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21 MDC-T activists granted bail in ongoing Glen View murder case

By Alex Bell
17 December 2012

21 MDC-T activists, charged in the ongoing Glen View cop murder case, were
finally granted bail on Monday, leaving only five members of the arrested
group still detained.

29 activists were arrested in connection with the death of Glen View
policeman Petros Mutedza last May. Most of the group spent more than a year
in prison, with the case slowly dragging on. This is despite a significant
lack of evidence to implicate the group.

The 21 who have been granted bail are set to be released from Chikurubi
maximum security prison on Tuesday. The five still detained are Last
Maengahama, Tungamirai Madozkere, Rebecca Mafikeni, Yvonne Musarurwa and
Simon Mapanzure.

One of the group’s lawyers, Gift Mtisi, told SW Radio Africa that according
to the bail ruling on Monday, the evidence so far links the remaining five
MDC-T activists more strongly to the murder than their co-accused. Mtisi
said that according to the ruling, the remaining five are still considered
‘flight risks’.

The judge on Monday also granted an application by the state to allow a
“vulnerable witness”, Edinah Chihota, to give evidence ‘in camera’.

“Once that witness has testified and once we have heard testimony from the
doctors involved in treating the accused during the detention, then, based
on the evidence that comes out, we may apply for discharge (of the case),”
Mtisi said.

The trial proceedings will only continue when the High Court resumes sitting
in January 2013.

Two other MDC-T Youth Assembly officials have also been charged in
connection with Mutedza’s death, after their arrest in late October this
year. Tarirai Kusotera and Jackson Mabota were held in detention for a month
before being released on bail. But they are being tried separately to the
original Glen View 29. Their case will also continue in the New Year.

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‘We have not deployed in DRC’

. . . President says Sadc Standby Brigade will
help Kinshasa, Tanzania is commander of the regional force

Monday, 17 December 2012 00:00

Tendai Mugabe recently in MALABO, Equatorial Guinea

Zimbabwe has not deployed troops to the Democratic Republic of Congo, but
will only contribute soldiers to a Sadc Standby Brigade for a peacekeeping
mission in that country, President Mugabe has said.

The President told journalists in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea, last week that
the Sadc forces would help the DRC government repel the Rwandan-backed M23

“We have not deployed our troops in DRC,” said President Mugabe, who is the
Head of State and Government and Commander-in-Chief of the Zimbabwe Defence
Forces, said.

“There is a Standby Brigade and people should have known by now that Sadc
has its Standby Brigade.
“It is not Zimbabwe alone going to DRC . . . that is the Brigade which is
there to take care of any nonsense by way of a coup or revolt. It is
Tanzania which is the commander.”

President Mugabe said it was Sadc’s duty to defend member states from
revolts and rebel aggression.
He said Sadc had a Standby Brigade that was launched in Zambia in 2007 to
protect the territorial integrity of member states. In this case, President
Mugabe said, it was that force deployed in eastern DRC where M23 rebels have
launched an onslaught against President Joseph Kabila’s government.
Sadc as the regional body is responsible for the costs of such operations.

The decision to deploy the Standby Brigade in DRC was reached at an
Extra-Ordinary Summit of Sadc Heads of State and Government held in Tanzania
recently. It was agreed that a neutral force of 4 000 troops should be
deployed in the DRC to restore peace.
The 14 Sadc member states contribute troops to the force and Tanzania
pledged an additional battalion.

The United Nations singled out Rwanda as the “money and brains” behind the
M23 rebel movement, led by renegade General Bosco Ntaganda.
Gen Ntaganda reportedly defected from the DRC army early this year after a
fallout with President Kabila on the integration of former rebels and
military service conditions.

He is believed to be leading the rebel movement made up of mutineers from
the DRC army and his former rebel cohorts in the earlier civil war.
Indications are that he operates out of Rwanda with President Paul Kagame’s

In 1998, Sadc mandated Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe to deploy in the DRC
against rebel groups backed by Rwanda and Uganda. The United States and some
European countries tacitly supported the rebels.
The 1998 deployment by Sadc, dubbed “Operation Sovereign Legitimacy”,
fostered an uneasy peace that enabled the vast country to hold its first
elections in 45 years.

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Gandiya appeals for help to renovate properties
An estimated 2,000 Anglican faithfuls from the Harare diocese converged in the Africa Unity Square park on Sunday for a service where Bishop Chad Gandiya appealed for help to renovate church properties and called on worshippers to forgive erstwhile enemies.
Part of the crowd that gathered in Africa Unity Square on Sunday.
Addressing ululating congregants gathering together for the first time since a November Supreme Court ruling that gave back the Anglican Province of Central Africa properties that had been wrested by a breakaway group led by Bishop Nolbert Kungonga, Gandiya expressed joy that normalcy was returning.
After worshippers observed a minute of silence in memory of an elderly woman who was killed during one of the fights to control Anglican properties in the last five years, Gandiya urged: “We must forgive those that wronged us. We should ensure that there will never be a repetition of what happened in the past”.
He added: “While I am not saying we should completely obliterate what happened in the past from our memories, we should be careful not to keep remembrances that would enslave us.”
Turning to church property, Gandiya said: “Our churches and schools are in need of repair. All members of the Harare Diocese and friends, let’s rebuild the walls of our Diocese. We mostly need paint. Are you ready to help?”
Jubilant congregants who turned the park into a sea of white and blue also celebrated that the “police are now with us and for us” at the service that was also attended by prominent delegates from the southern African region.
The police had in the past been rapped for siding with the Kunonga faction. Since 2007, there have been bitter wrangles between the Anglican Church and Kunonga’s breakway church that assumed control of all the properties.
During this period, the Sunday congregation was told by speakers, crèches and schools belonging to the church were abused by Kunonga’s followers, with one kindergarten being turned into a centre for the abuse of children.
Kunonga, a Zanu (PF) erstwhile activist, is also accused of desecrating the Bernard Mizeki Shrine in Mashonaland East, closing down schools and diverting money from the church for personal gain.
The Supreme Court in mid-November ruled that since Kunonga had formed his own church, he had no right to hold onto Anglican properties.
He subsequently went back to the High Court to stop the eviction of his followers, but the court said it had no jurisdiction to deliberate over his case.

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Kunonga’s chair thrown out in cleansing

Monday, 17 December 2012 13:27

HARARE - Chad Gandiya, the victorious Anglican Church prelate, yesterday led
a cleansing mass at the Cathedral in Harare, declaring “the enemy snare has
been broken.”

The humble bishop and his flock had been violently banished into the
“wilderness” over the past four years by excommunicated bishop and fervent
Zanu PF supporter Nolbert Kunonga.

The Supreme Court returned all church properties to the main church in a
landmark November 19 ruling.

Gandiya led thousands of Anglicans yesterday in a cleansing ceremony to rid
the church of “the ridicule and disgrace it had been subjected to in our
time in exile”.

“We have escaped like a bird; the enemy’s snare has indeed been broken.
Hallelujah, Hallelujah, the strife is gone. The battle is won,” Gandiya

This attracted deafening applause from a bumper crowd that packed Africa
Unity Square overlooking the main Cathedral in central Harare.

“Our response to the violence and now the judgement that brought us back is,
to God be the glory.

“We thank all those that supported us, some at great cost to their lives. We
were driven into exile but we will not remain stuck in the past.

“We will not engage in negative remembrance but will remain conscious not to
let the past blockade our progress. Exile is over, harassment should be

“However, going back to our churches is a call to eternal vigilance,” he

Yesterday’s event attracted dignitaries from Namibia, Zambia and a letter
from the Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams, which was read out to

“You have faced oppression and hardship while locked out of your church,”
said the Archbishop’s letter.

“Your social ministry has been greatly impeded but your faith has not
weakened. There will be obstacles ahead but we are with you in prayer.”

Gandiya announced that the CPCA has since declared November 19 a day of
thanksgiving to celebrate the Supreme Court judgment that returned the
church’s properties to them and in memory of their persecution.

The bishop, dressed in a flowing crème and red robe, later led the cleansing
of the main Cathedral, which included the replacement of the chair used by
Kunonga, which he said had been “defiled.”

The new chair is inscribed with the words, “In Exile — Muupoteri”.

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Sekeramayi warns violence perpetrators (With some readers' comments)

Monday, 17 December 2012 00:00

Wenceslaus Murape Senior Reporter

Security forces will be on full alert during the forthcoming constitutional
referendum and harmonised elections to thwart saboteurs, Minister of State
for Security Sydney Sekeramayi has said. In an interview in Marondera last
week, the minister said that those who cause political violence would be
dealtwith accordingly.

“Security has always been the priority of Government because if the
situation is insecure, there is bound to be chaos,” said Minister
“The public is assured that the army, police and intelligence services will
be extremely vigilant and co-ordinating their activities before and during
the elections to detect any trouble makers.”

Minister Sekeramayi said that as the country prepares for the elections,
there were people bent on breaching security.
He said their motive would be to give an impression to Zimbabwe’s
distracters that the environment is not conducive for free and fair
“The peace-loving public should be assured that all the security sectors
will be on full alert and are doing their best that the election period will
be a picnic,” said Minister Sekeramayi.

He said people would cast their votes peacefully and then go about their
other business without hustles.
Minister Sekeramayi expressed confidence in Zimbabwe’s security personnel
for their professionalism.

“The role of the security sector is to defend Zimbabwe’s sovereignty,
territorial integrity, independence and national interests,” he said.
“I would also want to warn our enemies that we will not fold our hands and
watch them do what they want in our country.”

Minister Sekeramayi said that security personnel had a constitutional
mandate and capability to maintain peace and order in the country.
“Myopic political tactics by those who claim to be champions of democracy
boarders on treachery of the highest order that power can be achieved
through subversion,” he said

In the run-up to the 2008 harmonised elections, subversive elements
petrol-bombed police stations and targeted other security personnel and the

The nation witnessed organised and sporadic bombings targeting State
institutions, public transport, houses, police officers and other security
forces. Zimbabwe will go for the referendum and then harmonised elections
next year.


Herald reporting is too pathetic and selective. The last paragraph is
inadequate, it must have also mentioned hundreds of opposition members who
were killed, instead it focuses on police officers and other security forces
as victims. This lack of respect on the ordinary citizens shows us that
Zanupf doesnt care about the people of Zimbabwe at all. Mind you, attacking
the police officers was a defence mechanism as people were sick and tired of
the ZRP being partisan and was part of the tools used by Zanupf to terrorise
them. The police officers,the army and state institutions must stop
operating as extensions of Zanupf.

18 hours ago

True..selective memory loss. If Mugabe is serious,he needs to remove the top
generals in the army and Chihuri. Tsvangirai wins elections,them generals
know they are out of their jobs and all of them where at the Zanu PF
conference, when they should not be involved in politics or show support for
any party.

(Edited by author 16 hours ago)

16 hours ago in reply to Majaira_Jairosi


6 hours ago in reply to AFROboy

Mativenga, Cde
In the 90's, Obiola of Nigeria won the national elections.
The army generals refused to accept the outcome, instead arrested him and
killed him while in Prison.
Steve Biko was killed while in jail by the apartheid regime in South Africa.
In the 2008 general elections, the regime that controls the Electoral
Commission refused to announce the election results - The Army Generals were
in control and are still in control, running the country.
Non-partisan doesnt exist in all the uniformed forces in Zimbabwe because
recruitment into the service is carried out from party branches.
What is the difference in the cases in Nigeria and Souh Africa?

3 hours ago in reply to Cheguevera413

Its 2012 not 1980,West want nothing to do with the political issues in our
country,but only want free democratic election. Although appointed by
Mugabe, Army should not be involved in politics regardless of their own
personal views, their job is to protect all Zimbabweans not serve or work as
a puppet of Zanu PF. Zimbabwe is not a one party state or belong to Zanu PF.

