,” Cross said,
adding that no amount of denials by Ncube
sympathisers will erase the “fact
that he caused the split of the united
MDC”.
Tsvangirai and Ncube are former allies who founded the MDC in 1999
with the
former as president while Ncube was secretary general.
The
vibrant party split in 2005 over strategy and the decision to
participate in
Senate elections held then.
Ncube, together with the late Gibson Sibanda,
formed their own breakaway MDC
outfit and invited Arthur Mutambara to lead
their formation.
Joshua Mhambi, the Ncube -led MDC policy director, who
was one of the
panellists, dismissed Cross’s statements as a lie.
“We
know who was responsible for the split. Tsvangirai knows very well who
was
responsible for the split and to say our president was responsible for
that
is completely wrong,” Mhambi said.
Tsvangirai last year described the
acrimonious split of the MDC in 2005 as
the “saddest part of his political
life”. The premier, during the burial of
Sibanda, said the split could have
been avoided.
In the run-up to the 2008 poll, the two parties attempted
to close ranks and
back Tsvangirai as presidential candidate, but Ncube
alleges the mainstream
MDC kept on shifting goal posts until the talks
collapsed.
Tsvangirai and Ncube have also been trading barbs, with
Tsvangirai alleging
Ncube was a “village politician” without national
appeal.
The showdown has put a damper on prospects for the reunification
of the two
parties to mount a strong challenge against President Robert
Mugabe’s Zanu
PF.
Ncube has ruled out reunification with
Tsvangirai.
“The things that divide us now make it impossible for us to
work together,”
he said.
“I have absolutely nothing against the
person of Morgan Tsvangirai.
“Our differences are about our political
behaviours and the things we do as
politicians. I keep underlining, it is on
record that our colleagues in the
other MDC often practice violence; it is
on record that Morgan Tsvangirai
himself has reversed collectively made
decisions and it is also on record
that the local government structures that
they control have acted as
corruptly if not more corruptly than the
Zanu
PF ones,” said Ncube.
The acrimony has worsened as officials in the
smaller MDC have defected to
Tsvangirai’s party in recent months.
Two
weeks ago Ncube’s MDC fired three MPs on allegations of aligning
themselves
to the mainstream MDC.
In 2009 the party expelled Abednico Bhebhe (Nkayi
South), Njabuliso Mguni
(Lupane East) and Norman Mpofu (Bulilima East) again
for allegedly working
with the mainstream MDC. - Pindai Dube
Political
Tension Grips Zimbabwe Ahead of Crucial Polls
http://www.voazimbabwe.com
Blessing
Zulu
14.12.2012
Analysts and watchdog groups say the level of
politically-motivated violence
and intimidation in Zimbabwe is on the rise
as the country heads for a
constitutional referendum and a general election
next year.
Detectives Thursday raided ZimRights offices in Harare and
arrested an
employee, though have not yet filed charges.
Last Friday,
police in Gweru in the Midlands Province briefly detained 29
members of the
Zimbabwe Election Support Network, but also released them
without
charges.
A few weeks ago, police raided the offices of the Counseling
Services Unit
and arrested three officials and members of the Women of
Zimbabwe Arise
group were assaulted by police last month after demonstrating
peacefully in
Bulawayo.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s wing of
the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) says they receive reports of
assaults, displacements, arrests
and harassments by their supporters every
day from all over the country.
In late November, the MDC reported that
scores of their members were injured
after they were assaulted by armed
soldiers at a rally in Zhombe, Midlands
Province.
Senior MDC
officials have not been spared with Energy Minister and MDC
deputy treasurer
Elton Mangoma appearing in a Bindura Magistrates Court this
week on
allegations they insulted President Robert Mugabe.
The MDC party accuses
Zanu PF of activating the same groups and methods used
during past elections
to intimidate opposition officials and supporters.
These groups include
soldiers, central intelligence organisation operatives,
the police,
traditional chiefs and the youth militia.
In a report released Friday
titled ‘Zimbabwe Transition Barometer’, Crisis
in Zimbabwe Coalition blamed
the police and the military for siding with
Zanu PF and harassing President
Mugabe’s opponents.
The report reads in part: “National security
institutions continue to
function in a partisan manner with senior officials
and some politicians
making statements that impact negatively on security
towards, during and
after the election."
According to Crisis
Coalition, “this tends to crowd out civilians and the
general citizenry from
occupying their natural political space as security
sector interests in
politics become over-projected.”
It adds that given the marked interest
of the security sector officials in
politics and elections, there is “a high
potential for increased state
sponsored violence and
intimidation.”
The organization also warns that the credibility of the
election itself is
threatened by threats of military involvement should
eventual results not
fall in favour of Zanu PF.
Some senior army officers
are on record as saying they will not allow Mr.
Tsvangirai to lead the
country even if he wins the presidential election.
The Zimbabwe National
Students Union also released a statement, saying it is
alarmed by the recent
upsurge in arrests of civic society members.
ZimRights Director Okay
Machisa told VOA Studio 7 that talk of elections
always brings violence in
Zimbabwe.
The Washington-based Robert F. Kennedy Centre for Human
Rights also
condemned what it calls “a massive crackdown on the NGO
community”, warning
it may intensify as the country moves closer to
elections in 2013.
The R.F.K Centre’s senior advocacy officer, Jeff
Smith, went so far as to
say that international peace keepers might need to
be deployed in Harare
before elections.
Zambia, Zim
set for UNWTO indaba
http://www.times.co.zm
December 15, 2012
By MIRIAM ZIMBA
-
ZAMBIA and Zimbabwe are on course with preparations to co-host the
United
Nations World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO) general assembly next
year.
Zimbabwe’s Tourism and Hospitality Minister Walter Mzembi said
resolutions
of the 94th UNWTO held in Mexico recently indicated that the two
neighbouring countries were on course to co-host the international
showpiece.
Meanwhile, Zambia’s Tourism and Arts Minister Sylvia
Masebo said the
Statutory Instrument issued recently to waive tax on
imported tourism goods
and articles had improved the quality of service in
the tourism industry in
Zambia.
The two ministers were speaking in
Lusaka yesterday during a second joint
ministerial meeting ahead of the
general assembly scheduled for August.
Mr Mzembi, who led a joint
delegation during the 94th session of the UNWTO
executive council, resolved
that the level of preparedness by the two
countries to co-host the general
assembly was excellent.
“I am happy to report to you that the resolution
of this meeting is that we
are on track, and there is a statement of
confidence in both Zambia and
Zimbabwe’s level of preparedness,” he
said.
He said the UNWTO executive council meeting scheduled for Serbia in
May 2013
would be the last to be held outside the venue for the 2013 general
assembly.
Mr Mzembi commended the Zambian Government for introducing
a Statutory
Instrument that waives duty for the importation of capital goods
and others
directly associated with the tourism industry.
Ms Masebo,
on the other hand, said the Statutory Instrument was aimed at
improving
service delivery in the tourism industry.
The Zambian Government, she
said, would ensure maximum benefits accrue from
the industry such as the
creation of employment and the generation of
foreign exchange.
Ms
Masebo called for accelerated efforts in the two countries as the date of
the general assembly draws closer.
She said the second joint
ministerial meeting in Lusaka was a measure of the
levels of preparedness to
co-host next year’s general assembly.
