The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
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From ZWNEWS, 17 December

Political violence escalates

As the presidential election in March draws closer, the use of violence by the government for political ends is escalating. The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum last week released its monthly report on political violence for November. The statistics, and the evidence from witness statements, are simply horrifying. The report records six political murders or executions during November alone, bringing the total of those known to have been killed since January this year to 41. Eight kidnappings last month bring the year's running total to 307. Over 2100 cases of torture, and nearly 1000 incidences of unlawful detention, have been reported, and the human rights organisations who compiled the report have documented that 70 000 farmworkers are now refugees in their own country, having been forced off commercial farms by the "fast-track" land seizures. The witness statements included in the November report are nothing less than chilling. Again and again, victims - from all areas of the country - state that the police have refused to come to their aid, or actively assaulted them. Severe torture has been inflicted on the mere suspicion that someone may be less than wholeheartedly supportive of Zanu PF. Those beaten have, more often than not, been refused medical treatment.

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Comment from The Globe & Mail (Canada), 12 December

Stop Zimbabwe’s bully

Robert Mugabe and his state-backed thugs are tearing a nation apart. Why are we turning a blind eye? asks former diplomat Art Wright

Zimbabwe's tragedy is that its President, Robert Mugabe, confidently believing that the rest of the world will not respond, is consciously promoting state-sponsored terrorism. After Zimbabwe's independence in 1980, Canada and other Western nations rightly praised Mr. Mugabe for expanding health and education facilities. But we stayed silent in the mid-1980s during the brutal repression of the Ndebele people; this caused 20,000 civilian deaths, and was designed to replace political opposition with a de facto one-party state. Maintaining the threat of physical force while limiting its use, Mr. Mugabe gained successive majorities in carefully managed periodic elections. However, increasing corruption and bad management sharply eroded his political support in the 1990s. He and the ruling Zanu PF began to be increasingly challenged by concerned, informed and articulate Zimbabweans, both black and white. Their determination to protect and promote democratic rights and practices has been met by violent government retaliation - perpetrated by the Central Intelligence Organization, a state security body that acts as an agency of Zanu PF. Newspapers have seen their presses smashed and licences for the import of newsprint and ink denied. Media have been repeatedly harassed and arrested, as have political opponents.

In early 2000, despite government attempts to rig the results, voters rejected a referendum that would have virtually guaranteed Mr. Mugabe the presidency for life. The gloves came off. In the parliamentary election later that year, many opposition candidates were prevented from campaigning by beatings and threats against themselves and their families. Despite such terror tactics, Zanu PF secured only a slim majority of elected seats; many of the results were appealed to the courts. The government then forced the resignation of a number of senior judges, including the Chief Justice, and replaced them with more compliant judges. Despite all this, the organized opposition - based among black and white trade union members, large and small-scale commercial farmers, professionals, academics and businessmen - has continued to grow. Mr. Mugabe has sought to destroy the credibility of the opposition by portraying its members as tools of Zimbabwean whites (now barely 0.5 per cent of the population) and outsiders. Using the legitimate need for redistribution of land (acknowledged by virtually all Zimbabweans), the government has armed and encouraged so-called "liberation war veterans" to occupy large-scale commercial farms, 80 per cent owned by white Zimbabweans (who employed thousands of labourers, and provided primary schooling and health care). The police decline to intervene, saying their hands are tied because the issues are political. Not only have owners been driven from their farms, tens of thousands of farm workers have been displaced. Officially, 21 black and 9 white Zimbabweans have been killed but human rights groups cite much higher numbers. Many previously successful farms are now lying fallow; few of those who occupied them are engaged even in subsistence agriculture.