5 hours ago in reply to Cheguevera413

To come to the content of the report, I find the Ministers comments
disturbing. Others have pointed out that he concentrates on alleged
targeting of State institutions and police infrastructure at election time,
ignoring other forms of violence which even the most fanatical of Zanu PF
cannot dismiss as fictitious. To unpack the Minister's statement a little,
he is saying:

1) In the run-up to elections, some elements are causing trouble to make it
look to the outside world as if the situation is chaotic. He does not give
any evidence for this and it sounds like conspiracy theory to me, to cover
up State-sponsored violence against activists from the MDC formations

2) He states the role of the security sector purely in terms of foreign
relations, as if Zimbabwe is in a state of war with other countries, which
it is not. Whilst he says that the election period will be peaceful and "a
picnic" he doesn't say that the most important task for personnel engaged in
security is to provide an environment where we can cast our votes freely and
fairly. The inference is that it will be a picnic for his own party
supporters and not for the rest.

3) Myopic political tactics, Minister? Subversion? I can only assume that
this is your way of describing the act of voting "the wrong way".

I take the Minister's comments as a serious threat to the democratic
process, rehearsing the propaganda line that non Zanu PF candidates are
treacherous puppets acting on behalf of foreign :"enemies" and that defeat
for his party will not be tolerated. I would like to ask him this:

If Zanu PF loses the harmonised elections, what will you and the security
sector do?

9 hours ago

Mai Nhingi
“I would also want to warn our enemies that we will not fold our hands and
watch them do what they want in our country.” Which enemies and whose
enemies Cde Minister, muri kuda kupedza vana venyu muchiti ma enemies nokuda
kwekuti vasarudza kusupporter rimwe bato here?

11 hours ago 1 Like

hapana zvamataura. pfungwa dzenyu dzinoratidza kuti hamusati mave neruzivo
pamwe dai tataura zvekuronga mhuri pamweni izvozvo munoziva.

Like Reply
10 hours ago in reply to Mai Nhingi

Lancelot Kajokoto
Mwari ngavitipe rudo nehushingi hwekutaura chokwadi.

13 hours ago

Zanu PF used police,CIO,army to as a weapon against opposition supporters in
the 2002 and 2008 elections.How is the Herald able to say sporadic bombings
of state institution when it was the state security involved in those
incidences,but they forget many oppositions supporters killed,raped,beaten
up across the country and also faced torture while in police custody ''this
is what brought on the sanctions to Mugabe's regime''.No matter what Zanu PF
says,people of Zimbabwe will never forget the violence caused by that party
and they can't think of why that party has been losing so much support for
the past years ''damage is done'', this statement from Zanu PF is more than
a decade late.Its shocking how the Herald is full of crap lies and a puppet
of a failed party.If Zanu PF does not use violence,how else is it going to
win?, failed tired policies wont help the party win elections. Mai Mujuru is
the only person in Zanu PF that can actually beat Tsvangirai in any
election,but that party wants to stick with the same old leader who has
failed to reform the party from within ''its outdated,out of touch,full of
old people who have been in power for too long'',forget the youth vote.

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Zimbabwe road accidents increase by 9%: Police

POLICE said they have recorded a 9% increase in road traffic accidents this
year with most of them attributed to human error.

Officer commanding traffic Assistant Commissioner Kenny Mthombeni told
NewsDay at the weekend that they had recorded 28 929 accidents between
January and October this year, against 26 500 accidents recorded over the
same period last year.

“Most of these accidents occurred as a result of excessive speeding,
following behind too close, failure to give way and overtaking errors,” said

He said during the Christmas holidays last year, they recorded 1 785
accidents with 147 fatalities and 1 304 injuries.

“The Christmas and New Year holiday period is historically associated with
disregard of road rules and laws which subsequently lead to accidents and
loss of life and damage to property. I, therefore, urge the motoring public
and commuters to abide by the rules of the road before, during and after the
festive season,” said Mthombeni.

Meanwhile, police’s anti-stock theft unit said it had closed 900 illegal
butcheries, 632 food outlets and eight abattoirs countrywide as part of its
clampdown on stocktheft.

“During the period January to October 2012, the national anti-stock theft
unit conducted operations such as Nyama Yabvepi? and operation Eradicate
Cattle Rustlers. The operations were aimed at reducing or eradicating
illegal activities in the meat and livestock industries,” said police
anti-stock theft national coordinator Assistant Commissioner Bernard

He also said 1 153 people were arrested for stocktheft, while 14 873 were
arrested for stock theft- related offences.

“The number of cases reported in 2012 decreased to 4 144 from 4 978 in 2011,
translating to a 17% decrease. The number of cattle stolen between January
and October also decreased from 10 662 in 2011 to 9 264 in 2012, translating
to a 13 % decrease,” said Dumbura - Herald.

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MDC-T looks to government to bail out Masvingo Council

By Alex Bell
17 December 2012

The MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai is looking to the government’s financial
heads, to help bail out the party-run Masvingo Council.

The Council is in the midst of a potential debilitating court battle after
failing to pay its workers their salaries, to the tune of US$3.5 million. A
court has since ordered this amount be paid out, but the council does not
have the cash to meet this demand.

Instead, key council assets have been listed for seizure and auction in
order to fulfil the debt to the workers. This includes garbage and fire
trucks, fire fighting equipment, council vehicles, office furniture and
computers and even the Mayor’s Mercedes Benz sedan.

The removal of council property started almost two weeks ago, threatening to
paralyse council work like clearing refuse or putting out fires. This forced
the council to file an urgent injunction halting the process, and judgement
has been reserved in that case.

This means the MDC-T has some breathing room to make another plan to honour
the court order and prevent the council from total collapse. Party Minister
Sesel Zvidzai has since been dispatched to Masvingo to try and find a
negotiated way forward.

MDC-T spokesman Douglas Mwonzora told SW Radio Africa on Monday that an
“urgent and peaceful” way forward needs to be found, to ensure that the
workers get paid and the council is able to keep functioning. Mwonzora
explained that Zvidzai has been in meetings with the Finance Ministry to see
if the government can help with the council’s debt.

Mwonzora meanwhile denied that the council’s cash flow problems are in any
way linked to corruption in the province, despite the MDC-T recently
launching an anti-corruption campaign there. The party launched a probe in
October after reports of rampant financial mismanagement and corruption.

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MDC: Ruwende villagers up in arms

The MDC Today
Monday, 17 December 2012
Issue – 490

Villagers in Ruwende village in Nyanga North in Manicaland province are up
in arms after their headman Noah Ruwende ordered them to register in his
book whether they belonged to the MDC or Zanu PF.

The MP for Nyanga North is Hon. Douglas Mwonzora who is the MDC national
spokesperson. Last week, Ruwende called for a village meeting where he said
he wanted to know the political affiliation of every village in the area.

There was chaos at the meeting as people demanded to know why he needed to
know which political party a villager belongs to. MDC Ward 13 chairperson,
Gabriel Mawadza confirmed the bizarre incident and said people are now
leaving in fear as they do not know why the headman want to know their
political affiliations. “The headman did not mention the reason why he
wanted people to be registered along their political affiliation,” he said.

A total of 21 MDC activists who are part of the 29 MDC members who are
facing false charges of murdering a police officer in Glen View, Harare last
year were granted bail by Justice Chinembiri Bhunu today. They have been in
remand prison since they were indicted for trial at the High Court in April.
Some of the falsely accused had been in remand prison for over 19 months
since they were arrested in May 2011.

However, Justice Bhunu denied bail to Last Maengahama, an MDC national
executive member, Councillor Tungamirai Madzokere, Yvonne Musarurwa, Rebecca
Mafukeni, Simon Mapanzure after the State opposed to their granting of bail
claiming the five are a flight risk.
All the 21 including, Solomon Madzore, Cynthia Manjoro and Lovemore
Taruvinga Magaya have been ordered to report weekly at Glen View Police

The Last Mile: Towards Real Transformation!!!

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Zanu PF abusing grain loan scheme

on December 17, 2012 at 4:09 pm

By Edgar Gweshe

After his maize crop succumbed to the severe drought that hit most parts of
the country, Cain Mamutse of Bikita district in Masvingo province was left
looking up to food aid from government and non-governmental organizations to
sustain his family.

President Mugabe hands over a packet of maize seed to Chief Fortune
Charumbira while Chief Musarurwa and other chiefs look on at the launch of
the US$27 million Presidential Well Wishers Special Inputs Scheme in Harare
His case is similar to that of most villagers in the province who were left
staring hunger in the face following a disastrous 2012 farming season and
the government’s Grain Loan Scheme has become their hope of survival.

However, Mamutse and a host of other villagers’ hopes of finding a respite
through the government’s Grain Loan Scheme have almost crumbled after they
learnt that they were not eligible to benefit from the relief programme due
to their political affiliation.

“We recorded very poor harvests this year and we have been looking forward
to the government for food aid. However, we have been told that we will not
be getting anything from the Grain Loan Scheme due to the fact that we are
supporters of the MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai.

There are some known ZANU-PF members here who have made it a point that
anyone deemed to be anti-ZANU-PF should not be getting anything,” said

Reports are rampant in Bikita district that ZANU-PF members have hijacked
the Grain Loan Scheme in a bid to scratch MDC supporters from benefiting
from the government programme. The situation has exacerbated the hunger
situation for most MDC supporters in the district.

Similar cases have also been reported in such areas as Zaka West where war
veterans leader, Jabulani Sibanda launched a campaign called “Operation
Kubudirana Pachena” which has seen a purge of violence against MDC
supporters who are also being denied food aid.

The development cements concerns by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai in July
this year that food aid was being distributed along political lines in
Masvingo Province. In August this year, the Prime Minister took the matter
to Cabinet where a task force was set up to ensure there is no partisan
distribution of food aid in the country’s provinces.

An MDC-T councilor from Sosera village in Bikita district who declined to be
named for fear of victimization revealed that some ZANU-PF candidates who
lost the council elections in 2008 had hijacked the grain loan scheme and
were trying to sideline them from the administration of the programme.

“The problem we have is that there are some ZANU-PF members who lost the
council elections who are trying to hijack the Grain Loan Scheme. As elected
councilors, we are supposed to be in charge of the programme but that is not
the situation here. Whenever there is a food aid distribution programme, the
ZANU-PF guys always try by all means to sideline us and even the MP,” said
the councilor.

MDC-T MP for Bikita West, Heya Shoko confirmed the allegations saying
politicization of food aid was rampant in his constituency. He said the
situation was mostly pronounced in Ward 2 of Sosera village under Chief

“That issue is there and very rampant in my constituency. I have received
numerous reports from our councilors that they are being sidelined from
grain distribution programmes and that our supporters have been scratched
from benefiting. At times I have to bulldoze my way as an MP otherwise they
will even be trying to sideline me from the programmes,” he said.

He said ZANU-PF’s hijacking of the programme was a vote buying tactic ahead
of elections scheduled for next year.

“They would like to give a wrong picture that the Grain Loan Scheme is a
ZANU-PF project and this they do in the hope that people will vote for them
in the forthcoming elections but I wonder how that will work when they say
others should not benefit,” he said.

He also pointed out that some Border Gezi graduates who have been deployed
as Agritex officers in Bikita were some of the major culprits behind the
politicization of food aid in Bikita.

The situation is also true for some villagers and councilors from
Mushayavanhu village in Gutu Central who raised concern over the conduct of
some village heads on the issue of food aid distribution in the area.

The councilors blamed the village heads for acting in a partisan manner that
has seen people deemed to be MDC supporters being sidelined from the Grain
Loan Scheme. They also raised concern over the lack of transparency and
accountability on the Grain Loan Scheme.