Madhuku mulls entering active politics
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
15.12.12
by
Staff Reporter
National
Consultative Assembly Chairperson, Lovemore Madhuku, has said
sooner or
later, he will leave civil society work to become a
politician.
Addressing journalists at a training workshop
organised by the Zimbabwe
Election Support Network in Kadoma on Thursday,
Madhuku said.
“I have made enough sacrifices and it would be foolish for
me not to
eventually become politically active.”
He said he had done
enough preparations and ground work, through helping
form the NCA and MDC,
to become a successful political player.
“My active participation in
civil society activities and active role in the
formation of MDC were
pointers that one day I would turn a politician.
Remember, I was once beaten
and left for dead because of my involvement in
civil society programs which
some people regarded as political. Such
suffering cannot just be endured for
nothing,” said Madhuku.
He indicated that he would neither be involved in
MDC or Zanu (PF) politics,
but did not specify which party he would join, or
whether he would form his
own.
“I will not be part of MDC-T as the
party is not principled. The Tsvangirai
led party has displayed too many
double standards. One will easily recall
that the most popular national
demonstration initiated by Tsvangirai while
still with The Zimbabwe Congress
of Trade Unions
(ZCTU) was in protest against the deployment of Zimbabwe
troops to the
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
“Surprisingly, the
troops have been redeployed again to the same country
while Tsvangirai is
Prime Minister. This is one example of Tsvangirai’s
sickening hypocrisy,”
said Madhuku.
Madhuku took the opportunity to dismiss rumours that he was
eying the Mbare
constituency under MDC-T ticket.
“There is no grain
of truth in rumours that I am eying the Mbare
constituency under the MDC-T
ticket. I only regularly visit Mbare on church
business since my church is
based there. Besides church activities, I have
no other interests in the
area.”
Madhuku was part of the group that formed the NCA in the 1990s and
has
remained active in his dream for a people-driven constitution.
In
2000, he was part of the movement that mobilised voters against a draft
constitution that many felt had been hijacked by Zanu (PF) and President
Robert Mugabe’s government.
His organisation has of late been
experiencing financial problems after
donors pulled out, in a trend
observers said indicated that his opposition
to the current
constitution-making process had become irrelevant.
Police
burn war veterans’ homes
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Saturday, 15 December 2012 12:45
MASVINGO -
Heavily-armed police in Masvingo torched over 30 homesteads
belonging to war
veterans who invaded black-owned farms on Thursday.
The war veterans said
they invaded the farms because the new owners were
leasing land to white
farmers who were chucked out during the chaotic 2000
land grabs.
The
demolition of the homes has brought a fresh rift between war veterans
and
Zanu PF, with war veterans angrily accusing the party of instructing
police
to remove them from the farms.
Officials aligned to Zanu PF are against
the invasions saying the action is
against the principles of the land reform
programme.
War veterans under the banner of Masvingo East Growers
Association (Mega) on
the other hand said they lost property worth thousands
of dollars after the
police action to evict them.
“Armed police
descended on our farms and razed our homes to the ground,”
said Mega
chairperson, Rueben Chikono.
“They said this was a result of an
instruction from the provincial lands
committee led by party big wigs. We
are not happy with this and we will
fight back,” he said.
The move
has brought fresh chaos and controversy to the land redistribution
exercise
as fellow comrades are now fighting against each other on the
farms.
Chikono, who is a high ranking war veteran in the province,
said they were
now staying in the open with their families after the police
set ablaze
their homes at Makwari, Wind Crest, Manna Bill and Sundowns
farms.
He described the officials who deployed the police as “sell outs”
because
they were protecting white farmers returning to the
farms.
“The land redistribution is clear that we take farms from the
whites.
Unfortunately, our colleagues were bought and because of greed
they have
brought back the whites. That’s why we moved into their farms
because we
cannot let them sell out but the party is protecting them,” said
Chikono.
Masvingo police spokesperson, Peter Zhanero could not be reached
for comment
while provincial administrator Felix Chikovo declined to comment
saying he
was on leave.
Zanu PF provincial chairperson Lovemore
Matuke declined to comment. -
Godfrey Mtimba
Mutambara
in USA to Launch Zimbabwe Diaspora Initiative
http://www.voazimbabwe.com
Violet
Gonda
14.12.2012
Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara is in the
United State capital
Washington DC to launch the Zimbabwe diaspora
home-front interface
initiative, a platform to exchange information and
promote collaborative
investing among the Zimbabwean diaspora, the
government and non-state actors
back home.
It is estimated that there
are at least two million Zimbabweans in the
diaspora and many professionals,
including engineers and doctors, have
formed groups since the formation of
the coalition government in 2009 to
help rebuild the country’s economy and
contribute to the nation’s economy
across political
affiliations.
Chairman of the Diaspora Networking Group, Dr. Norbert
Mugwagwa, told VOA
Studio 7 that the program that will be launched Saturday
at the Zimbabwe
Embassy in Washington DC aims at developing a skills
database of Zimbabweans
abroad that can be accessed by employers, investors,
and others back in the
country.
“This program is a follow up to a
meeting which was here in Washington in
July with Deputy Prime Minister
Mutambara where he challenged Zimbabweans in
the diaspora to come together
in the spirit of promoting convergence and
disseminating ideas which promote
economic growth and development.”
Expatriate Zimbabweans in 2010 launched
the Development Foundation of
Zimbabwe in South Africa, aimed at boosting
the nation’s economy through
harmanozing and strengthening diaspora
networks.
Graca Machel, wife of former South African President Nelson
Mandela, who
officially launched the initiative, challenged Zimbabweans in
the diaspora
to help their country regain its place as a regional economic
power.
'Army
backs Kasukuwere' - Ngwena
http://www.thezimbabwemail.com/
Staff Reporter 7 hours 52 minutes
ago
DEFENCE minister Emmerson 'Ngwena' Mnangagwa
yesterday said the army is
backing Zanu PF’s controversial empowerment
programme being spearheaded by
Indigenisation minister Saviour
Kasukuwere.
Addressing delegates at the signing ceremony of the terms of
agreement for
an empowerment plan between platinum miner Mimosa Mining
Company and
government, a tough-talking Mnangagwa pledged to support the
policy which
compels foreign-owned companies to cede 51% of their
shareholding to locals.
Mimosa is a joint venture between Australia Stock
Exchange-listed Aquarius
Platinum and Impala Platinum of South
Africa.
Mnangagwa’s remarks come barely a week after his Zanu PF party
resolved to
step up the empowerment crusade ahead of watershed elections
slated for next
year.
“You may be wondering what the Minister of Defence
is doing here,” he said.
“Firstly, I hail from Zvishavane and those who doubt
Cde Kasukuwere now know
that the army is behind him.
“If there are any
people who doubt that the time will come to review the
(indigenisation and
empowerment) policy, the answer is no!
“The best thing is to join them if you
can’t beat them.
“If an investor is not comfortable with our policy, we will
assure them that
our platinum will not be rotten over the years.
“It will
stay under the ground until we find the right technology . . .
“The purpose
of an investor is to make profit, not loot . . . I say things
as they are
because of my background.
“I try to be diplomatic, but it’s
difficult.”
Under the agreed empowerment plan, Mimosa will relinquish 31% to
the
National Indigenisation and Economic Fund, and 10% apiece to the
Zvishavane
Community Share Ownership Scheme and an employee share ownership
scheme.