The reign of terror, the declining production of cash crops, the collapse of tourism and disinvestments in mineral production, combined with the cost of keeping 11,000 Zimbabwean troops in the Congo, has bankrupted Zimbabwe. It cannot pay for fuel and electricity imports. Massive food imports are needed in a normally food-exporting country. Current financial support from Libya cannot compensate for Zimbabwe's lost earnings. Mr. Mugabe's actions have isolated him from Southern African Development Community (SADC) partners. Though he told a visiting SADC team this week that presidential elections would be held in March, they remain (diplomatically) critical of Zimbabwe's mismanagement and concerned about the destabilizing effects on their own countries. As presidential elections approach, Mr. Mugabe, 77, is determined to hold on to power against a much younger challenger, Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the broadly based Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). He knows that in a free election, this will not be possible. In defiance of recent agreements to reinstate democratic practices, he has escalated his rhetoric, demonizing the opposition and media as "agents of terrorism supported by outsiders." Articles in the government press now publicly attack prominent opposition figures; MDC offices in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second-largest city have been torched. Urban workers who have lost jobs in the declining economy, largely MDC supporters, are being returned to rural areas in an attempt to reduce the number of urban voters.

Canada and others countries have failed to respond adequately to the warning signals emanating from Zimbabwe. Suspension of aid reflects disengagement, rather than commitment to find solutions. Quiet diplomacy, through neighbouring countries and the Commonwealth, has failed to bring back the rule of law. But if international terrorism - or domestic terrorism in the former Yugoslavia – is unacceptable to us, why do we tolerate it in Zimbabwe? We must implement measures that would have a direct impact on Mr. Mugabe and his government; we should employ targeted sanctions - such as travel restrictions and the freezing of personal foreign accounts - against Zimbabwe's leaders. The European Union is currently considering such measures. The U.S. Congress has approved a similar bill. Zimbabwe has long ceased to respect the rule of law or the rights of its citizens to basic security. It should not escape international censure for its reign of terror against its own people. Africans and Europeans are finally speaking out. If we remain silent in the face of overwhelming evidence of the misuse of power, then we are complicit in its continued abuse. We reduce our own credibility as proponents of basic human rights and democratic freedoms. The Commonwealth Ministers meeting on Zimbabwe, to be held in London next week, provides us with an opportunity to join African and European countries, and the United States in condemning such abuses. We must reduce the ability of Mr. Mugabe and his ministers to oppress the Zimbabwean people.

Art Wright, a consultant and lecturer on sustainable development issues, was Canada's high commissioner to Zimbabwe from 1993 to 1996

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NOVEMBER 2001 - December 2001
A report by the
Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum
Attacks on farm workers residing on invaded farms, ongoing since the end of February 2000, were reported to the Human Rights Forum in November. Since January this year, more than 70 000 farm workers have been displaced and countless others have been beaten and tortured whilst others lost their homes in arson attacks.
Once again the ZRP was been found wanting in its protection and reaction to violations concerning farm workers and MDC supporters. In one recorded case, policemen in Kadoma arrived at the local Zanu-PF offices and witnessed the torture of two MDC members but left without rendering assistance. However 14 MDC members were arrested for the murder of Bulawayo war veteran’s chairman, Cain Nkala.
In Harare members of the ZRP unlawfully arrested and tortured two MDC officials from Zengeza, accusing them of having had some involvement in Cain Nkala’s murder, despite their being in Harare at the time. The two were released without being charged having been interrogated about the operations of their party.
Six deaths were recorded in November. A list of all deaths that have been reported since January 2001 is given at the end of the report.
November 2001 Totals

Cumulative Totals January-November 2001
Sources:  Amani Trust medical assessments, HR Forum legal statements, CFU reports and newspaper reports.
Notes to Tables:  The following categories have been changed and/or expanded due to the nature and the volume of crimes.
Unlawful Arrest/Detention:  Unlawful arrests perpetrated by members of the police force and unlawful detentions by state agents, members of political parties and private individuals
Kidnapping/Disappearances:  Victims who have been released and those who are still missing.
Torture:  Crimes of torture include rape.  Rape is a highly underreported crime in Zimbabwe.  To date, the HR Forum has only been able to document three cases, all in the month of June.  Rape has not been allotted its own category as the low number would minimize the actual occurrences of rape and not effectively illustrate the volume of this crime.
All cases under torture also fall under the definition of torture according to the general definition of torture given in the United Nations Convention Against Torture and Other Forms of Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment and Punishment.
The four elements of torture are:
1. Severe pain and suffering, whether physical or mental
2. Intentionally inflicted
3. With a purpose
4. By a state official or another acting with the acquiescence of the State.