Said a villager who identified herself as Martha Garidzanwa, “The problem
with some of the village heads and chiefs here is that they are staunch
ZANU-PF supporters and they have vowed that they will never work with people
from the MDC. Even when they include us on the list of beneficiaries, they
always tell us that we should play second fiddle to them saying the
programme is a ZANU-PF initiative that should benefit its supporters only.”

The villagers revealed that ZANU-PF youths always make it a point that they
will be at the forefront whenever grain is being distributed.

Said Mark Makusha, a villager from Mushayavanhu village, ‘The Grain Loan
Scheme has been turned into a ZANU-PF programme by some rowdy youths here
who will be working in cahoots with some partisan traditional leaders .This
has also led to a lack of transparency as far as distribution of the grain
is concerned.”

MDC-T MP for Gutu Central, Oliver Chirume confirmed that some village heads
and chiefs in his area were politicizing food aid distribution in his

He said, “There are reports from some councilors that some village heads and
chiefs have become so partisan to the extent of saying MDC supporters are
not eligible to benefit from government programmes. The councilors
complained that they are being by-passed by these village heads and the
situation has led to some people failing to access food aid.”

A Masvingo based non governmental organization which monitors human rights
violations, Community Tolerance, Reconciliation and Development (COTRAD) in
its July newsletter condemned the practice by some traditional leaders that
has led to partisan distribution of food aid.

Reads part of the report, “Traditional Leaders in Masvingo province have
continuously clashed with civilians on the Grain Loan Scheme. Mwenezi North
ward 17 Councillor Mr Hlamalani Chauke on 21 July 2012 was hackled by Chief
Neshuro at Neshuro Business Centre during the distribution of grain.
Violence erupted before the distribution further delaying the distribution
of the grain .

“Youths that were among the beneficiary intervened and clashed .The process
was delayed for about three hours and later resumed after police
intervention. The traditional leadership in Masvingo province have continued
to paralyse the responsible councilors who are supposed to compile the names
of the beneficiaries in executing their duties.”

The group also blasted the ban on 29 non-governmental organizations by
Masvingo Provincial governor Titus Maluluke this year saying the action
amounts to a politicization of food aid. The World Food Programme estimates
that about 1,7 million people will be in need of food aid this year and the
Zimbabwean government has declared five provinces as disaster areas. These
include Masvingo, Manicaland, Midlands and the two Matabeleland provinces.

ZANU-PF Masvingo Provincial Secretary for Administration, Edmund Mhere
refuted claims his party was politicizing food aid distribution saying the
Grain Loan scheme had nothing to do with party affiliation.

He said, “Government policy says that people who benefit from the grain are
registered by village heads who will then submit the names of the
beneficiaries to the chiefs. The chief is the one who works in conjunction
with the Grain Marketing Board so I do not know how these people can be
sidelined. It has nothing to do with party affiliation and as far as I am
concerned, it does not involve ZANU-PF.”

He cemented previous claims by the party’s spokesperson; Rugare Gumbo that
claims of politicization of food aid in various parts of the country was
“cheap propaganda”. Nehanda Radio

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Victims urged to speak out as child rape cases increase

By Tererai Karimakwenda
17 December 2012

A legislator from the MDC-T, who is also a passionate gender activist, has
called on victims of rape and physical abuse to speak out, after statistics
released by the police last week showed that child rape cases were on the

The call came after the Victim Friendly Unit of the Zimbabwe Republic Police
revealed a shocking rise in the sexual abuse of children under18 years old,
with more than 2,400 cases reported by October this year.

The figures were revealed by Assistant Commanding Officer, Isabella Sergio,
at a crime awareness seminar last week. She said of the 3,421 abuse cases
that were reported, 2,405 were rape and 27% had been committed by relatives.

Bulawayo East MP Tabitha Khumalo, from the MDC-T, said she had warned
government to do something about abuse years ago, but nothing was done. The
few institutions that existed in 2000 claimed they did not have enough money
to help more victims.

Speaking to our Behind the Headlines programme on Monday, Khumalo said she
was heartbroken by the recent statistics.

3,421 cases of child abuse were reported between January and October this
year, but Khumalo said she was sure many more had gone unreported, due to
fear and shame.

Domestic violence was also reported to be on the rise. The police unit
documented 8, 296 cases in 2011. But as of October this year 9,807 cases had
already been documented.

Khumalo said a clear message must be sent to victims that the only way to
heal is to talk about the experience with others and not be fearful or
ashamed. She added that she is available at anytime to assist victims of

The statistics come at a time when the world is observing 16 Days of
Activism Against Gender Violence, a global campaign aimed at ending violence
against women, whether it is politically motivated or domestic.
But Khumalo said this should be an everyday campaign throughout the year,
because so many children are experiencing abuse each day of their lives.

Tabitha Khumalo can be phoned on her Zim mobile number 0772600010

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$4,9m vanishes from Chitungwiza coffers

Monday, 17 December 2012 12:35
HARARE - At least $5 million paid by home seekers to service residential
stands at Nyatsime has mysteriously vanished from Chitungwiza City Council
coffers, leaving the 1 500 victims fuming.

Acting Harare Metropolitan governor Alfred Tome told angry members of
Nyatsime Housing Development Association at Chitungwiza head office on
Saturday that the $5 million that the beneficiaries had paid for the stands
had gone missing.

There is only $40 000 left in the MDC-run municipality’s account from the $5

Tome speculates the funds could have been abused by former town clerk
Godfrey Tanyanyiwa, currently on trial for abusing council funds.

“Our investigations have shown that the money you topped up on your stands
at the start of the multi-currency regime in 2009 was abused,” Tome said.

“This probably took place before the coming of the new management at
council. There is just about $40 000 left but we are in the process of
correcting the anomaly.”

The acting governor, who is also the provincial administrator for Harare,
also informed the Chitungwiza home seekers that council sold them stands on
land belonging to Goromonzi Rural District Council.

“I can tell you that as government we were not aware that there were stands
at Nyatsime and when we got to know, we realised the land did not belong to
Chitungwiza,” Tome said.

“We have however, started the process of transferring the land ownership to
the relevant ministry so servicing of the stands can commence.

“We have found partners from Turkey who are keen to help with the
development of the roads and sewer system.

“I am sure we will be able to correct the mess but this also depends on the
way we vote next year. If we vote wisely, it will be easier for us to see it
through,” said Tome, a well-known Zanu PF supporter.

The stands were sold in July 2007. - Mugove Tafirenyika

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Zimbabwe's Population Growth In Marginal Growth of 1.1 Percent


Zimbabwe’s population is about 12-point-9 million people, a 1-point-1
percent increase from 2002, when zimbabwe had 11-point-6 million. Those
figures from the Zimbabwe Statistics Agency, which today released
preliminary results from the august 2012 population census.

ZIMSTAT board chairman Douglas Hoto told journalists in Harare that at this
rate, the country’s population is likely to double in 70 years.

“The results show that Zimbabwe’s population density is 33 persons per
square kilometre, given that its area is 392 757 square kilometers,” Hoto

The census also revealed that there are 93 men for every 100 women in the

The distribution of the population by provinces shows that Harare is the
most populous with 16 percent of the total population, followed by
Manicaland with 14 percent, Midlands with 13 percent, Masvingo with 11
percent, Mashonaland West with 11 percent, Mashonaland Central with 9
percent, Matabeleland North with 6 percent, and Bulawayo as well as
Matabeleland South with 5 percent each.

Harare has 2 million 98 thousand 1 hundred 99 people and Bulawayo has 6
hundred 55 thousand, 6 hundred 75. Bulawayo recorded a decrease in its
population with a growth rate of negative point-3 percent while Mashonaland
East and West provinces had the highest growth rates of 1 point 7 percent.
The data also shows that on average each household has just over 4 people.

Zimstat manager Washington Mapeta told Studio 7 that he can only confirm
that the figures are correct, but cannot entertain any questions until
tomorrow when he is given a go-ahead by his superiors.

Hower, independent analyst Rejoice Ngwenya said the statistics are likely to
spark debate because they can be interpreted politically.

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Police reunite Toronto mother with two kids allegedly held in Zimbabwe

Gianluca Nesci, National Post Staff | Dec 17, 2012 11:30 AM ET |

Toronto Police will hold a news conference this morning to explain how they
were able to return two children allegedly abducted in Zimbabwe to their
mother in Toronto after an eight-month long separation.

Police say the situation began on Sept. 1, when a mother called 22 Division
with concerns that her two children – who had been in Zimbabwe since April
to spend the summer with their extended family – would not be allowed to
return home.

Allegedly, the now four-year-old boy and seven-year-old girl were placed in
a Zimbabwean boarding school and were denied the ability to return home as
planned by their family members.

With the school alleged to have participated in hiding the children, police
say they notified various authorities in an attempt to locate and return the
two youngsters to Canada.

Foreign Affairs, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police National Missing Children
Services and Interpol were just some of those involved, along with
authorities in the southern African nation.

With financial help from the 22 Division Community Police Liaison Committee,
police say the mother was quickly on a plane to Zimbabwe.

Local police in the country required that she be present to regain custody
of her two children, despite the presence of the maternal grandmother, who
police say was critical in helping bring the situation to an end. Police
allege that the children escaped the boarding school with help from a family
member, and local police in Zimbabwe later managed to locate the kids and
hand them over to the Canadian Embassy in Harare, Zimbabwe, on Dec. 11.

The situation finally came to an end when they returned home with their
mother this past Thursday – nearly eight months after they left.

The press conference, which is set to take place in the media gallery of
Toronto Police headquarters at 10 a.m., will see the mother and her two
children recall the incident.

They will be joined by Toronto Police Chief Bill Blair, 22 Division
Superintendent Jim Ramer and various other law-enforcement officials
involved in the investigation.

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Tributes pour in for Adam Ndlovu

By Alex Bell
17 December 2012

Tributes have been pouring in for Zimbabwean footballer Adam Ndlovu, who
died after a serious car accident over the weekend. His brother Peter, who
was also in the car at the time, remains in a serious but stable condition
in hospital.

A female passenger, whose name has not yet been confirmed, also died in the
crash in the early hours of Sunday morning. They were travelling in a BMW X5
on their way to Victoria Falls, to take part in a friendly soccer match
between Highlanders Legends and the Victoria Falls Social Soccer League
select team.

Adam Ndlovu, a former striker for the national football team, has also
represented the country at international level and will be remembered as a
key contributor to the development of the nation’s soccer scene.

“Zimbabwe has lost a great footballer, inspirational agent and the true
dedicated son of the soil,” the MDC Youth Assembly said Monday.

The MDC-T also added its message of condolence to the Ndlovu family, saying:
“We will remember Adam for giving glory to Zimbabwe as part of the Dream
Team playing in the 1994 World Cup final qualifiers.”

His brother Peter, an all star in national and international football, is
still undergoing treatment after suffering serious injuries in the crash.

SW Radio Africa’s Bulawayo correspondent Lionel Saungweme visited the family
home on Monday and reported that the family is still in shock. “The soccer
fraternity too is in shock and the whole day there have been cars streaming
to the home with people sending condolences. It is such a shock, they really
thought he’d be around much longer,” Saungweme said.

Saungweme explained that the family is trying to “avoid a double tragedy” by
not telling Peter about his brother’s death, “just in case the shock should
result in another death.” He added that the family has been left hurt and
angry by false rumours spread on social media websites, that Peter had also
passed away.

Saungweme meanwhile said that the details of the crash are being
investigated, but nothing suspicious is suspected. He spoke to another
Ndlovu brother who said that Adam, who was driving, was not a drinker, but
he might not have been wearing a seatbelt.

It has been reported that the car the brothers were in crashed after one of
the vehicles tyres burst, which has been attributed to the shocking road
conditions in Zimbabwe. No other car was involved in the accident.