Speaking at the same function, Kasukuwere tried to allay investor
fears
although he warned that government would rein in on non-compliant
firms.
“The process that we have started will not be chaotic,” he
said.
“There is no reason to employ a strategy that is barbaric. The law is
there
and it should be followed.
“However, it doesn’t mean that we will
send roses to companies that do not
follow the law. We do not grow
roses.”
The Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC-T, a partner in the
country’s
shaky coalition government, criticises the modus operandi of the
empowerment
programme, arguing that the policy will scare away
investment.
There are indications that the military wants to play a prominent
role in
Zanu PF’s election campaign.
Zimbabwe Defence Forces Commander
General Constantine Chiwenga has
reportedly dangled $2 000 a month to war
veterans to join Zanu PF’s
campaign. - NewsDay
Tsvangirai
says leadership not about degrees, but influence
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
14/12/2012
00:00:00
by Staff Reporter
MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai has
issued a veiled rebuke of critics who
question his lack of solid academic
credentials saying leadership is “not
about degrees” but rather,
“influence.”
While he did not make an explicit personal allusion,
Tsvangirai appeared to
talk not only in general but individual terms when he
addressed a party
provincial meeting in Mutare on Friday.
“Leadership
is about influence, it’s not about how many degrees you have,”
Tsvangirai
told his supporters.
“It’s good to be educated, but be educated with a
purpose... Once you elect
a leadership, you should have confidence in them.
We waste our efforts
looking for the negatives.”
Equipped only with a
moderate education, Tsvangirai has found himself being
subjected to derision
by some of his political opponents especially in Zanu
PF who brand him a
“tea boy” lacking basic schooling to lead the country.
Some senior
officials in his own party have expressed similar sentiments,
albeit in
hushed tones.
MDC leader Welshman Ncube, a professor, has also made
Tsvangirai’s
educational achievement an issue on the campaign trail, telling
supporters
that the former trade unionist - now Prime Minister - lacks the
wisdom to
rescue the country from its enduring economic
troubles.
Ncube was quoted as telling a rally in Redcliff last year:
“Business has
collapsed, factories ruined and schools have all but
collapsed, and these
require a leadership with vision and capacity, which
only this party has,
not a tea boy.
“Tsvangirai cannot perform
miracles and solve problems of our nation. That
era ended with Jesus who
performed them a long time ago.”
The MDC-T leader has however, faced down
his critics arguing that education
alone is not enough for effective
leadership. President Robert Mugabe, he
argues, has several educational
degrees but all he has achieved is to
destroy Zimbabwe’s
economy.
Tsvangirai urged delegates at the Mutare meeting to shun party
divisions and
unite as the country heads towards the next general
election.
He urged his party councillors to shun corruption, telling them
to change
the “narrative of political governance set by Zanu
PF.”
Tsvangirai vowed a rigorous vetting process for council
candidates.
“Some of the councillors have damaged the image of this
party, and this time
we want to set qualifications for councilors who we
will give performance
benchmarks,” he said. We have zero-tolerance to
corruption. No, No, No, No
to corruption.”
Some MDC-T-controlled
urban councils have been accused of corrupt
tendencies, and the party has
responded by firing a number of councillors.
“Our differences [with Zanu
PF] must be like sunrise and sunset. As MDC, we
want to create a modern,
democratic and developmental state. Our governance
should give hope to the
people,” Tsvangirai added.
Zanu
PF MP begs for British aid
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Ndakaziva Majaka, Staff Writer
Saturday, 15
December 2012 12:26
HARARE - Zanu PF MP Biata Nyamupinga gushed at British
ambassador Deborah
Bronnert last week, begging the envoy for more
aid.
At a time her party has identified Britain as one of its foremost
enemies,
Nyamupinga appeared out of tune.
But then it is not the
first time she has been caught in the crosshairs of
political allegiance
versus daily and family needs.
Nyamupinga had the task of introducing
Bronnert to guests at the
commemoration of 16 days against gender-based
violence campaign and went on
to shower praises at the diplomat in ways that
could have made hard core
Zanu PF officials shift in
discomfort.
Bronnert is a woman with “Zimbabwe at heart” doing a great
job in
channelling funds to the vulnerable and abused women in the country,
she
said.
“Please note that we have in our presence Britain’s first
female ambassador
to Zimbabwe, handpicked by the queen to serve
you.
“Her Excellency the ambassador has been studying the current affairs
of
Zimbabwe since she was a teenager, and is passionate about the Zimbabwean
plight,” Nyamupinga said while introducing the envoy.
Nyamupinga’s
appeal for foreign investment comes shortly after President
Robert Mugabe
blasted Western countries for creating dependency in Africa
through foreign
aid at the recently-ended Zanu PF annual conference.
“We have all the
resources to cater for everyone so foreigners should not
think they can come
to us and make us slaves, they can keep their funding,
Zimbabwe will never
beg,” he said.
Bronnert promised Nyamupinga, who is also the chairperson
for the
parliamentary women’s caucus, that her government would shift goal
posts and
channel the majority of its aid towards gender main-streaming
projects.
According to the ambassador, Britain channelled $140 million in
donor funds
to Zimbabwe this year alone.
After the economic meltdown of
the last decade, Zimbabwe has been relying on
donor funds to ward off mass
starvation, disease outbreaks and prop the
education
sector.
According to the Zimbabwe Vulnerability Assessment (ZimVAC)
report results
released this year, nearly one in five rural people in the
country — an
estimated 1,6 million people — are likely to need food
assistance during the
peak of the coming “hunger season ”.
The number
of people in need is 60 percent higher than those who needed food
assistance
during the last lean season.
The assessment, which estimates national
food insecurity levels, is
conducted annually by the government in
collaboration with UN agencies and
non-governmental
organisations.
For Nyamupinga, a simple job to introduce the British
envoy could provide
internal Zanu PF political rivals with fodder to attack
her.
But she is no new to this. She is still smarting from being accused
of
trashing Mugabe’s presidential inputs scheme as partisan. She denies the
accusations.
Before that, she was playing dutiful sister to paper
relations between Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and younger sister,
Locardia Karimatsenga, one of
the premier’s string of scorned women.
Anglicans
set for cleansing ceremony
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Saturday, 15 December 2012 12:45
HARARE -
Anglicans from across the world are thronging into Zimbabwe for
tomorrow’s
cleansing ceremony of church properties “defiled” by
ex-communicated bishop
Nolbert Kunonga.
Church of the Province of Central Africa (CPCA)
archbishop Albert Chama is
expected to lead the ceremony.
For five
years, Anglicans have been worshipping in the wilderness but a
Supreme Court
ruling last month gave control of church properties back to
the CPCA and
threw out Kunonga and his supporters who often used force to
cling to the
properties.
Following the Supreme Court ruling, Anglicans from across the
globe are
travelling to join their Zimbabwean colleagues to “clean” their
churches,
schools and hospitals after five years of legal and physical
battles with
Kunonga’s supporters, an official said.
Despite having
returned to the churches, Anglican priests have refrained
from using the
altars until after tomorrow’s ceremony. The church says
Kunonga turned the
properties into brothels, canteens and classrooms.