Displacement/Eviction: At least 70 000 persons have been internally displaced since January 2001.

November Violence
November 2001
· Taurai Chiwetso, an MDC supporter, was beaten for refusing to attend a Zanu-PF rally in Chiwaridzo. He was said to be in a critical condition and battling for his life.
2 November 2001
· Two unnamed male MDC supporters were reportedly killed at Kitsiyatota Squatter Camp following their refusal to attend the funeral of the Zanu-PF youth chairman for Bindura, Voster Rupiya.
5 November 2001
· M.T’s wife secured employment with Man-Made Security, which turned out to be owned by Saviour Kasukuwere, Zanu-PF MP for Mt. Darwin, and Dick Mafiosi, Zanu (PF) District Chair for youth. She was tasked with spying on the MDC for Zanu-PF but because her husband is an MDC member she refused. However she is now being hunted down for allegedly passing on sensitive information to the MDC regarding the security company.
8 November 2001
· Gift Kapfunde and seven other MDC supporters were severely assaulted at Kuyedza Cocktail Bar in Chiwaridzo. Kapfunde received 11 stitches on his face and lost two teeth. He was initially taken to Chiwaridzo Clinic and then transferred to Bindura Hospital. The attack was carried out by war veterans and Zanu-PF supporters who returned to Bindura after the burial of Cain Nkala and beat up MDC supporters in apparent retaliation for the murder of Nkala.
30 November 2001
· Farm invaders and war veterans burnt down 42 houses belonging to Asaf Jazire, Selina Mafuta, Mariyani Tenesi and other unnamed farm workers at Blackmorevale Farm. Some of the workers were beaten with chains and knobkerries while others sustained burns and were treated at Kadoma Hospital. The workers were then ordered to vacate the farm.
 The owner of the farm was accused of supporting the MDC and aiding gold panners in the area.
Chiredzi South / North
11 November 2001
· Johannes Felix Sikele, a resettled farmer, was shot and killed at Fair Range Estate by farm guard, Robert Nganduni. Nganduni was patrolling the area of the farm occupied by the resettled farmers when they challenged him. Sikele and Nganduni were involved in a struggle for the latter's gun during which he was shot at close range in the chest.
Gokwe North
· Ellifanos Chamunorwa was tortured by being beaten under his feet (falanga) at a Zanu-PF base in Gokwe.
19 November 2001
· Kufa Rukara was abducted at Mrora Growth Point in Gokwe and tortured on 14 October 2001. He was admitted to Gweru Hospital for treatment. Rukara had sustained a severe head injury that could not be treated and a broken right tibia. His condition deteriorated until he was unable to sit or talk. Rukara died on November 19 2001of his injuries. 
Guruve North
November 2001
· The homes of Roger Mwinga and Ian Musanduka, both members of the MDC, were burnt down in Mushumbi Pools. Joseph Zambezi led the attack together with other unnamed Zanu-PF supporters.
· Zanu-PF supporters, on allegations that the villagers sympathised with the MDC, displaced Peter Chafesuka, Cliff Chirowapasi, Robson Mwarawara and other unnamed villagers in Ward 22 from their homes.
· There were numerous cases of torture recorded in Guruve in November, particularly in Mushumbi Pools where war veterans and Zanu-PF members in Dande tortured Wilson Karikoga, Manikidzo Kopakopa and Nyambari Mahamba and other MDC supporters. The following are first had statements given by the victims:
11 November 2001
· We were notified that war vets wanted us at Chitepo Base. We had to go there as we had been assaulted regularly previously. We went to the war veteran chairman’s homestead, Joseph Masauki. Zanu-PF militia in t-shirts with Mugabe’s face on them escorted us. Masauki then took us to Dande River where their base is located. Masauki then began to catalogue our ‘crimes’ as MDC members though they were otherwise lawful activities. Masauki and another war veteran called Emmanuel Kamukiyana and Bibby and Zuze then ordered us into an ant-bear’s hole. We were then ordered to yap and bark like dogs and come out with a kill.  After being ordered out our legs were tied up in ropes, our t-shirts removed and our trousers lowered. We were asked to lie prone and then assaulted on the buttocks with thick poles, slapped on the face and kicked with booted feet. This continued for about 2 hours. We were then ordered to roll in hot sand then tied up and further beaten. After that, buffalo thorns were smeared all over our bodies. The process was repeated in which we were told to roll around in hot sand. We were dizzy after that but were beaten up when we fell down. This lasted for about 5 hours. They made us grind our teeth and swallow sand. We were released around 4pm.