Peter led the national team to the Nations Cup finals in 2004 and 2006
before returning home after a lengthy and successful career in England and
South Africa, to be the assistant coach of the senior national team. It is
not yet clear what impact the car crash will have on his football career.

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Update on national consultations on the urban council’s act



CHRA embarked on a national process meant to unearth people’s views on the
urban councils act, which will be tabled before the parliamentary portfolio
committee on local government should the Supreme Court rule in favour of
parliament. These consultations come against a backdrop of a motion moved by
Hon. Tangwara Matimba of Buhera, to amend the urban council’s act sighting
excessive powers given to the minister of local government Rural and Urban

The consultations were done in Harare, Bindura, Bulawayo, Gwanda, Kadoma,
Gweru, Marondera, Mutare and Kariba. The teams that went to these areas had
a list of questions with which residents debated upon.

There were 12 thematic areas of debate as highlighted below:

 Suspension of elected councilors (Who should suspend)

 Appointment of special interest councilors

 Water as a human right

 Local authorities annual audits (legal mandatory annual release)

 Local government board vis-à-vis local government commission

 Appointment of the local government board

 Functions of City fathers (ceremonial/executive)

 Participatory budgets and budget tracking

 Legal recognition of resident’s associations

 Power’s of recall

 Local authorities financing

 Payment and appointment of commissions of enquiry in local

Note: The debates were not only confined to these areas as other contentious
issues would at time emerge depending on issues affecting the area.
Residents in general expressed dissatisfaction on many legal provisions as
stipulated in the urban council’s act as it was unanimous that currently
there is too much central government operating in local government. This
spelt the need to come up with a three tier local government which operates
at central government level, then provincial and local government. Residents
expressed their desire for government playing an oversight role in terms of
policy implementation and formulation. Residents in Matabeleland pointed out
the need for central government players to release funds that will be
distributed according to province reaching out to the local authority. This
then means that the act should compel each councilor (at ward level) to come
up with an annual development plan which is then consolidated and send out
to the provincial government and funds are released.

The Association is finalizing a report which will be sent out to all our
partners and interested stakeholders on the findings. On Wednesday, leaders
of residents associations will gather in Harare to validate the findings and
adopt the final document.

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Education: A Pawn in Zimbabwe’s Political Battles

on December 17, 2012 at 3:52 pm

By Farai Mabeza

KWEKWE – Zimbabwean teachers are bearing the brunt of politically motivated
violence as the education sector has become a key battleground for
politicians’ vying for the hearts and minds of the country.

Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe secretary-general Mr Raymond Majongwe
The rural areas have particularly become a dangerous place for teachers as
they face various acts of intimidation and violence. One such teacher is 39
year old Kennedy Mhuri who feels lucky to be alive to tell his story after
two close calls.

As I talk to him about things that are of interest such as football the good
sense of humour is evident and the jokes comes easily. We talk about soccer
and typically he dismisses his beloved Liverpool’s poor form with a shrug
pointing out that they do well against the big teams. It is only when the
conversation shifts and I ask him to relate his experiences in the country’s
explosive political environment that the laughs and the jollity evaporate.

There is a sudden intensity that comes upon his face and inescapable
heaviness envelopes us, the shift in the atmosphere hard to miss. I hesitate
before I proceed with the interview because it is clear we are entering deep
waters. The story is as chilling as it is fascinating.

Genuine tension coupled with apprehension grips his face as he relives his
experiences. Mhuri did his training at Mkoba Teacher’s College in the
central city of Gweru. It was at his first posting to Mudzi district in the
politically charged Mashonaland region that his problems started.

He believes that he was singled out for his activities as the district
chairman of the Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ).

“There was suspicion that we were working with the Movement for Democratic
Change and I had visits from state security agents who I think later
verified I was involved in genuine labour activities because their interest
in me began to wane. However I do not think this diminished attention was
shared by the local militia and party structures who continued to take a
keen interest in my activities,” he explained.

He says he received anonymous phone calls advising him to leave quickly as
his life was in danger, tips he suspects to have been from state security
agents and which he promptly followed. He hastily packed his belongings and
left Mudzi.

Immediately after his departure his house was turned into a base for the
local militia who went on to camp there for more than two months spreading
terror and mayhem in the area.

This is just one of many cases of schools that were turned into bases where
militia and local youths camped, according to the PTUZ. Even now after the
terror of the June 2008 election has somewhat dissipated some graduates from
the infamous Border Gezi National Youth Service who acted as local
commanders still occupy teachers’ houses as a present reminder to keep
educators in line.

Interestingly it is not only the teachers who face such victimisation but it
is extended to their families as well. A woman from Chirumhanzu district
also in the Midlands area who has two of her children working as teachers
said she has had to endure threats from ZANU PF youths.

“They say my children are working for the opposition”, she said.

PTUZ says they know why teachers have become deliberate targets in the
political battlefield in the country.

“The task of preparing the young for their future role in society makes
teachers the most important socialising influence in the life of a citizen.
The education system and by implication, teachers who drive this system has
a profound influence upon the wider society and the nation”, the labour body
explained in a report titled Political Violence and Intimidation against
Teachers in Zimbabwe.

After fleeing Mudzi, Mhuri tried to look for a new school at the same time
wanting to remain as incognito as possible.

“I was literally in hiding”, he says. He later found a school just outside
Kwekwe, a city with a population just under 100 000 located about 70
kilometres from Gweru where he initially trained.

Not long after that however, trouble resurfaced.

In the area he was now working there was also a network of state agents and
party activists who were just as determined to spread fear amongst the
teaching community.

It was at a rally at township known as Malamlela that his past caught up
with him as he believes information was passed on from his ill-fated stay in
Mudzi. One of the local women stood up at the rally and informed the meeting
with the local Member of Parliament present that there was a new teacher at
the school who was denigrating the President.

Mhuri was identified by name and he was quoted as allegedly telling his
pupils that “Mugabe is President by default”, in apparent reference to the
June 2008 poll.

He strongly denies these allegations saying all he wanted to do now was to
maintain as low a profile as possible and concentrate on his work as he did
not want a repeat of his previous experience.

Word got to him quickly enough about what had transpired and in an attempt
to nip the matter in the bud he together with the headmaster approached the
local party leadership who, not grasping the seriousness of the matter, were
dismissive saying there was no action that was being taken against the

With his past experiences still fresh in his mind they decided to approach
the party leadership in Kwekwe some of whom were known to the school
headmaster just to make sure things would not boil over and give assurances
that he was not involved in political activities.

As fate would have it, the headmaster got to the Kwekwe offices to find
party officials from the school area who had been asked to accompany
soldiers to the school to “identify the alleged teacher and his house”.

The officials however could not do this as they said they did not know the
teacher in question and neither did they know his house. The headmaster took
advantage of the lapse created to inform Mhuri that things were escalating.

He panicked and immediately fled covering a distance of 20 kilometres on
foot leaving all his belongings behind. His unwanted guests later arrived
after he was gone. He only got reunited with his property through some of
his colleagues who took the trouble to transport it to Kwekwe as their own.

PTUZ put him into contact with their lawyers and they prepared themselves
for any eventuality and he again went into hiding. Mhuri says he is now at
another school concentrating on educating the next generation.

He says the worst part about his life right now is the uncertainty caused by
a suspicion that he might still be under surveillance. It is this constant
state of vigilance that he finds most stressful.

PTUZ secretary General Raymond Majongwe confirmed Mhuri’s account and said
the story was not an isolated one.

“We still fear for his safety. Our members and activists have been made to
suffer for their convictions and it is quite clear from the time of our
formation that teachers from our labour movement have endured systematic
victimisation. It is therefore not out of place that people like Kenny were

Majongwe said that it is unfortunate that members of his movement have been
and continue to be labelled as pro-MDC after the party has publicly disowned
the PTUZ.

“In fact, after the formation of the Government of National Unity the MDC-T
went as far as labelling us pro-ZANU PF. We have consistently denied
allegiance to any political party. As far as we are concerned we are
independent in outlook as well as in action”.

The PTUZ secretary general says the future for teachers in Zimbabwe
continues to be unclear.

“No one is safe in this country. When people’s political turf is threatened
people know for a fact that ZANU PF reacts. A lot of these guys are still
being monitored. There are people who are interested in what they are doing.

“With all this talk about elections we know that as the political
temperature goes up ultimately the education sector will be targeted”.

PTUZ said teaching has increasingly become a dangerous profession in

“Significantly more teachers from the Mashonaland Provinces were unwilling
to disclose their political party preferences, were forced to vote in
virtually all elections since 2000, and reported being a victim of political
violence during the 2000 Parliamentary, the 2002 Presidential election, and
2008 Presidential Run-off.

“Total violations were significantly more frequent for teachers from the
Mashonaland Provinces, with assault, indecent assault, sexual violence,
threats, disappearances, and extortion the most significant violations,”
PTUZ said in its report.

In the study by the Research and Advocacy Unit it is recommended that
education be made part of the national healing process.

“The process of national healing, if it is ever going to take off
meaningfully, should have a thematic area dealing with the education sector
in order to restore the social bond between teachers and communities which
has been weakened by recurrent election violence and politicisation of the
public service”.

Mhuri looks forward to the future with hope but his experiences will haunt
him for life. Nehanda Radio

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Anti-corruption crusade: Zanu PF’s recycled election gimmick

December 17, 2012 in Politics

CORRUPTION, particularly in its political form which implies the use of
power by government officials for illegitimate private gain, was an issue
during Zanu PF’s annual conference in Gweru last weekend, suggesting the
party is only keen to address the problem ahead of elections.

Report By Herbert Moyo

In its various manifestations, corruption takes the form of graft,
embezzlement, bribery, extortion, nepotism and patronage, among others
things. Corruption poses a serious development challenge.

In the political realm, it undermines democracy and good governance, while
subverting formal processes and sabotaging economic progress.

President Robert Mugabe last weekend raised the issue at the conference,
saying former South African president Thabo Mbeki recently told him Zimbabwe’s
development and progress were being hindered by officials from within his
party demanding bribes from investors, including from the African National
Congress (ANC).

“I was getting complaints from outside. Former South African president Thabo
Mbeki was saying some of their people in the ANC wanted to come intending to
do business and this is what they have been told: ‘If you want to do this
business, you bring US$5 million and from that US$5 million we take US$1
million that we will take to the minister to give to the president’,” Mugabe

“If I get information stating that so and so minister is doing this, he
goes. Unfortunately, sometimes complainants do not want to identify the
ministers, fearing persecution but that is happening in the ministries.”

However, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai is on record saying he had brought
to Mugabe’s attention allegations of corruption surrounding Local Government
minister Ignatius Chombo but nothing was done about it.

Zanu PF chairman Simon Khaya Moyo also slammed corruption, saying it was now
rampant in his party, casting doubt on the party’s seriousness in rooting
out graft within its ranks.

Institute for a Democratic Alternative for Zimbabwe public policy and
governance manager Jabusile Shumba described Mugabe’s remarks as an
“election gimmick” by a leader who has ironically been using patronage
politics to remain in power.

“Corruption is firmly entrenched in the Zanu PF edifice and engulfs its
ministers and senior party officials in such a way that Mugabe cannot uproot
it without bringing the whole party down,” Shumba said.

University of Zimbabwe political analyst Eldred Masunungure said Mugabe was
only grandstanding at a major party conference coming before elections as he
would not do anything about the issue which he has failed to confront
throughout his 32-year rule.

Another political scientist John Makumbe said if Mugabe was serious he would
have appointed a committee to investigate various reports of corruption
during the Gweru conference.

“Instead the Anti-Corruption Commission is poorly-resourced and incapable of
fighting corruption as is the Human Rights Commission and all other
commissions set up by the coalition government,” said Makumbe.