Clifford Dzawo,
secretary for the CPCA Harare diocese, said the ceremony
would be turned
into a special thanksgiving service after the Supreme Court
victory.
“The archbishop is coming for the thanksgiving service. We
are thanking God
for keeping us while we were in exile and other churches
that gave us areas
to worship.
“We would also like to thank the media
for covering us during trying times,”
said Dzawo.
Dzawo said Chama,
who hails from Zambia, has confirmed he is coming along
with other Anglicans
from across the globe.
“Tomorrow the archbishop will rededicate the
Cathedral while on Monday,
senior clergymen will be dispatched to carry out
cleansing ceremonies since
some of the churches were no longer being used
for worshiping but for
wedding receptions while other churches were turned
into bedrooms,” said
Dzawo.
Judge president George Chiweshe on Monday
put an end to the Anglican saga
when he ruled that
Kunonga could not
appeal a judgment made by the Supreme Court.
The CPCA is part of the
worldwide Anglican Communion, and includes 15
dioceses in Botswana,
Zimbabwe, Malawi and Zambia.
Sexual
abuse of children on the rise
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
14/12/2012 00:00:00
by Staff
Reporter
THE SEXUAL abuse of minors is on the increase with more
than 2,400 having
been raped between January and October this
year.
The appalling statistics were released by the Victim Friendly Unit
on
Friday, which also reported a rise in domestic violence cases.
Of
the 3, 421 child abuse cases reported during the period ending October,
2,
405 were raped.
Forty one percent of the abuses are said to have been
carried out by
neighbours of the victims, while relatives accounted for 27
percent.
Speaking at a crime awareness event organized by the Zimbabwe
Republic
Police, Victim Friendly Unit Assistant Commanding Officer Isabella
Sergio
said most of the abused children were under the age of 18.
She
urged parents not to put their children in danger by leaving them in the
custody of strangers or untrustworthy relatives and
neighbours.
“Parents leave minors in the custody of male relatives or
their neighbours
as they go about their activities,” Sergio said. “This
exposes them to
sexual abuse.”
“As an organisation we are obviously
worried by the fact that children
continue to bear the brunt of sexual
offences.”
Teenage boys, she said, were among the abusers who took
advantage of little
girls.
“What has become more worrisome now is
that boys under the age of 18 years
have developed a habit of sexually
abusing young girls below 12 years.
“These teenage boys take advantage of
unaccompanied minors left in their
custody or waylay them in secluded
footpaths, bushy areas and maize fields
as well as along the distances
between schools and homesteads especially in
rural areas,” she
said.
Sergio also reported that cases of domestic violence were surging.
Last year
her organization recorded 8, 296 cases compared to the 9, 807
already
documented this year.
“Infidelity and misuse of family income
are other major causes of domestic
violence,” she added.
Sister Act: The Rhodes Scholar Edition
We spoke with
Naseemah Mohamed, who in 2013 will follow in her sister's footsteps as an
awardee.
|
|
Naseemah Mohamed (Courtesy Naseemah
Mohamed)
(The
Root) -- Two sisters from the same African nation winning Rhodes
scholarships -- what are the odds? For the Mohamed family of Zimbabwe, the
lightning of international recognition has struck twice in less than a decade.
In 2004, Shazrene Mohamed, then a Harvard astrophysics student, won the
prestigious honor. And on Tuesday, the Rhodes Fund, which administers the scholarships,
announced that Shazrene's sister, Naseemah, had won a 2013 Rhodes Scholarship --
the only "sister act" in the 109-year history of what may be the most renowned
international graduate scholarship program in the world.
Naseemah, who at 23
is eight years younger than Shazrene, said she felt "humbled and grateful" as a
Rhodes recipient, and thankful to big sister (now an astrophysicist at the South
African Astronomical Observatory in Cape Town, South Africa), with whom
competition was apparently never an issue in childhood. "We were never rivals
growing up, since we went to different primary schools," Naseemah
toldThe Root on Friday via email from Zimbabwe. "However,
before being sponsored to attend high school in the U.S., I attended my sister's
ex-high school, where she was deputy head girl and a straight A-plus student,
before attending Harvard University.
"Growing up, my
sister was actually my role model. She knew she wanted to be an astronaut at the
age of 12, and I distinctly remember her teaching me about the solar system when
I was about 5 or 6. Shaz never, ever told me that I was too young to understand
anything. She always explained everything to me (that was when I was willing to
listen!)."
Born and raised in
Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, Naseemah left that country in 2004 to attend Portsmouth
Abbey High School, in Portsmouth, R.I. "Before attending Portsmouth High School,
I was above average, but I was not focused enough to be at the top of my class,"
she said. On the strength of her skills at reading poetry, she was picked to
enter a debate competition in Zimbabwe.
"To my surprise I
was one of four students selected to represent Zimbabwe at the International
Debate Exchange Program in the United States. By that time my sister Shazrene
was studying at Harvard. When her Harvard host family heard about me
representing my country, they thought I had potential, and they offered to
sponsor me to attend Portsmouth Abbey School. They paid for everything, from my
ticket to my school fees to my bedding. When I recognized the incredible
opportunity I had gotten, I promised to do my very best, not only for myself,
but for my family, and for my country."
For a 15-year-old
girl from Zimbabwe, the Portsmouth experience was a major transition. "I had a
huge sense of culture shock, especially since I was one of two African students
in a wealthy preparatory boarding school," she said. "The way that I coped was
by getting involved in almost every extracurricular activity offered by the
school, so by the end of the day, I was too tired to feel homesick. I also coped
at Portsmouth Abbey because of a few amazing teachers who supported me all
through high school."
Her biography
suggests she entered into an agreement with forces of nature to repeal the
limits of a 24-hour day. After her graduation from Portsmouth, she attended
Harvard, graduating this year cum laude with a Bachelor of Arts degree in Social
Studies and African Studies. Naseemah now works for the Center for African
Cultural Excellence (CACE), an organization she co-founded earlier this year to
broaden understanding of African cultural traditions. Her senior thesis was
an arts literacy project that, according to her profile at the CACE
website, "focuses on training teachers to use the arts as a teaching tool in
order to break the colonial legacy of rote learning and corporal punishment that
is still pervasive in the Zimbabwean educational
system."
As a Harvard student, she
was also the president of the African Students Association, co-directed the Pan
African Drum and Dance Ensemble and made time for personal pursuits like ice
skating and poetry recitals.
Naseemah said after the
University of Oxford in England, where all Rhodes scholars study, her focus will
be on improving education in her home country of 12.6 million people, a nation
with a median age of under 19 years old.
"I would ideally like to
work with an international education institution to get exposed to different
education systems around the world, as well as the technical work that
organizations such as UNESCO [United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization] or the OECD [Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development] carry out. I would really like my work to focus on developing
nations, including Zimbabwe and other African countries."
It's a desire borne of her
own experience. "Having at one stage not been a high achiever, I empathize with
students who haven't discovered their full potential," she said. "Winning the
Rhodes for me is a testimony of the power of education opportunities in making
the dreams one thought were never possible come true."
The scholarships were
established in 1903 under terms of the will of British philanthropist Cecil
Rhodes. Naseemah is one of 15 black Rhodes scholars for 2013; fellow Zimbabwean
Dalumuzi Mhlanga is also a 2013 Scholar. Some 7,000 Rhodes scholars have made
their mark in various endeavors in public life, including Newark Mayor Cory
Booker, former President Bill Clinton and U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations
Susan Rice.