We failed to seek medical treatment because if you are treated at any hospital beaten once, this is known and the police refuse to supply referral forms.
We did not report to the police as they are in cahoots with the war veterans, especially Inspector Musukwa.
Manikidzo KOPAKOPA
· I live at Nyakatondo village near Mushumbi Pools in the Dande Communal Land of Guruve North. On 11th November 2001 I was assaulted by Nyande Mausauki, Desmond Gomo, Joseph Musauki, and Emmanuel Kumukiyani (Dombo). They assaulted me for about six hours using wooden logs, fists and huriri (buffalo bean) and rolling me in the hot sand of the riverbed.  This is the worst treatment I encountered in my life.  My clothes were dipped in water with huriri and I was forced to wear them and instructed not to wash them for some time.  They said I must not remove those clothes. To survive that torture I am no longer moving from my home.  The assault has created difficulties for me when moving.  I have a swollen elbow and wrist and suspect they are broken. I am not safe and also fear that they might come again to attack me one day or night. I could not report the incident to the police as we know they will do nothing.  PISI Constable Tarwira was there all of that day.  The Member in Charge, Inspector Musukwa, has said he cannot help MDC supporters.  He is a war veteran and ZANU supporter. MDC supporters who are assaulted cannot get help from the clinic so we have to suffer by ourselves.
· I live at Nyakatondo village near Mushumbi Pools in the Dande Communal Land of Guruve North. On 11th November 2001 Mahamba Munyambari came through my home and told me that we were wanted at a ZANU PF youth training point.  We quickly took off to the point. Whilst we were there, Koshiwe Jonasi told me and the others, Ephraim Gatsi and Manikidzo Munyambari, that we were supposed to proceed to Kabvuma or Chitepo village to meet with ex-combatants.
With others I went to Chitepo village.  Trouble started when I got there.  I was called by Pius Musauki.  He started questioning me why I had joined MDC.  Also he said that on the run up to the parliamentary election we had created a headache for ZANU PF that led to the Star Rally being addressed by President Robert Mugabe. From there he started beating me using a wooden log.  As the tension grew, he demanded that I start some military drills and rolling on the hot sand of the riverbed. After that, he rubbed a hot material huriri (buffalo bean) against my body.  This torture carried on for about 6 hours and included beatings, putting my head in a hole and barking like a dog and lying on the hot sand.
The most sever torture came when Pius Musauki, with the help of Emmanuel Kumukiyani (Dombo), Nyande Musauki and Bibi Mudzongachiso, forced me down onto the ground.  They forced back my foreskin and anus and sprinkled the hot material huriri in. I nearly died out of the pain and thirst as they said my existence is equal to Satan. I cried for their mercy but they left me unattended for almost 30 to 40 minutes. Lastly my clothes were mixed with the huriri and I was forced to wear them home. Until now I am in great pain.  May I be rescued from here? I have not reported to the police in Mushumbi as the Member in Charge is a war veteran and known ZANU PF supporter.  PISI Constable Tarwira was there at the beginning of the incident but when he saw what was to happen he quickly left and obviously did not report the matter to his superiors as nothing was done to try to stop this torture.
We did not report to the police, as the Member in Charge is a war veteran and known ZANU PF supporter.
· I live at Nyakadondo village near Mushumbi Pools in the Dande Communal Land of Guruve North. On 11th November 2001 I was called to a Zanu (PF) Youth Training centre at the old Neshangwe Primary School.  Koshiwe Jonasi the Zanu (PF) Youth Chairman. 