Over the years Mugabe has failed to effectively tackle corruption even after
in the formation of Anti-Corruption Commissions.

His government initially took a strong position against corruption after the
unearthing of the Willowvale car scandal in 1988 in which several ministers
acquired motor vehicles at knockdown prices from the Willowvale car assembly
plant in Harare and then resold them for huge profits.

Some of the culprits were either fired or forced to resign with Enos Nkala,
Callistus Ndlovu, Frederick Shava and Maurice Nyagumbo being the prominent
victims. Nyagumbo reportedly committed suicide soon afterwards, showing the
gravity of the issue then.

But at the same time Mugabe did not show a firm hand on the issue as he
rehabilitated some of these officials, making Shava the ambassador to China
and retaining Ndlovu as a party member.

Shava escaped jail time after Mugabe pardoned him despite being found guilty
of perjury for lying under oath to the Wilson Sandura-led commission of

Since then a culture of condoning corruption has taken root with corrupt
government officials managing to retain their positions, while enjoying the
proceeds of their ill-gotten wealth.

Corrupt ministers have largely become untouchable, with the notable
exceptions being former Agriculture minister Kumbirai Kangai and former
Finance minister Chris Kuruneri. Kangai was hauled before the courts on
allegations of defrauding Grain Marketing Board in 2000, while Kuruneri
faced jailed over charges externalising foreign currency in 2004.

Since then only ministers from the MDC formations have been arrested on
corruption allegations leading to complaints by Tsvangirai and his officials
that there was a plot by Zanu PF to target their colleagues.

In March last year, Energy minister Elton Mangoma was arrested on two
separate occasions on charges he had authorised the purchase of five million
litres of fuel from NOOA Petroleum of South Africa without going to tender.
He was absolved of “criminal abuse of office” by High Court Judge, Justice
Chinembiri Bhunu.

Tsvangirai was himself investigated for allegedly misappropriating US$ 1,5
million given to him by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) in 2009 to buy an
official residence although Mugabe later said police must be careful not to
arrest him without a basis.

Apart from the “Willowgate” scandal, Zimbabwe’s history is littered with
corruption while Mugabe, despite his unfettered powers to hire and fire, has
largely failed to rein in corrupt officials.

Politicians looted a VIP housing scheme in 1995, with relatives and friends
of ministers and top military officers and civil servants issued with luxury
homes at low prices. Civil servants who contributed the money remain
homeless to this day and nobody has ever been held to account.

Politicians, senior government officials and security chiefs who
controversially claimed massive disability payouts from the War Victims’
Compensation Fund, set up in 1997 to help those who had participated in
Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle, are still holding top government and
military offices.

Added to this, ministers exposed by land audits as multiple farm owners
after the controversial land reform in 2000 got away with the theft

Recently, a number of Zanu PF and government officials have been implicated
in the smuggling of precious minerals since the discovery of diamonds in
Chiadzwa, Manicaland province, but nothing has been done to hold them to

Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono slammed top government officials over the
smuggling of gold at the Zanu PF extraordinary congress in 2007.

Mugabe later in an interview to mark his 83rd birthday lashed out at the
ministers whom he said were greedy and involved in smuggling of minerals,
including diamonds, but also nothing was done.

Mbeki’s attempts to nudge Mugabe into action are bound to fail as Zanu PF
officials, now synonymous with venality, only talk about it in vain,
especially ahead of elections.

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Muckraker: Bishop Kunonga hung out, left to dry

December 17, 2012 in Comment, Opinion

Poor old Bishop Kunonga. Hung out and left to dry.

Column By Muckraker

He is learning the hard way the price of failure in Zanu PF.

He is no longer of any use to them. Nobody buys his redundant posturing and
ironically President Robert Mugabe was reportedly the first to question the
Kunonga project as it began to flounder.

“Kunonga’s continued persecution of Anglicans was seen as achieving the
opposite of what he had been assigned to do as he was creating too many
enemies and unnecessarily discrediting the party,” one newspaper wrote.

Ironically Mugabe derived much of his information from his meeting with the
Archbishop of Canterbury. That was a lengthy and useful exchange, observers
said, which strengthened the official Anglican position and weakened the
breakaway faction.

“Mugabe’s regard for all things British played against Kunonga at this key
juncture,” one observer noted. A front-page court story in the Herald last
week declaring court proceedings instituted by the hapless bishop as
“defective” confirmed his waning fortunes.

Then there was the Page 11 Herald heading last Friday: “Kunonga offside from
day one”. He must have realised at that point that his future was bleak.
Here was the Herald claiming to have blown the whistle on the Kunonga gang
from day one when the paper backed the errant bishop all the way down the
line. His crime, the Herald now proclaimed, was to hang on to church

Outbreak of ignorance

Some weeks ago Herald columnist Tendai Hildegarde Manzvanzvike was telling
us the Anglican church played a pivotal role in colonial and post-colonial
Zimbabwe. She gave as an example the location of the Anglican cathedral
“adjacent to the parliament of Zimbabwe and situated close to a place that
used to be Cecil (John Rhodes) Square and now Africa Unity Square.”

We forecast some weeks earlier that once Zanu PF got hold of this issue, all
sorts of ignorance would break out.

And it has duly followed. Hildegarde evidently doesn’t know that Cecil
Square was named after Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, not Cecil John
Rhodes. Somebody at Herald House needs to wake up to stop this ignorance.

Throwing spanners

While Vice-President Joice Mujuru implored Arab states to seriously consider
investing in Zimbabwe during her visit to the United Arab Emirates, her boss
President Mugabe was vowing to raise the 51% indigenisation threshold to

Zimbabwe is one of the best trade and investment destinations in the world,
Mujuru said, because of its highly literate human resource base as well as
sound infrastructure.

Mujuru invited companies to consider investing in high cash return ventures
like fertiliser production, irrigation infrastructure, bio-fuels, solar and
mini-hydro power plants as well as value addition of primary commodities
like cotton and black granite.

Meanwhile in Gweru Mugabe was singing a totally different song: “The notion
that capital is more important than any other factors is nonsense. That
philosophy is dirty, filthy and criminal.”

Despite these glaring contradictions, Zanu PF still wants to be taken

Walter Mzembi should be asked for his views on Mugabe’s remarks. In this age
of global communications investors will very quickly learn of Mugabe’s

Chief commissars

Also at the Zanu PF conference Chief Fortune Charumbira declared the
obvious: “Chiefs and Zanu PF are inseparable as the two sides work for the
same goals”.

At least Charumbira has finally abandoned his failed attempt to hoodwink
Zimbabweans into believing he is not biased towards Zanu PF.

In 2010 Charumbira claimed to be taking a leaf from South Africa’s Chief
Albert Luthuli, who won the Nobel Peace prize, “because he left the palace
to go and fight the war because his country was under siege from the enemy”.

Comparing the selfless and valiant acts of Luthuli to the patently partisan
conduct of our traditional leaders can at best be described as ludicrous.
Instead of championing the development of their communities, most of the
chiefs have taken on the role of political commissars as well as demanding
outrageous “compensation” for dubious “offences”.

On Monday the High Court dismissed with costs an urgent application by two
Masvingo chiefs, Murinye and Mugabe, to stop Econet Wireless from
constructing a base station on Sviba Hills near Great Zimbabwe.

The Herald reports the chiefs argued that Econet did not consult them when
it embarked on the project yet according to Econet the two chiefs sat in
council meetings where the lease of the land was discussed and approved.

The chiefs demanded compensation in the form of 2 000 white cattle with
Chief Murinye also demanding Econet construct a homestead for him.

Add to the mix Chief Luscious Chitsinde Negomo’s demands for compensation
from Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai for “marrying” in the “sacred” month
of November.

Respect is a two-way street, our chiefs should remember.

Momentary truce

ZBC reports that for the first time in over a decade government and civil
society commemorated International Human Rights Day in unison at Harare
gardens on Monday.

Justice ministry permanent secretary David Mangota described the development
as a sign civil society had “finally appreciated that the Zimbabwean
government upholds and places importance on issues to do with human rights”.

“We agreed that we should work together and all other stakeholders
acknowledge that Zimbabwe upholds human rights,” Mangota said.

He called for the lifting of the sanctions regime so Zimbabwe could enjoy
its “full rights”, yet many of those abused and tortured in 2008 have not
been compensated yet. Also, many of our permanent secretaries remain
inexcusably partisan.

However, it seems government’s benevolence only applied to Harare with
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Union’s (ZCTU) leaders in Bulawayo facing the
all-too-familiar rough justice from the police for holding similar

The Zimbabwean reports that ZCTU officials Ambrose Sibindi and Percy Mcijo
were arrested for organising an “illegal” street march despite being given
permission by the Bulawayo Police District Regulatory Authority.

The two were only released after producing a clearance letter.
So much for civil society “appreciating” government’s upholding of human
rights. There is nothing appreciative there!

Robert Jr’s ‘sacrifice’

We were saddened to learn President Mugabe’s son Robert Junior has had his
dream of playing basketball in the United States dashed by the “illegal”
sanctions imposed on his parents.

First Lady Grace Mugabe said she had sat down with her son to explain why he
cannot pursue his career in America. Robert Jr was “hurt” to hear the news,
we are told, “because there was a lot of interest in him”.

“My son is very good at basketball, he even captained the national Under-18
side, but he cannot pursue his dream of playing basketball in the United
States of America,” she said. “President Mugabe sacrifices his life and that
of his family just to be the country’s breadwinner. The sanctions don’t just
affect him but our family as well.”

Grace gives the impression the sanctions were unavoidable. If sanctions are
to be lifted, she should know, the cause should also be removed.

On a related issue we are still waiting for the “bruising battle”
Attorney-General Johannes Tomana declared was in the offing with the
European Union over sanctions? He is uncharacteristically quiet.
Tsvangirai ‘exiled’

A mischievous colleague called us last week to ask if we knew the shortest
book published in Zimbabwe. It is called The Wit and Wisdom of Robert
Mugabe, he said.

No, we haven’t seen that yet. But we did notice a story in the Herald last
Friday headed “Tsvangirai in Nairobi”. He was there to address the National
Convention of the Orange Democratic Movement.

He would be holding a briefing with Kenyan PM Raila Odinga, we were told.

What was significant about this story was the way it was squeezed into the
bottom left hand corner of the page.

It couldn’t have been more exiled located as it was next to “Things fall
apart in Masvingo” and “Mutasa hails Net One”.

At least it wasn’t given the treatment of a story on the next page headed
“Chombo revives interministerial committee on solid waste”.

Gettit? Treatment. Muckraker’s question. Was he part of it?
Woza Sunday?

FInally Muckraker was surprised on Sunday night to see a ZTV plug for Woza
Friday. Doesn’t it matter anymore what day it is?

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Comment: Mugabe must consult o DRC

December 17, 2012 in Comment

IT has now been officially confirmed — Zimbabwe will deploy troops to the
DRC as part of a Sadc peacekeeping mission supported by the regional
grouping, the African Union and the United Nations following the eruption
again of the protracted conflict in the country and the capture of the main
eastern town of Goma by M23 rebels fighting President Joseph Kabila’s

Foreign Affairs secretary Joey Bimha confirmed the deployment of Zimbabwean
forces, saying it followed approval by regional leaders at a Sadc
extraordinary summit in Tanzania last Friday.

While there is no problem with Zimbabwe helping out a fellow Sadc member
state through a peacekeeping intervention, the question arises: was the
Zimbabwean deployment of troops approved by cabinet and parliament?

Did President Robert Mugabe consult Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on the
issue? Or is this yet another arbitrary deployment similar to the one in
1998 in violation of the constitution and the law?