Michael E. Ross is a
regular contributor to The
Rootand the author of American
Bandwidth, on the Obama campaign
and presidency. He blogs on national affairs at Short Sharp Shock.
Alone but together
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
15.12.12
by
Obert Gutu
It will get worse before it gets
better. Prophets of doom and gloom are
running amok; like people possessed.
Opportunists, chancers as well as
political low lives are cleverly
positioning themselves. Fencesitters are
busy gazing into the open space;
not exactly sure which ship to jump onto.
These are very exciting times that
we are going through in Zimbabwe.
The land of milk and honey
beckons and some comrades’ appetite for plunder
is now greatly under attack
from an increasingly discerning electorate who
would want the elections in
2013 to be issues-based as opposed to
personality-based. The time for
sloganeering is most certainly over. The
people have clearly refused to be
fed on an incessant diet of hate, malice
and propaganda. The game is on. We
are absolutely alone; but we are
together.
History has taught us the
lesson of dialectical materialism; simply put it
means that the old
collapses into the new and that nothing lasts forever.
Political parties
that stubbornly refuse to mutate and move with the times
will inevitably
collapse into the dustbin of history. In similar measure,
politicians who
morbidly think that they are God’s gift to mankind will soon
find out that
no one is indispensable. Change is inevitable and change is
coming.
At the elections to be held in June , 2013, the people of
Zimbabwe will
refuse to be locked up in history. They will totally reject
the politics of
thievery, kleptocracy, retribution and obscurantism. The
people will bid
farewell to a system that has brought untold suffering into
their lives. A
system that has perfected the art of patronage and
consistently rewarded
mediocrity, insolence and downright
incompetence.
In the corridors of power, alarm bells are ringing. They
are ringing so
loudly they have become a constant irritant. Thirty two years
of unbridled
political power and control has, unfortunately, made some of
these comrades
impervious to the winds of change. While dynamic
revolutionary parties such
as Chama Chama Pinduzi ( CCP) in Tanzania and the
South West Africa People’s
Organisation ( SWAPO) in Namibia have constantly
appreciated the need to
periodically renew and re-invigorate their
leadership, a certain political
party in Zimbabwe, which party is as old as
the writer, has not seen it fit
to bring in new and fresh blood to jump
start and crank its fading engine.
Like an ostrich, this political party
continues to bury its head in the sand
in the vain hope that the hand of
time will come to a standstill and that
miraculously, the wheel can be
re-invented. We all know this party. Its top
four leaders have a combined
age of around 300 years! With due respect, this
is an old and extremely
tired leadership. This is a retirement-bound
leadership which has, of
course, seen better days. To expect them to be able
to take Zimbabwe to the
next level will be as futile as expecting heavy
snowfall in the Sahara
desert. It simply won’t happen. Finish and klaar.
The voters are
discerning. You can no longer sell them a dummy. You can beat
the hell out
of them, rape their wives, sisters and daughters, loot their
meagre
possessions and even kill them but then one thing is certain. You
cannot
take away their humanity. You cannot and will not strip them of their
convictions. On polling day, they will hit you back in a very harsh way. You
may bribe the traditional l leaders and buy them beer so that they are
always sloshed but the truth is you can never stop an idea whose time has
come.
You may actually think that the people are alone but what you
certainly do
not know is that the very same people are, in fact, together.
They know what
they want. They know you for what you really are ; a sly,
thuggish and
intolerant political class who are corrupt to the bare bones.
They will not
be seduced by your smash and grab policy disguised as
empowerment and
indigenisation. The people are not impressed when you
routinely rob Peter in
order to pay Paul. You will not touch the people’s
hearts by creating
thoroughly discredited and corrupt, so-called community
share ownership
trusts whose directorship and shareholding is opaque and
shadowy.
The people may be desperately poor but they are not stupid. They
know what
they want. They know that thirty years of looting has brought
extreme
poverty into their lives. One day, very soon, they will punish you
heavily.
Zimbabwe is more than ripe for change. This is the time for women
and men of
honour and integrity to rise up and save their nation from
collapse. This is
the time to renounce the notoriously discredited smash and
grab policy and
start to create wealth. You cannot continue to squabble over
a small and
dwindling cake.
In fact, you should actually create new
wealth and the best way to do so is
by giving the people JUICE. ( jobs,
upliftment, investment, capital and
environment) Yes, it is possible to
create one million new jobs by 2018. It
is also possible to bring
macro-economic stability anchored by single digit
inflation. Indeed, it is
very possible to attract foreign direct investment
( FDI) that is at least
30% of the gross domestic product ( GDP). More
importantly, it is feasible
to establish a US$100 billion first world
economy by 2040.
To take
Zimbabwe to the next level, we need an invigorated team of dedicated
and
honest leaders who shun corruption and who are able to work their socks
off.
We need a new vision to enable JUICE to be enjoyed by the people. Gone
should be the days when patronage rules the roost. If you are incompetent,
lazy and/or corrupt, you should be promptly shown the exit door. There
should be zero tolerance to corruption, across the political
divide.
Let sloganeering become a lazy person’s past time. Zimbabwe is
crying out
for workaholics and not schemers, opportunists and political
scavengers who
see enemies where, in fact, there are no enemies. And we
should never forget
to recover looted public assets. All ill-gotten wealth
should be accounted
for in the new dispensation coming soon. Money that has
been looted and
externalised, should be repatriated to enable Zimbabwe to
start running
efficiently again. There should be no impunity for looting.
Neither should
there be immunity for the perpetrators of gross human rights
violations.
Lest I be misconstrued for advocating for an eye for eye
approach; I am not
by any stretch of the imagination clamouring for
retribution.
My argument is that no one should be seen to have benefited
from their
deliberate and criminal acts of thievery. In similar vein,
perpetrators of
heinous human rights offences should be dealt with in
accordance with the
tenets of the law in order to bring closure to both the
victims and the
perpetrators. Without bringing closure, there will be no
lasting and
sustainable peace in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe has to literally
start from scratch. A battered economy such as
ours cannot be resuscitated
by cowboy and thuggish economic policies as
exemplified by the doomed to
fail so-called empowerment program. We have to
adopt a rational and
pragmatic economic blueprint. Populist economic
blueprints that feed on
lies, thievery, opaqueness and patronage should be
totally
rejected.
Indeed, we should not smash and grab and call it indigenisation
and
empowerment. Instead, we should give the people plenty of
JUICE.
Obert Gutu is the Senator for Chisipite in Harare. He is also the
MDC Harare
provincial spokesperson & Deputy Minister of Justice
& Legal
Affairs. He is the Africa Heritage Society Goodwill
Ambassador for Justice
& Messenger of Peace.
Zanu PF
conference a complete failure
http://nehandaradio.com
on December 15, 2012 at 1:52 pm
By Jacob
Nkiwane
As the country gears for harmonised elections planned for next
year,
political parties are busy formulating winning strategies based on
their
understanding of what the country expects.
The just ended ZANU
PF annual conference held in Gweru was partly an annual
formality and a
platform to come up with resolutions for the future. The
majority of
resolutions passed were supposedly meant to ingratiate and
endear the party
with the voting public.