was conducting the meeting. Whilst there I was surprised when my name was called out and I had to stand out in front of the other youth with Manikidzo Kopakopa, W.K, E.K, P.N and H.C. Koshiwe Jonasi told us that the war veterans at Chitepo village in Ward 9 wanted us.  We walked all the way to the village. To my astonishment we were called to a place in the bush near the Dande River. Joseph Musauki, a war vet leader and ZANU PF commissariat secretary, called me to come closer to him.  He clapped me and then started to strongly assault me with a wooden log.  I was forced to lie flat on the riverbed on the
hot sand.  He assaulted me with that log countless times.  He then handed me over to Emmanuel Kirmukiyani (Dombo), Desmond Gomo, Nyande Musauki and Pius Musauki, who tied me up hand and foot and carried on assaulting me for six hours.  The assault was by beating, making me roll in the hot sand for more than 150 metres, lying on the hot sand without moving, putting my head in a hole and barking like a dog and doing military drills.
During this time Dombo brought huriri, a very hot plant powder, (buffalo bean) and spread it around my body from time to time. During this time they left me in the hot sun for almost three hours without drinking water.  I felt that I was dying.  Finally I was offered a cup of water which I could not finish as they hit it down after I took two sips.  They left me and told me to go and rest under a tree after they notice that I was momentarily loosing my breath.
Lastly Dombo opened the foreskin of my penis and brushed the huriri against my penis.  With the help of Desmond Gomo, Nyande Musauki and Pius Musauki, he opened my buttocks and dropped this hot stuff inside.  While I was in agony with this huriri they then beat me with eighteen cuts. I was then told to go home after they had mixed the huriri into my clothes.  I was forced to wear those clothes. As I am speaking my penis has some paining cracks and my anus is developing a wound.  I am definitely desperate.  They have said they want to set an example on me to show that ZANU can kill. This victimization is a plot by ZANU PF to silence opposition members.  And mainly their agenda on me is to make sure that I feel intimidated to the bone.  I am the shadow councillor for MDC in Ward 9.  They definitely know that if I am allowed to campaign ZANU PF would never stand a chance. I could not report to the police in Mushumbi Pools.  The Member in Charge, Inspector Musukwa, has vowed not to help MDC supporters as he is a war veteran.
· I live at Nyakatondo village near Mushumbi Pools in the Dande Communal Land of Guruve North. On the 26th September 2001 ZANU PF youths came to my house and broke three windowpanes.  They then took a 14lb hammer and broke down my door and looted some household goods.  I reported this to the police but the member in charge said that the people must discuss this on their own because MDC is not yet ruling.  A neighbouring youth, Tapfuma Mabhutsu, was assaulted at the same time.
On 11th November 2001 Kowishe Jonasi came to my house with about 50 ZANU PF youths to take me to the ex-combatants.  I was sick and they said they would come back for me on Saturday (17th November 2001). I heard what they had done to the other MDC supporters that day and sold my cottonseed and fled my home. I came with some of the victims who needed to go to hospital.  They gave their statements to the police but they refused for the police to open a docket for court because they feared to be assaulted and they were told that if at all reports are made ZANU PF would come and destroy their houses. At this present time I am afraid to go back to my home because I was given a warning.  They want to kill me. I could not report to the police in Mushumbi Pools.  The Member in Charge, Inspector Musukwa, has vowed not to help MDC supporters, as he is a war veteran.
· I live at Jurujena village near Mushumbi Pools in the Dande Communal Land of Guruve North. On 11th November 2001 Joseph Musauki and another war veteran Karomo called me.  I was told that I had failed to give them information about MDC, so if I had cottonseed it was advisable to sell it.  This implies I had failed to give them grenades and pistols that they think we were given.  This is very untrue, as we have no weapons at all; I cannot give them things we do not have. On 12th November 2001 they wrote a letter to five MDC members who are myself, Elisha Mupinyuri, Ian Musandauka, Elias Mupinyuri and Tosa Gondo telling us to go to them.  We did not go there. During the night of 13th November 2001 at about 10:15 pm about 10 people arrived at my house looking for me.  I was away at a church service.  They told my wife that I was supposed to go to Ward 9 or they were to come back for me. I had heard about the torture taking place at Ward 9 so I decided to leave my home for safety as they wanted to torture me for things I do not know.