Finance minister Tendai Biti says there was no cabinet or parliamentary
approval. He also says Tsvangirai was not consulted. Deploying troops abroad
is one of the most significant policy decisions a state or government can
make because it requires consideration of the constitution, legal and
ethical issues.

That is why deployments are usually guided by national interests and must be
made through consultative processes. They must not be at the whim of an
individual who might be guided by narrow interests, including personal
ambition and adventure.

In 1998, Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe fought the DRC war after an onslaught
on the country’s government then led by the late Laurent Kabila, the
incumbent’s father, triggered a regional conflict.

Mugabe arbitrarily intervened there under a Sadc cover, but without
necessary approval at home.

The war had disastrous consequences for the country’s economy and
well-being. In fact, it ruined Zimbabwe’s economy.

Besides, many soldiers were killed and their families destroyed, while
resources were squandered in a war whose national interest could not be

Now Zimbabwe and the DRC are behind the scenes fighting over compensation.
Harare is demanding about US$1 billion for its war effort, but Kinshasa is
resisting paying. While the executive exercises authority over the military
and plays a role in influencing events on the ground, the president must
consult cabinet and parliament before deployment.

Zimbabwe must make it a practice, guided by the constitution and law, that
parliament must give authorisation and approval to all troop deployments.
The president’s deployment powers must be checked.

It is preferable to have prior parliamentary approval because once troops
are sent out or abroad it is difficult for parliament to undo the government’s
decision, since their withdrawal could endanger the ongoing mission and
damage government’s credibility.

Arbitrary deployments of troops must stop whatever the circumstances.

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Editor’s memo: Poll roadmap, Sadc spot-on

December 17, 2012 in Comment, Opinion

AT a time when unity government protagonists are bogged down in the marathon
constitution-making exercise negotiations at the expense of other equally
important reforms, the latest Sadc resolutions were spot-on concerning the
roadmap to elections next year.

Column by Stewart Chabwinja

A communiqué issued after the Sadc Extraordinary Summit of Heads of State
and Government recently held in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, insisted the Global
Political Agreement (GPA) must be fully implemented before elections.

“Summit urged the political stakeholders in Zimbabwe to fully implement the
GPA,” the communiqué read. “Summit also urged the political stakeholders to
finalise the constitution-making process, including a referendum, before the
holding of the elections in 2013.”

While questions linger over Sadc’s effectiveness in dealing with the
Zimbabwean imbroglio, its position and persistence is critical and

Amid President Robert Mugabe and his party’s insistence on elections without
reforms, re-affirmed at the Zanu PF annual conference held in Gweru last
weekend, Sadc said Zimbabwe must simply follow the GPA roadmap.

Zanu PF resolved the constitution-making process must be done by Christmas,
failing which Mugabe should “issue the relevant proclamation dissolving
parliament and fixing a date for the holding of the harmonised elections
under the current constitution”.

The fixation with the much-delayed constitution-making exercise, which
smacks of a grand Zanu PF design to keep the MDC formations preoccupied with
the issue neglecting other pertinent GPA deliverables while time flies,
appears to be part of a wider nefarious plot to derail the process towards
free and fair elections.

Sadly, the MDC parties appear to have relegated other key issues to the
backburner while they quarrel with Zanu PF over the constitution-making
process which they were warned from the beginning was going to be a flawed
and messy exercise.

The constitution-making process is but one of many signposts towards free
and fair polls. While a new constitution is crucial, the MDC parties have
clearly lost sight of the bigger picture; they can’t see the wood for the
tress, as it were.

Equally key to credible elections are, among other issues, the staffing of
the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, media reforms, state of the voters’ roll
and security sector re-alignment.

These and other reforms should be the main concerns of the MDC groups, civil
society and the nation in general, not the role of principals in the
constitution-making process which is just a distraction.

The MDC formations have allowed themselves to be sidetracked by peripheral
issues such as who between Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara and MDC
leader Welshman Ncube is the de jure party leader or GPA principal, and the
principals’ role in the constitution-making endeavour.

In an exclusive interview with this paper last month, Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai said the principals had revisited the National Security Council —
a neglected GPA creation — which needed reconvening to deal with the
contentious security sector reform as we go towards elections.

Among issues on the table were operational matters such as the role of the
security sector in elections, he said.

We need to know when, or if, this meeting will be held since the military
has been critical in keeping Mugabe in power through vicious and bloody
campaigns, especially during the 2008 presidential poll run-off.

As we have consistently reported, the military is on the ground campaigning
for Mugabe and his party.

This is what the MDC parties must be dealing with.

As Sadc leaders said, diversions must not be allowed. Keeping eyes on the
ball is the name of the game.

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Land, the Environment, the Constitution, and the Advancement of Zimbabwean Society


In this article I try to elevate the game and go beyond the current limited and highly contextual treatment of land in the draft Constitution. This, however, is not at all a vote of no confidence in the draft Constitution, because I believe the draft is a product of political compromises that are necessary for the nation to move forward. First, I offer a longer-term philosophical paradigm shift in Constitution making for Zimbabwe in particular and Africa generally, if we are to catalyse a sustainable renaissance and advancement of society. Secondly I would like to suggest the relevant provisions for land in the Constitution.

The Constitution making process requires a deeper level of consciousness – that is –until we Africans are true to ourselves, and dig deep into who we are, and invest more effort and resources into what makes us who we are, then we will continue to be ‘copycat’ third class citizens of the world. In crafting an advanced society we have to rediscover what is best in our cultural arsenal and improve and modernize that into our contemporary Constitutions (written and unwritten), and into our social, economic and political systems. Unless we Africans rediscover our roots and heritage, and embrace and understand, and love that which made our ancestors survive and thrive for thousands of years – unless we understand how our ancestors succeeded so well in creating a dynamic society in the past, we cannot create a new, modern African society—no matter how technically savvy we are in drafting Western-style Constitutions.

A Constitution has to be a living document that can communicate relevance and inspiration to an average Zimbabwean in the village. A Constitution has to paint a vivid picture of life in an average village and community and offer the ingredients and levers of progress at that level. All great Western societies in the world today, and upcoming Eastern societies, are built on foundations of centuries of culture and history, and no great society is ever built on abandoning its cultural heritage. I will argue, therefore, that post-colonial Constitutions, including our draft, are still built on the mental model of a highly urbanized and Westernised society and when applied to Africa today are akin to building a house backwards—starting from the roof before installing a solid foundation. The foundation is the family, community and the environment; the roof is the State largely based in the capital city. We are attempting to strengthen the roof before deepening the foundation.

African Pathways to a Rennaisance

Here is my ‘General Theory’ for the Renaissance of Zimbabwean and African society and the implications for Constitution making. Historically, African society was built on foundations of strong families’, strong communities, and symbiosis with the environment. That is where citizens were formed and values of being human and social integration, economics and politics were imparted. Today, Zimbabwe and Africa still need a Constitution that is crystal clear and unequivocal about the supremacy of family, community, and the environment in moulding citizens and as the foundation of society. The State and all its instruments exist for the strengthening of family, village and community, and the environment, not the other way round.

Over the last hundred years or so, and as a result of colonisation and Westernisation, the responsibility and accountability has slowly shifted from family and community towards the State. At political independence, however, Africans hardly engaged in the deep dialogue on what kind of society we were trying to rebuild out of the post-colonial legacies. Key renaissance questions at independence would have been ― and still are:

“What kind of society are we trying to build? What are the building blocks? What foundations of African culture do we keep and strengthen? What can we borrow intelligently from Western culture that we graft into our systems, localise it, Africanise it, and make it ours?”

My answers are as good today as they would have been over the last 30 to 50 years of post-colonial trial and error. Out of African heritage, I would keep the century old foundations of family, community, collective responsibility, human welfare, dignity for all, and our symbiotic relationship with nature. That is a society where civilization is possible with a minimal dose of police officers, lawyers, jails, environmental agencies and other expensive trappings of the State, which, regrettably, are ineffective anyway, or simply absent in most Africa villages. Families and communities should still look after their own orphans, rather than donate them to NGOs, Churches, Governments, Donors and Madona! African ancestors are turning in their graves at this travesty. Over the last century, these institutions have been neglected in national Constitutions and developments plans. At the same time, the State-deployed substitute institutions of local authorities and municipalities are failing miserably in developing a locally capable and advanced society.

In summary, society is falling through the cracks and over a period of just 100 years, the countryside which was self-reliant and pristine for centuries, has slid into increased crime and domestic violence; environmental decline and worsening poverty and hunger. My renaissance model for Zimbabwe and Africa is therefore: Let us Modernise, not Westernise. It is easy to mistake one for the other. Don’t Easternise either. Modernise (means to take what we already have and improve it continuously) and borrow intelligently from other civilisations, just like other great nations before us. We will definitely out-compete the rest of the world at being African—more so if we modernize and advance based on our own values and strengths. The purpose of a Constitution making process for Zimbabwe is to generate such deep introspection at all levels, rekindle and rebuild a higher level ‘guiding and direction giving spirit of the nation’. We are still just at the beginning in the search for a lasting soul of the nation.

Land, Environment and the Constitution

For Africans, land is much more than an economic asset. It is also a cultural and spiritual asset. Home is where your ancestors are buried. Where you live and have a job is just a ‘house’! Africans believe that humans are part of the environment and not above it. The culture and its traditional religions equate environmental damage to self-destruction. People’s conscience around the environment is a far better and more effective enforcement or police force. The sacredness of forests, mountains, water springs, and wildlife, however, has been relegated to taboo, superstition and witchcraft by ‘modern’ Middle Eastern religions and Science. Decades later neither science nor new religions have a lasting answer to the destruction of society and the environment that is happening right in front of our eyes.

When I chaired the Land Tenure Commission in 1993/4 I visited a few communities in some Communal Areas where, surprisingly, forests and mountains were still intact. In those communities, the system of traditional leadership and religion was still effective. I put emphasis on system because the major error in our draft Constitution is putting emphasis on traditional leaders. This is a serious error because the African traditional system of leadership was effective only because of the collective wisdom and responsibility of the Dare/Idhale/Kotla and NOT because of the individualised wisdom of the Chief. Chiefs had no executive powers and simply endorsed the will of the people just as today the President signs into law a bill passed by parliament. The Constitution, therefore, has to elaborate much more on the traditional system of leadership not just the role of leaders. The Constitution has to offer guidance on the decentralized system of traditional leadership structures, their roles, responsibilities, accountabilities, how they function, and how they form part of the system of local administration working with State agencies at all levels. It is these structures, in my opinion, that offer scope for strengthening land and environmental governance systems. Traditional leaders may chair these structures and the Constitution has to be clear on their impartial leadership role at all levels. They need to refrain from taking executive positions, but be guardians and stewards of community processes. They must serve as the conscience of the people and be the last port of call in ensuring the integrity of the processes and systems.

The future of land and its impact on local and national economic development depends on strong and accountable systems of local government. A Constitution has to provide guarantees and a framework for managing and securing people’s land rights and ensuring structures that discharge good and effective governance, especially at village level where the majority of land owners function daily. The draft Constitution is obviously burdened by the fact that the GPA and GNU are preoccupied with the immediacy of political party differences around the various contradictions and controversies of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme. I dare say that the nation would have to first resolve that colonial legacy of the land issue before we can expect longer term and more visionary provisions in the Constitution. So I won’t dwell on the current draft Constitution except to re-enforce the need for closure on the land acquired from white farmers as a more solid basis for re-visiting the Constitutional provisions.