As soon as the curtains came down inside the
party’s newly built conference
hall, the party’s propaganda machine went
straight to work, starting with
the publication of resolutions passed. Since
ZANU PF is a party made up of
senior members of the community in terms of
age, political experience and
positions in government, the country was
waiting and expecting a clear guide
into the future.
In particular,
the electorate was expecting to hear plans to eradicate
poverty, tackle
health issues, reduce unemployment, improve and mend
relations with other
countries and providing housing among others. Most
importantly, people
wanted to know the leaders who will oversee
implementation of those policies
and steer the country out of its current
economic decline.
A guile
and crafty figure, President Mugabe had no opposition in his quest
to
represent the party in the forthcoming elections and possibly see his
wish
to die in office. He was confirmed as the party’s presidential
candidate,
the first mistake coming out of the conference.
The party failed to
present a credible alternative to Mugabe whose policies
have ruined the
once-prosperous nation.
Zimbabweans know President Mugabe’s policies for
the last 32 years. If he
failed to deliver a better country whilst he was
still young, energetic and
in good health, it will take a miracle for him to
do that now when he is
worried more about his health and old age than
anything else.
To make matters worse, the resolutions passed offered very
little hope to a
country overly expecting. As usual, it became a platform
for the party
leader to attack his foes both domestic and foreign, within
and outside the
party.
Instead of focusing on what his government
will do to develop the country,
President Mugabe dwelled on how the party
must win at all costs, hopefully
incinerating other contenders such as
Tsvangirai’s MDC into political
oblivion. The issue became that of winning
the elections more than about
plans to develop the country.
The core
element of ZANU PF’s campaign narrative lies in the empowerment
agenda
crafted around the philosophy of indigenisation.
Although the concept
sounds good to a gullible mind, ZANU PF has so far
implemented the policy
with dissimulating ends, benefiting only a few. In
the final analysis, the
party’s idea of empowerment has killed jobs and
discouraged foreign direct
investment.
ZANU PF’s indigenisation and empowerment campaign is the only
outstanding
policy thrust. The party had to pass a resolution applauding
itself for
“intensifying the indigenisation and empowerment
programmes”.
The fact that a party can pass a resolution to applaud
itself is quite
laughable and telling of what people of Zimbabwe should
expect if they were
to vote such leadership into power again. Whilst the
country was burning
from a myriad of problems, the party leadership
congregated to pass a
resolution to give themselves a pat on each other’s
back.
How can an institution pass a resolution to ‘applaud’
itself?
Since Zimbabwe is a country struggling to attract foreign
investment, access
the much needed lines of credit and mend its relations
with other countries
particularly the west, one would expect the party to
strike a conciliatory
tone and promote diplomatic avenues.
To the
contrary, the party resolved to condemn the west particularly the US,
Britain and the EU. Such a resolution should worry Zimbabweans who want
their country to normalise relations with other countries and become part of
a responsible global community of nations.
And then came the
misplaced identification of shortage of power as the
single biggest
inhibiting factor to economic growth. The fact that ZANU PF
can blame
electricity as the biggest problem and challenge to economic
growth is by
itself a reflection of the lack of understanding of what is at
stake.
It is quite surprising given that all along the party has been
telling
people that economic sanctions are to blame. Industries are failing
to
recapitalise and increase production, not because of electricity
shortages
but because of lack of finance. It appears the party simply
doesn’t get
that.
The other surprising move was an attempt to
insulate the local government
minister from criticism. The responsible
minister, Ignatius Chombo, is a
member of ZANU PF and the party failed to
look at one of its own in the eye
and reprimand him. Whilst it is common
knowledge that ministers’ competences
are measured by the performances of
their respective portfolios, the party
blamed councillors for poor service
delivery instead.
The minister has been in the urban councils portfolio
for a long time,
presiding over the decline in service delivery in the
process. The minister
has failed to come up with any strategic plans to
revive urban councils.
Instead of becoming a team player helping mayors
and councillors, he has
been acting like a referee flashing red cards to
mayors and councillors at
every turn. In the end urban councils have been
without clear guidance and
leadership. The conference failed to apportion
blame at the top where it is
due but rather blamed junior councillors for
political expedience.
Another very worrying resolution concerned an
attempt to promote gold
panners commonly known as Makorokoza. The party is
resorting to gold panning
as a way of creating employment regardless of the
negative consequences to
health and the environment.
Condemning the
youth to gold panning instead of creating better employment
opportunities
must be embarrassing to the party leadership who are trying to
convince the
electorate that ZANU PF is a party for the future. If there was
anyone
wondering how ZANU Pf will create employment, there you have it
folks. Gold
panning is ZANU PF’s answer.
Very little or no resolutions were passed
which targeted areas of health and
research.
In a country ravaged by
HIV and AIDS and other health challenges, one would
expect serious attention
to such issues by way of promoting research either
nationally or regionally.
The electorate also expected a national
development plan by way of well
proposed economic blue prints.
When one walks in the information
neighbourhood of the other party the MDC
led by Tsvangirai, one comes across
a well-defined developmental plan
addressing economic and employment issues
among others. The JUICE document
is sure to see ZANU PF failing to match
their opponents in terms of short,
medium and long term strategies for the
country.
The party’s resolutions presented an opportunity for Zimbabweans
to compare
and contrast policies of the two main political players namely
MDC T and
ZANU PF. On one side there is a party which believes in seriously
fighting
corruption through actions.
Tsvangirai’s MDC fired all
councillors and mayors who were accused of
corruption. On the other side
there is a party which speaks about corruption
without taking action as
evidenced by President Mugabe’s rhetoric at the
conference which is not
supported by any actions.
On one hand the country has a party that
believes in mending relations and
making friendship with all nations,
becoming a member of such bodies as the
Commonwealth, benefiting Zimbabwe
citizens in sports, scholarships and
networking. On the other hand there is
a party that believes and thrives on
isolation, pulling out of the same
bodies such as the commonwealth and
attacking other countries at every
opportunity.
Most importantly, Zimbabweans have a party that believes in
creating gainful
employment for the youth through good industry and
occupational jobs. That
belief is cast in the form of a well-defined
economic blue print JUICE. On
the other side, there is ZANU PF which
believes employment of the youth lies
in them picking up shovels and heading
to river banks to do gold panning.
The differences between these two
parties have never been this clearer. As
people head to the polls next year,
they will chose from two parties with
fundamentally different visions for
the country. For failing to come up with
concrete steps towards reviving the
country’s ailing economy, ZANU PF
conference was a complete
failure.
Jacob Nkiwane can be contacted on nkiwanejacob@yahoo.com
Why army is
important to Zanu PF survival
http://nehandaradio.com
on December 14, 2012 at 8:12 pm
By
Pedzisai Ruhanya
Zimbabwe’s treacherous political transition to a
possible democratic
dispensation has so far shown that no institution
matters the most to the
Zanu PF regime’s survival than the military and
therefore the
democratisation process cannot succeed without a positive role
played by the
security establishment.
This is not to blindly
suggest the military’s role alone is sufficient to
make a successful
transition to democracy in Zimbabwe because there are
social, economic and
political factors and unforeseen events that can
influence how a democratic
shift unravels.