A lawyer for the Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum had obtained a peace against these people but they are continuing their hostilities against me and the police know this but do nothing.
Guruve South
16 November 2001
· An unnamed farm pastor, his wife and the senior foreman at Marira Mbada Farm in Horseshoe were assaulted after they failed to produce Zanu-PF cards and were therefore accused of being MDC supporters.
Harare East
13 November 2001
· C.C was on his way to church in Hatcliffe Extension on a commuter omnibus and was carrying an MDC leaflet. Because of this he was abducted by the war vets and taken to their office in Hatcliffe extension. He was accused of being the main operator in the area for the MDC. He was assaulted with fists as they tried to extract information from him about the district. C.C was also assaulted in the abdomen, back and testicles.
Harare South
 11 November 2001
· Learnmore Jongwe (MP Kuwadzana, MDC), Hilda Mufudze, Tendai Nyamushana together with unnamed MDC members were held hostage for four hours at the MDC offices at Harvest House by war veterans led by Joseph Chinotimba. The war veterans barricaded the entrance to Harvest House and detained the victims from 9:30am until 1:30pm. They said they were searching for Cain Nkala, abducted in Bulawayo the previous week. The group also assaulted security guards at the building's entrance.
Hurungwe East
November 2001
· Unnamed farm workers and Ndiripo Farm in Tengwe had 26 huts and 2 brick buildings burnt down by farm invaders.
Hurungwe West
12 November 2001
· Maxwell Bidi, the MDC chairman for Hurungwe West was abducted by war veterans from Karoi bus terminus, taken to the Zanu-PF offices and assaulted with logs, empty beer bottles and iron bars. His legs were then bound in wire and he was tied to roof trusses and beaten further. Bidi sustained bruises and cuts all over his body. One of the perpetrators was identified as John Dungiro. Below are excerpts from Bidi’s testimony
Maxwell BIDI
“ I was abducted at about 3pm by 14 war veterans and Zanu-PF supporters.
I was on my way to Chinhoyi from my home area Magunje. When I disembarked in Karoi, waiting for a bus that would take me straight to Chinhoyi, I saw Cliff Sabadza at one of the call boxes and went to speak to him. I saw 2 Zanu-PF guys crossing towards the Zanu-PF offices. I did not suspect anything at the time.
When the pioneer bus was about to leave, I said bye to Cliff Sabadza but at the moment I started running to catch the bus, I heard a lot of noise behind me and people shouting at me to run. I saw a group of Zanu-PF youth surrounding me and they started to beat me. I failed to get into the bus, which drove away. I asked them why they were beating me and they said it was because I was the very person they had been hunting for for a long time. I was grabbed by the neck and was kicked by the group. I shouted for help but the crowd just watched in fear and some ran for their lives.
They dragged me to their office, which was 50 metres away from the bus terminus. They ran into the office shouting, “kill him, kill him". In the office I was beaten with stones, chains, baton sticks and beer bottles.
I fell unconscious for some minutes and when I woke up the youths were pouring water over me with plates and there was blood everywhere. I saw Gift Sabadza, who was also bloody. I do not know how they got him. I begged them to release him and keep me instead because I was almost dead anyway. They released him and dragged me onto a table. One of the war vets took out his knife and cut my trousers into pieces until I was left naked. He pulled out some rubber band and started hitting my private parts with them. Then the other two war veterans started beating me again. By that time their boss, war veterans chairman John Dungiiro had walked in. He told me to stand up and clapped me with his left hand and I fell down. He kicked me and beat me then placed one foot on my head and the other on my neck. I know Dungiro, we are related, but he holds a grudge against me because I am an MDC supporter.