Land Governance and Administration

I cannot over-emphasise the need for the Constitution to focus on the foundation of society and local systems of governance. All great societies have highly developed legal and administrative provisions at local level. And this goes across all political ideologies. In the United States, local or county level due process is elaborate and empowering. In China local area due process is also highly developed, providing valuable social and business capital needed for local development. So this is not an ideological/political discourse on ‘devolution’, rather it is a pragmatic proposition that development in the end is about people. And where people are at local level is where their participation in social and economic process has to be facilitated and guaranteed. That is real empowerment—whether it is the US version driven by national ideals of markets, democracy and technology, or it is the Chinese version driven by national ideals of the omnipresent State and values of an old Confucian civilisation. For Zimbabwe and Africa we can borrow this quality intelligently from China and the US, as long as we base the solution on African values of family, community, collective responsibility, and the environment; and as long as we stay away from values promoting individualism, consumerism and greed, as these are accelerating the demise of African society.

The goal is to secure land rights and have in place a land governance system that can effectively enforce people’s land rights as well as enforce laws and regulations that protect the rights, the environment, and other community and national interests. In the end we need rock solid local government and administration. The following Constitutional provisions are therefore vital:

The constitution must provide for multi-form tenure and offer secure rights for all forms of tenure;

  • There is need for a highly decentralize Administrative Court system to effectively address issues of land rights, water rights, and environmental protection; local level traditional courts or authorities may be subordinated to the Administrative Courts for this purpose;
  • In support of the Administrative Court at community level, there may be civilian boards serviced by the State that function as apolitical Land and Environmental Governance structures. These structures require training and support in functioning as arbitrators and adjudicators on land, water and environmental enforcement agencies;
  • The Constitution must recognise and confirm that all peoples who are ordinarily occupying agricultural land, without breaking any law, have some rights which have to be spelt out, even if the occupiers do not have formal paperwork such as leases and titles;
  • The Constitution must confirm that customary land belongs to the family and community, and not the State. These rights predate the State. Customary land rights are as legally valid as formal title deeds and leases even without paperwork. Customary rights to land extend to the family and, as such, to spouses and children who must all enjoy those rights and be consulted in front of a competent court before mutation. Land laws must therefore recognise these rights and all those holding land under customary rights must be protected by the law;
  • A system must be developed by the State that will allow those approved Land and Environmental Governance structures to oversee a voluntary process of land and farm registration.
  • The treatment of Customary law within the context of customary international law has to be based on current realities on the ground; those holding customary rights to land and natural resources have to be protected by international law;
  • Compulsory acquisition of land by the State has to be provided for with clarity of purpose and procedure to be followed as well as provision for contestation in courts of law;
  • Compensation for land held under a private freehold will be negotiated by buyer and seller. Compensation for land held under a state lease will be for improvements only if it reverts to the State, and will be renegotiated if the lease is acquired by new occupier. For land held under customary rights, compensation is payable for improvements only and it accrues to the whole family or community.


I have argued for a far-sighted process of Constitution making and I will continue to argue that Culture should not be regarded as a relic. Rather it is the living and imbedded DNA that we fall back on in re-generating our society—especially in tough times when we search for the ‘soul’ of society. I am all for being modern and active members of global society. We have to be there and we have deal and trade with the others. We can sell what we have and buy what we need, but we should never sell the African Soul, no matter. Our Constitution must describe vividly the society we are and what we are aiming to improve into. The Constitution must be about its people and the society they form. As development is ultimately about people, it must be about helping people to help themselves. It is about building their own capacity to govern themselves, especially at local level where land and the environment define the past, present and future.

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Zimbabwe Inclusive Government Watch: The most breached clauses of the Global Political Agreement
Sokwanele : 16 December 2012

ZIG Final Report - top ten breaches

[Download full Report (547 Kb)]

Zimbabwe's controversial power-sharing Agreement, termed the "Global Political Agreement" (GPA), was signed by President Mugabe's ZANU PF party and the two Movement for Democratic Change formations - led by Morgan Tsvangirai (MDC-T) and Arthur Mutambara (MDC-M) respectively - on September 15, 2008 in Harare.

The objective of the South African-mediated Agreement was to "create a genuine, viable, permanent, sustainable and nationally acceptable solution to the Zimbabwe situation." Integral to this was the restoration of democracy and the garnering of international support to revive the country's collapsed economy.

Commenting on the negotiations, Tsvangirai stressed at the inception: "This is not about power sharing. It is about a return to democracy." He made it clear that the MDC-T was not prepared to agree to anything which did not restore democracy and the rule of law.

On the other side of the coin, "Mugabe could not agree to anything which did", wrote Derek Matyszak of the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU) in his report: "Losing Focus: Zimbabwe's 'Power-Sharing' Agreement", released by IDASA in October 2008.

The result of the frequently deadlocked and increasingly acrimonious negotiations was a 22-page Agreement comprising 25 Articles. It is against these Articles that Sokwanele's "Zimbabwe Inclusive Government (ZIG) Watch" has monitored violations of the GPA by the three partners since its inception.

The ZIG Watch issues demonstrate conclusively that, throughout the four years during which the Global Political Agreement has been operational, President Mugabe and the ZANU PF hierarchy have continued to employ repressive strategies in order to retain supremacy in the transitional government and neutralise its partners. These include media repression, human rights violations, political violence, abductions, arrests, torture and the murder of opposition politicians and activists.Furthermore, with another election on the cards for next year, ZANU PF is intensifying the onslaught to ensure not only its political survival but an election victory.

The way that ZIG Watch was set up was this: On a daily basis, we tracked media articles and reports which provided examples of violations of the GPA by Zimbabwe's three main political parties, the partners in the GPA. These were logged on our website and below each we listed the GPA Articles that had been violated. To view this resource, log onto:

For each media story logged, we listed the GPA Article/Articles that had been breached. For the entire monitoring period, ZANU PF's highest percentage of breaches was 98% and the lowest was 86.4%. The MDC-T was 7.1% and 1.4%, while the MDC-Mutambara/Ncube was 6.5% and 0.26%.

Our report analyses the Top 10 GPA Articles breached by the coalition parties throughout the monitoring period. The list starts with the highest number of breaches we recorded and gives the total number of breaches in brackets. The report concentrates on the top five Articles for which the majority of violations were recorded and gives a cross-section of violations of the remaining five.

  7. ARTICLE V: LAND QUESTION (671 breaches)

Since Article VI of the GPA, The Constitution, does not fall into the top ten category, it is referred to but not analysed in detail in the report.

Article XI: Rule of Law, Respect for the Constitution and other laws (4,672 breaches)

    The rule of law in Zimbabwe has been replaced with rule by law. Instead of government power being subject to the law, Zimbabwe has become a police state in which government both invokes the law - and has created law - to justify excessive use of government force.

    Examples that we profile include the selective and arbitrary arrest of MDC supporters; riot police breaking up peaceful protests; abductions; the assault of MDC activists, supporters and demonstrators; human rights abuses in prisons and the prosecution of commercial farmers.

    We also include examples of corruption and self-enrichment; the manipulation of Constitutional Amendment No. 19, which could jeopardise the constitutional referendum; the random shooting and arrest of farm workers; the arrest of a prominent human rights lawyer; the shocking beating of police recruits; the burning of homes of MDC activists; the denial of killings in the Marange diamond fields; the promotion of hate speech and the threats faced by journalists, as well as the failure of the police to arrest known ZANU PF murderers and perpetrators of violence.

    ARTICLE VII : Promotion of Equality, National Healing, Cohesion and Unity (3,588 breaches)

      A Catholic Bishops' Conference pastoral letter released earlier this year stressed that Zimbabwe does not need a mere armistice but a comprehensive and honest national healing and reconciliation in which perpetrators of violence are made accountable and society is reconciled so as to bury the culture of violence. "It should not be reserved for a few officials, it needs the whole community to be involved and must include everyone."

      There has been considerable criticism of the Organ on National Healing and Reconciliation which been widely described as a "failure". However, in the organ's defence, some commentators have said that the major problem is President Mugabe's relentless hold on power and continued protection of ZANU PF thugs who mastermind the political violence and murder.

      Examples of Article VII violations include the use of prisoners as slave labour; the manipulation of food aid; bribery and corruption; the police raid on an MDC Chief of Staff; the arrest of activists; harassment, violence and extortion. Despite the fact that the GPA commits the parties to encourage and assist Zimbabweans in the Diaspora to return home, virtually nothing has been done in this regard and, in some cases, the partners have displayed ineptitude and incompetence.

      ARTICLE XIII : State Organs and Institutions (3,320 breaches)

        The issue of security sector reform remains highly contentious. The Zimbabwe Europe Network and its National Reference Group released a report in September 2012: "Zimbabwe's Political Agreement Implementation: 4 Years On - at best faltering... at worst failing...." In it they note that "Calls for reformation of the military, police services, prison services, the State intelligence services and other critical arms of the security sector have gone without anyone giving audience to them.

        "Despite clear provisions in Article XIII of the GPA which stipulate that 'State organs and institutions do not belong to any party and should be impartial in the discharge of their duties', senior top ranking military personnel have been quoted on several occasions openly supporting ZANU PF.... while clothed in uniform and on official duty. The case is similar with the police and prison services, which have gone on a rampant derelict of duty to openly declare their political interests and positions while on duty."

        Examples of breaches of Article XIII include the deployment of 80,000 youth militia; war veterans and soldiers also being deployed across the country ahead of elections in 2013; the resuscitation of torture bases; brutal intimidation; the ongoing militarisation of the diamond fields; dereliction of duty with respect to court cases; the removal of police dockets implicating senior ZANU PF officials; abductions; torture; arrests on trumped up charges; the blocking of bail for extended periods; control of food aid by the military; the protracted onslaught on the independent and foreign media and the snubbing of EU and UN funding for the next elections.

        ARTICLE XVIII : Security of Persons and Prevention of Violence (2,754 breaches)

          Article XVIII brazenly understates the seriousness of the situation, notably with respect to internal displacements. While the parties profess to be "gravely concerned by the displacement of scores of people after the elections of March 29, 2008 as a result of politically motivated violence", the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre reports that tens of thousands of people were displaced. This excludes the 570,000 people made homeless by Operation Murambatsvina (2005) and the violent land invasions that began in 2000, as well as other arbitrary displacements...." The General Agriculture and Plantation Workers' Union (GAPWUZ) reported that a new wave of farm invasions which began in February 2009 had by September of that year left 66,000 farm workers homeless.

          Despite Article 18.5 (h) committing the parties "to work together to ensure the safety of any displaced persons, their safe return home and their enjoyment of the full protection of the rule of law", the displacements have continued. For example, in the Chiadzwa district of the highly contentious Marange diamond fields, communities have been evicted by soldiers and dumped in areas with minimal/inadequate accommodation and no facilities.

          Murderers, torturers and thieves continue to live freely within terrorised communities and the lives of opponents of ZANU PF and the independent media remain under threat in the face of ongoing harassment, arrests on trumped-up charges and vicious persecution.

          ARTICLE II: Declaration of Commitment (2,482 breaches)

          "As the reality of the Agreement began to intrude, the euphoria that had ensued after the signing morphed into a view that Mugabe was reneging on the Agreement," Derek Matyszak wrote in his analysis of the 'Power Sharing' Agreement in October 2008. He noted that "Mugabe (had) closed democratic space through deployment of the military, the militia and a partisan police force which is both unwilling to act against human rights abuses and crimes against humanity as well as a participant in such offences. An extensive web of patronage keeps this system in place."

          Pronouncements by Mugabe that he would operate unilaterally include: insisting in November 2008 that ZANU PF would draft a constitutional amendment and form a government; demanding the right to cancel the power-sharing deal; refusing to fire the controversial Attorney General and Central Bank Governor; attempting to annex the role of the Information Communication and Technology Minister and the appointment of governors.

          ARTICLE X : Free Political Activity (707 breaches)

            Despite President Mugabe's commitment to allowing free political activity with the signing of the GPA, efforts by former opposition parties to canvass and mobilise freely for political support are still being thwarted. Examples include: censorship of information concerning the reformation of the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU); a blackout of the Prime Minister's press conferences and events in the State media; blocking MDC rallies; beating up demonstrators; paying gangs to commit acts of thuggery and violence; arresting MDC officials on trumped-up charges and denying bail.