However, the decisive involvement of the military in
Zimbabwe’s political
and electoral affairs in the past elections in 2000,
2002 and 2008 makes
cogent the role of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces and other
security
institutions, including the police, intelligence services and
prison
service, is critical in the process leading to democratic transition
and
power transfer.
The recent annual Zanu PF conference in Gweru
shows the party’s membership
has declined in Masvingo and Matabeleland
provinces, while in regions like
Mashonaland Central province, the party is
disorganised. This suggests that
without the support of the security
apparatus it is not possible for Zanu PF
to retain power.
Given this
apparent decline in Zanu PF support across the country, by its
own
admission, it is imperative to closely and critically scrutinise, as
well as
interrogate what determines the support of the military for
President Robert
Mugabe’s regime and why the soldiers are propping up Zanu
PF’s political
elite.
Like any other huge organisation, the military has institutional
interests
to protect and advance.
In this regard, the military’s move
to back Zanu PF in electoral and
political administration of the state or
not, support for the democratic
contingent or decision to stay neutral and
respect the will of the people
will depend on several issues that should be
diagnosed, while putting proper
solutions in place ahead of crucial
elections next year.
As has been witnessed in the Arab spring upheavals,
a number of internal and
external factors shape and determine the military’s
response to the
democratic aspirations of the population. Questions such as
how legitimate
are the regimes in the eyes of the soldiers and top military
commanders as
well as those of the general populace?
How does the
military relate to the state and civil society?
Is there consensus within the
rank and file of the military to support the
regime and do the military and
the security services have blood on their
hands?
Answering these
questions will give some ideas on why the military in
Zimbabwe side with
Mugabe’s regime, not the people. In general, the stronger
a regime’s record
of satisfying political and socio-economic demands, the
more likely the
armed forces will prop up the system. This is a critical
aspect of the
relationship between the top military brass with the political
elite in
Zimbabwe.
Through an elaborate patronage system established to reward
partisan senior
military commanders and keep them loyal to Zanu PF and
Mugabe, the military
has increasingly played a central role in directing
production and
controlling ownership of the means of production.
The
military, through political patronage, has also become a significant
part of
the domestic bourgeoisie and many top commanders have teamed up with
politicians and businesspeople to form political and economic interest
groups venturing into lucrative businesses such as farming, platinum,
diamond and gold mining as well as running a number state-owned
enterprises.
A state that pays its senior army officers generously, as
Zanu PF has done
through the involvement of the military in economic
affairs, will be better
placed to receive their enthusiastic
protection.
Top army commanders from 2000, when Zanu PF lost its
grassroots support to
the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), have been
openly campaigning for
Mugabe and his party, in many instances abusing human
rights in the process.
The soldiers have on several occasions pronounced
they will not respect any
victory other than that of Mugabe, thereby
pre-determining electoral
outcomes in flagrant violation of domestic and
international conduct
expected of professional armies; besides breaching the
constitution and the
law.
There is clear cohesion between top army
officers and regime elites based on
their economic interests which they
protect by maintaining and promoting the
status quo.
The military has
been accused of human rights violations as they prop up the
Zanu PF regime
in past elections as was seen during the sham June 2008
presidential
election run-off when the army was part of the election
campaign for Mugabe
which ultimately became a political onslaught on civil
and political
liberties of opponents.
An army that has a record of extensive human
rights violations is more
likely to shamelessly stick with a norm-violating
regime than support the
democratic contingent. These are the issues that
should necessitate
behind-the-scenes negotiations with the military to
persuade them to remain
professional.
A clear fear of possible
prosecution in a new democratic dispensation will
make some military
elements continue to abuse human rights in the next
elections in order to
maintain the status quo that will guarantee them
immunity.
Like in
any situation where the military sides with a political
dictatorship, the
key external variables are the threats of foreign
intervention, the impact
of widespread democratic diffusion that can lead to
a revolution and the
type and degree of education or training that military
officers may have
received abroad.
If the army in Zimbabwe realises a real possibility
there will be both
regional and international intervention in the event they
blatantly subvert
the sovereign democratic will of the people either through
a violent
electoral process or a blockade of a democratic transition, it
will soften
its stance and abandon the political cabal clinging to power
through
illegitimate methods.
As the country prepares for elections
in 2013, partisan military generals’
decision to support continued violation
of human rights and subversion of
the democratic process on behalf of their
political handler, Zanu PF, will
be largely affected by their calculations
on whether foreign powers might
intervene to back the democratic contingent
or not.
It is therefore critical to continue advocacy work among Sadc and
AU-member
states, showing empirical evidence of the interference of the
military in
the electoral and political affairs of Zimbabwe ahead of
elections next
year.
Pedzisai Ruhanya is a PhD candidate and director
of the Zimbabwe Democracy
Institute.
Robert Mugabe and me – how a despot has clung on to power
As the first Western film-maker to gain access to Zimbabwe’s long-time
President, Roy Agyemang witnessed his charisma and the anti-colonial zeal that
drives him
ROY AGYEMANG FRIDAY 14 DECEMBER 2012
In 2007, live on British television, the Archbishop of York, Bishop John
Sentamu, cut his collar up with scissors to protest against Robert Mugabe being
in power. He said he would only replace his collar if Mugabe were removed.
Five years down the line Robert Mugabe is still the President of Zimbabwe.
The 88-year-old leader, recently the subject of a number of health scares, has
managed to survive against all odds. He has now been in power for 32
years.
From Britain, that survival may seem extraordinary. Mugabe's Western
reputation as a thug is well-documented; evidence was provided, for example,
during the elections in 2008 that he and Zanu-PF co-ordinated a campaign of
violence against his political opponents. And his country has suffered through
rampant inflation and shortages of basic food commodities.
I was in Zimbabwe between 2007 and 2010, when that economic catastrophe was
at its height. I thought I was going to witness the ousting of Mugabe. But he
just held on. And he is still there.
The question of how Mugabe has clung on to power is of vital importance to
anyone trying to understand his country's past, or who hopes that it might have
a better future. As the first Western film-maker to gain access to Robert
Mugabe, I wanted to understand the answer. Together with my UK-based Zimbabwean
fixer, I travelled to all corners of the country with Mugabe, trying to build
his trust in the hope that he would give us an interview.
The fact that I stayed in the country and lived through the hardships like
the rest of Zimbabweans seemed to help. We ended up travelling as part of his
delegation on foreign trips, even catching a ride on Colonel Gaddafi's luxury
private plane. And I witnessed first-hand how power can be addictive. It was
easy to see why some leaders in Africa are reluctant to hand it over without a
fight.
But I saw the more complex roots of that addiction, too. Whatever his
misdeeds, Robert Mugabe's need for power has nothing to do with its superficial
trappings. There is no doubt the former schoolteacher is a disciplinarian. But
that is not the sole reason he has survived. Despite everything, a significant
number of Zimbabweans support his pro-African policies: he is obsessed with
making sure that black Africans take full control of their natural
resources.
"Zimbabwe is for Zimbabweans," I heard him say. "It cannot be for the
British, it cannot be for the Americans, if you want to be friends with us,
fine. You stand there and I stand here, we shake hands but remember, the gold in
my country is mine."
Mugabe believes his people are fighting a war for economic independence in
Africa, a war far greater than the one for political independence. "They are
clever not to give us that aid," he said of the West, when he finally gave me
that interview. "If they gave us aid to make us economically independent, then
they would not have this lever, the leverage which they now have to control how
we run our things."