            ARTICLE V: Land Question (671 breaches)

            The Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition comments as follows on the land issue in its "Zimbabwe Transition Barometer - 'Trekking the Transition'" of October 2012: "This is one indicator where almost nothing has literally happened as the IG partners have all remained silent on the land issue. The land question got relegated and forgotten as the MDCs focussed more on political reforms. On the other hand, ZANU PF has also been conspicuously silent about Article V."

            Farm invasions - with ZANU PF's trademark violence and ruthlessness - have continued throughout the tenure of the GPA. In February 2009, more than 100 productive farms and 50 small holdings were raided, many at gunpoint, with regional governors, MPs, senators and high ranking officials forcing the owners to leave. As a result, resident farm workers have been stranded or bundled into army trucks and dumped in remote areas with no facilities or the means of growing their own food. Tsvangirai came under fire for describing the ongoing invasions as "isolated incidents".

            ARTICLE III : Restoration of Economic Stability and Growth (666 breaches)

            The GPA mandated the Inclusive Government to prioritise the restoration of economic stability and growth and to urgently address the issues of production, food security, poverty and unemployment and the challenges of high inflation, interest rates and the exchange rate.

            WithFinance Minister Tendai Biti (MDC-T) at the helm, laudable progress has been made although he has faced massive challenges throughout his turbulent tenure. ZANU PF has consistently thwarted his efforts, notably to reduce unrealistic government spending and to access income from mineral resources - mainly the Marange diamond mines - for the benefit of the entire country, as well as to crackdown on massive corruption and audit State companies.

            Indigenisation Minister Saviour Kasukuwere's chaotic indigenisation programme has continued to frighten off international investors and destroy local business confidence. His threats in February to nationalise 30 foreign-owned mines were described by one commentator as being part of ZANU PF's election strategy and a move that would be disastrous for the economy. In June, Mugabe exacerbated the situation by announcing that he wanted indigenous Zimbabweans to have 100 percent control of the economy, but foreigners could come in as "partners".

            9. ARTICLE XII : Freedom of Assembly and Association (541 breaches)

            Despite the commitment made by all three signatories to the right of freedom of association and assembly enshrined in the GPA, Article XII continues to be violated systematically by ZANU PF.

            Less than three months after the signing of the GPA, Zimbabwean security forces vowed in December 2008 to crush demonstrations planned for the following day against the Reserve Bank. The ZCTU had called for peaceful protests against debilitating limits on bank withdrawals.

            In June 2009, it was reported that minutes after the Secretary-General of Amnesty International, Irene Khan, had accused elements of the Zimbabwean Government of "persistent and serious human rights abuses", riot police had broken up a peaceful demonstration only yards from where she stood. Ms Khan had earlier described the human rights situation in Zimbabwe as "grim". She also criticised Prime Minister Tsvangirai, saying she saw "no sense of urgency" in implementing human-rights provisions in the power-sharing deal.

            Violations of Article XII have not only continued but are escalating in the run-up to the next election. For example, a truckload of about 20 armed riot police officers disrupted a Praying for Peace to Save Zimbabwe church service in Harare in April 2011. Police in riot gear have also blocked MDC-T rallies, including one that was due to take place at St Paul's Mission Hospital in Lupane in October 2011. The following month, members of international charity group Oxfam were detained by the police

            10. ARTICLE VIII : Respect for National Institutions and Events (418 breaches)

            Despite agreeing that all Zimbabweans, regardless of political affiliation, have the right to participate in all national programmes and events, ZANU PF continues to operate in a blatantly partisan manner that demonstrates flagrant disrespect for national institutions, programmes and events.

            Examples of violations of Article VIII include the Reserve Bank Governor enriching his ZANU PF cronies in a looting strategy; the prevention of Parliament's Mines Committee from embarking on a fact-finding mission to the controversial Marange diamond fields; the blocking of public participation in the constitution-making outreach programme and the violent invasion of Parliament by ZANU PF thugs to disrupt a public hearing on the Human Rights Bill.

            Our ZIG Watch overview closes with extracts from the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition's "Zimbabwe Transition Barometer - 'Trekking the Transition'":

            "The Zimbabwe political landscape is gravitating from the GPA yard into political turmoil with potential to replicate the June 2008 presidential election run-off. There is a shift from the commitment to fulfil the GPA as political temperature rises. The thread that seems to hold the GPA together is now only meant for the convenience of election leverages rather than creating sustainable democratic processes.... There is a rise in political violence and intimidation cases mainly related to militia groups connected to ZANU PF leaders as well as growing violations of democratic tenets by the security sector and other political party members....

            "However, the trajectory is not cast in stone. With the appropriate interventions by civil society, the regional and international community as articulated in (our) report, Zimbabwe can still head towards a democratic transition, at least in the sense of the instalment of a democratically elected government...," the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition concludes.

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            Robert Mugabe’s Frozen Assets: Where are they?

            Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, 17th December 2012.

            News that Spain has seized former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak’s assets
            worth US$ 36.5m (, 17.12.12) prompts the question: Where are
            Robert Mugabe’s ‘frozen’ assets?

            A lot has been said about the Zimbabwean tyrant’s so-called frozen assets in
            western countries but details have remained under wraps for mysterious

            At least Egyptians have something to celebrate on learning that their former
            dictator’s assets abroad, including Marbella beach properties and luxury
            cars had been seized by Spain’s interior ministry, supposedly following a
            request from Cairo.

            Interestingly, Switzerland where some dictators previously thought was a
            safe haven, reportedly froze Mubarak’s assests worth up to US$441m. Poor
            Mubarak, now serving a life sentence in prison or military hospital, will
            receive the shocking news with understandable disappointment.

            Similarly, Zimbabweans want the international community to disclose what
            assets belonging to Robert Gabriel Mugabe and his wife were frozen where so
            that they can ascertain their true value and how they were acquired while
            they are still alive not to read about the assets in dodgy wills.

            Considering the fact that Mugabe has been in power since 1980, there is
            likely to be serious problems in making a distinction between what is
            claimed by Mugabe as his personal or family property from what are Zimbabwe
            Government assets. We want to know that before it is too late.

            Furthermore, Western governments should not wait for a request from Harare
            because nobody as of now will dare issue such a request - to seize the
            assets of Mugabe as long as there is suspicion of their acquisition through
            corrupt and or violent means.

            Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London,

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            BILL WATCH 54/2012 of 16th December [Bills Passed & Sitting Days in 2012: Parliamentary Vacancies & Voting Strengths]

            BILL WATCH 54/2012

            [15th December 2012]

            Both Houses of Parliament have Adjourned until Tuesday 5th February

            Bills Passed during 2012

            Bills passed this year during the last [Fourth] Session

            Older Persons Bill

            Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission Bill

            Electoral Amendment Bill

            Finance Bill

            Appropriation (2012) Amendment Bill

            These have all been gazetted as Acts of 2012

            Note: the Fourth Session started on 6th September 2011, and between that date and the end of the year four Bills were passed and later gazetted as Acts of 2011 – all of them Budget-related. Of the 14 non-Budget pieces of legislation the President listed for Parliament to deal with at the opening of the Fourth Session, the Government brought only two Bills to Parliament – the Older Persons Bill and the Electoral Amendment Bill. [For the 12 Bills outlined in the President’s speech that did not reach Parliament during the Session, see Bill Watch 36/2011 of 9th September 2011.]

            Passed during current [Fifth] Session

            Finance (No. 2) Bill

            Appropriation (2013) Bill

            These are awaiting gazetting as Acts

            Note the Fifth Session opened on 30th October 2012 and will continue until this Parliament comes to an end.

            Notably missing – any reform of existing legislation restricting freedom of speech and assembly.

            Sitting Days during 2012

            The first meetings of the House of Assembly and the Senate in 2012 were on Tuesday 28th February. Their last meetings, before both adjourned until Tuesday 5th February 2013, were on Thursday 29th November. During that period the House met on 35 days and the Senate on 37.

            House of Assembly

            Last [Fourth] Session ..... 30

            Current [Fifth] Session ... 5

            Total.......................... 35


            Last session .................. 32

            Current session ............... 5

            Total.......................... 37

            Vacancies & Voting Strengths at 16th December 2012

            House of Assembly

            One new vacancy

            This arose with the death on 30th November of Jabulani Mangena, ZANU-PF MP for Mberengwa North.

            Current vacancies

            There are 18 vacancies, leaving 197 House of Assembly MPs out of a possible 215.

            Note: All the vacancies are for constituency seats and are awaiting by-elections.

            Current membership/voting strengths

            The 197 current members of the House fall into the following groups:

            ZANU-PF 92

            MDC-T 97

            MDC 8

            Reminder: Non-constituency seats

            The five non-constituency [ex officio or appointed] members of the House are: Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and Minister Gorden Moyo from MDC-T; Vice-President John Landa Nkomo and Ms Oppah Muchinguri from ZANU-PF; and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara.

            MDC expulsions

            The “MDC occupied seats” in the above lists include the seats held by members whose expulsion from the party was recently announced by the Welshman Ncube-led MDC – three members of the House, two of the Senate. They have not lost their seats, because the party has not yet notified the Speaker and the President of the Senate of the expulsions, which is what is required to trigger the loss of a party seat under section 41 of the Constitution [see Bill Watch 52/2012 of 24th November].

            [Note: Professor Mutambara, whose Supreme Court bid to reverse his replacement as MDC president by Professor Ncube is still pending, has written to Parliament stating his position that any such notification by the party without his sanction would be invalid.]


            One vacancy recently filled by MDC-T nominee

            On Thursday 29th November Sibusisiwe Masara was sworn in as an appointed non-constituency Senator. She is the MDC-T nominee to fill the vacancy caused by the death in April of the late Dr Tichaona Mudzingwa. The new Senator is the secretary-general of the MDC-T Women’s Assembly.

            Current vacancies

            There are 14 vacancies, leaving 85 Senators out of a possible 99:

            Elected Senators 11 vacancies [ZANU-PF 6; MDC-T 5; MDC 0]

            Chiefs 2 vacancies [Matabeleland South 1; Manicaland 1]

            Provincial Governors 1 vacancy [Harare]

            Appointed Senators 0 vacancies

            Note: it is only the 11 vacancies for elected [i.e., constituency] Senate seats that need by-elections. The 2 vacant Chiefs seats are awaiting replacements chosen by the provincial assemblies of chiefs in the relevant provinces. The vacant Governor’s seat is an ex officio seat, awaiting the appointment of a new provincial governor for Harare.

            Current membership/voting strenghts

            The 85 current Senators fall into the following groups:

            ZANU-PF 38 [24 elected, 5 appointed, plus 9 governors]

            MDC-T 23 [19 elected, 4 appointed]

            MDC 8 [6 elected, 2 appointed]

            Chiefs 16

            Update on Number of By-elections Due

            Changes since last update

            Bill Watch 43/2012 of 14th September gave the following figures, which were verified by Parliament and the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, for the number of by-elections due at that date: Senate 10; House of Assembly 16. Changes since are as follows:

            Senate One more by-election is due, following the death of Josiah Rimbi, MDC-T senator for Chipinge, on 24th September [noted in Bill Watch 44.2012 of 25th September].

            House of Assembly 16 Two more by-elections are due, following the deaths of Stan Mudenge, ZANU-PF MP for Masvingo North, on 4th October [noted in Bill Watch 46/2012 of 9th October] and Jabulani Mangena, ZANU-PF MP for Mberengwa North, on 30th November [noted above].

            Current figures for by-elections due [29]

            Senate 11

            House of Assembly 18

            Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied

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