That spectre of Western power looms large in his view of the world. And
since his land redistribution policy began in 2000, Western governments have not
supported the newly resettled black farmers, but have chosen instead to impose
sanctions on the country. This has played into the hands of his supporters, who
feel that Zimbabwe is being punished for Mugabe's policy of taking land from
"white people".
Western hypocrisy has not gone unnoticed in Zimbabwe. At the time Mugabe
received his knighthood in 1994 on the recommendation of then Prime Minister Sir
John Major, there was no meaningful land reform taking place, and Mugabe was
accused by some of his people of protecting the white farmers. Worse still, some
years earlier in the 1980s, Mugabe authorised the North Korean-trained 5th
Brigade to put down armed dissidents from a rival party who were threatening to
destabilise the country. The operation was code-named Gukurahundi. Atrocities
were committed. Mugabe later acknowledged that it was "a moment of
madness".
Yet, as these atrocities were being committed, Western institutions were
rewarding him with honorary doctorates. So now, he would argue, he has redressed
a colonial imbalance: his former friends are now his enemies. That reversal may
explain why, before I spent time with the man, I always had this perception of a
dictator disconnected from his people. But Mugabe clearly has a special
relationship with the grass roots. He would travel the length and breadth of the
country delivering two-hour speeches, often twice a day.
Some village chiefs would openly criticise the lack of development in their
area. Listening to stories of people going hungry should have affected the old
man: his legacy was being eroded. But in typical Mugabe style, he was able to
rally his support, blaming the suffering on the sanctions imposed by the West.
"Your sanctions will in future demand reciprocation from us," he would cry.
"When we reciprocate, we will hit your companies here."
That charisma is visible up close, too. Once you get through the security
personnel and government ministers, what you see is a very smartly dressed,
quite ordinary old man. He was witty, charming and always had the sharpest mind
in the room. I was in many forums where he would sit with other African
presidents, and he was always one step ahead of them.
I had a conversation with Mugabe which left a lasting legacy with me. He
called by my surname – Agyemang – and he said to me: "I understand Ghana has
found themselves a bit of oil." And I replied: "Yes, your Excellency. Ghana
should be pumping oil for the next 150 years." To which he replied: "What are
you, as a British-born Ghanaian, going to do to help develop or benefit from
that resource?" I was silent.
Soon after that conversation I went to Ghana and purchased a bit of land,
which one day I hope to develop, and from which Ghanaians and my children will
benefit. But now I understand the feeling of empowerment.
It is strange to say that I owe this to Mugabe. And it is strange to say
that so many of his compatriots feel something similar. But it is, perhaps, part
of why he has held on for so long. And it is part of why he shows no sign of
going away.
Mugabe: Villain
or Hero? will be screened for the first time at BFI Southbank at 2pm today as
part of the African Odysseys series www.mugabevillainorhero.com
Robert Mugabe: Story
of survival
1980 Robert Mugabe
becomes prime minister after his ZANU-PF party wins independence
elections
1982 Mugabe's
troops are accused of killing thousands of civilians while defeating a guerrilla
rebellion
1987 Mugabe makes
himself executive president with new powers
1990 ZANU-PF and
Mugabe win parliamentary and presidential elections
1998 High
inflation leads to riots and a swell in support for rival Morgan
Tsvangirai
2000 Mugabe
oversees the seizure of white-owned farms by veterans of the independence
war
2001 President
blames food shortages on drought but opponents say farm seizures are
responsible
2002 Elections
criticised by observers give victory to Mugabe over Tsvangirai, before more land
acquisition laws are passed
2008 Mugabe beats
Tsvangirai in presidential run-off, but hyperinflation leads to a power-sharing
deal
2009 Mugabe swears
in Tsvangirai as prime minister
2011 Mugabe says power-sharing government is a monster and
confirms he will run as president again
Rob
Hastings
Is
China the new colonial power in Africa?
http://www.cathybuckle.com
December 14, 2012, 1:27 pm
Is
China the new colonial power in Africa? A map of Africa reveals China’s
presence in most if not all African countries and, of late, particularly in
Southern Africa. China is under new leadership, Xi Jinping is now head of
the Communist party and it remains to be seen exactly where he stands on the
question of China’s relationship with Africa. Is it a partnership of equals
or is China exploiting Africa for its own benefit? China vigorously defends
its role in Africa, claiming that it has built schools and roads and greatly
benefited the African continent’s infrastructure and uplifted the standard
of living of Africa’s people.
In Zimbabwe, Mugabe’s ‘Look East’
policy was the signal for an increase in
China’s involvement in Zimbabwe.
What was in it for China? For a country
desperately short of natural
resources, the answer was plain: Zimbabwe is
rich in minerals. Take the
diamond industry; speaking in a recent interview,
Farai Maguwu, the head of
a leading advocacy group, revealed that in
practice the diamond industry is
50% owned by the Chinese Anjin company and
40% by the Zimbabwe Defence
Industry. The fact that a foreign company is a
major shareholder in one of
Zimbabwe’s most lucrative natural resources is
surely at odds with Saviour
Kasukuwere’s much-touted Indigenisation policy?
The Chinese claim there is
mutual respect between the indigenous Zimbabweans
and the Chinese but that
is not immediately evident. As for the Chinese
bringing employment to
Zimbabwe, that is a moot point since they often bring
their own workers who
are unable to speak the local language, thus limiting
communication with the
local people and increasing the possibility of
resentment against these
‘foreigners’ who have come into their area. If that
is not direct
colonialism it certainly bears a close resemblance to the bad
old days of
British occupation of Africa when communication was limited to
the
vernacular language of master and servant.
One of the major
side-effects of mining is the effect on the local
population. With the
discovery of Marange’s diamonds in 2006, a vast area
was under threat.
Originally calculated at 70.000 hectacres the area of the
Marange diamond
mine is now reckoned to be more than 120.000 hectares with
more mineral
exploration going on. Moving people who have known no other
home for their
entire lives is an explosive issue but not one that local or
foreign
journalists are allowed to report. A veil of secrecy hangs over the
Marange
project but some things cannot be hidden. The environmental damage
is plain
for all to see as local rivers are polluted and the once clear Save
river is
now no more than a muddy and polluted stream. In addition, the
peace of the
African bush is broken by the noise of heavy traffic day and
night. The
area’s rich wild life has disappeared and the only beneficiaries
of all this
activity are the military and the Chinese-owned diamond company.
Meanwhile,
a new diamond technology centre is being built at Mount Hampden
in Harare
which promises an incredible 40.000 new jobs. For the 90% of the
population
who are unemployed that is good news, if the figures are
accurate! For the
majority of Zimbabwe’s people, the diamonds have brought
them nothing but
for Robert Mugabe, all this diamond wealth is good news; he
has the
diamond-rich generals on side, access to limitless cash to win the
next
election and the wherewithal to buy patronage. Mugabe said at his party
conference that he wants nothing less than “sole control” of the country.
The helicopters hovering over the Conference centre for the duration of the
party conference were a reminder to everyone that he means it. Mugabe is
determined to win at all costs and diamond wealth will help ensure he does
just that. No doubt his friends, the Chinese, will be very happy with an
electoral result that keeps him in power.
Yours in the
(continuing) struggle, Pauline Henson