I was already badly wounded when the war veterans started beating me again. They were asking, “Who is Morgan? What is the MDC, What is chinja (change)?" Then they said, “chinja tione!" (‘let’s see you change then’). One of them ordered the youths to tie my legs and hands and hang me from the roof. It was getting dark and it was after 5pm when I heard people saying that the police had arrived. The policemen came and talked to Dungiro and the other war veterans outside. I saw the policemen peep through the window and they saw me hanging there. When our eyes met I thought I was going to be rescued but then I heard them being ordered not to interfere with politics. The policemen were told to come back tomorrow and they left. I was then asked about the whereabouts of Cain Nkala, where MDC gets its money from and which farmers support the MDC. At that stage I was no longer able to talk so they gave me a pen and paper to write the information down on but I was no longer able to do that either. As a consequence I was told I would be dead by 2 o’clock.
They started operating in shifts, some beating me and others drinking beer. At about 12 o’clock a new gang of four came in. They asked me if I had been told I was going to die before 2 o’clock. I did not answer them. One of them brought a coffin beside me and told me that I only had 10 minutes left. When they went out of the room for a discussion I managed to untie my hands and escaped through the window. I took cover in a 3 metre trench that surrounds the office. From there I crawled into an office that is still being built.
I saw the youth running around looking for me and accusing each other of leaving the window unattended. At about 3 o’clock I started crawling to Simon Mudzingwa’s house. It is about 1km from the bus terminus. When I got there his wife pulled me into the house. She cleaned my wounds and gave me some clean clothes to wear. At about 4 o’clock they hired a taxi to ferry me to Chinhoyi.
I went to Chamagamba Police Station to make a report and they said they would write a letter to the Karoi police to action the case. I was given a referral to the Hospital. Mr Karemba from Chinhoyi phoned the Amani Trust and asked them to assist me. I was referred to a private hospital. I am still receiving treatment. Items taken from me during the abduction were my ID, passport, drivers licence, party cards, party programmes and $5 000 in cash.”
· I was at the bus terminus in Chikangwe having a chat with the MDC chairman for Hurungwe West, Maxwell Bidi. I went to the phone to make a call and while I was doing this I heard commotion behind me and turned to see Bidi being beaten. I turned to run and was hit several times on the head with a bottle. They took both of us to the Zanu-PF offices. They then beat us up from 2 to 5pm.
They accused us of selling our country. They beat us more when we protested and beat us using bricks, bottles and hands. Then I was let go. During the beatings by these Zanu-PF youths and war veterans the police came by and left without helping us.
I escaped to Chinhoyi where I made a report to the police who verbally abused me before referring me to the hospital. At the hospital I did not get any help. I was told that they did not have drugs and equipment. The same people that beat me threatened to burn my house in Mukorori Village, Magunje.
Kadoma Central
23 November 2001
· K.S was approached by Zanu-PF youths who demanded a party card from him. He did not have one and was forced to lie down on his back and was assaulted 4 times with a big log. K.S sustained lacerations on his back.
28 November 2001
· Emmanuel Mutemi of Zanu-PF was abducted from Westview Lodges in Kadoma. He was then assaulted by MDC supporters, Evans Ruzvidzo, Celestio Gumireshe, Picket Mafuta, Butane Mazvidzwa, Fanwell Solomon, Taurayi Chishaya, Tinashe Kudemba, Tawanda Madevuko, Shepherd Banda, Kizito Mhike, Anthony Damani and Charles Mclaine. He sustained a swollen face and bodily injuries and was treated at Kadoma General Hospital.
The alleged perpetrators were charged with kidnapping, public violence and assault with intent to cause grievous bodily harm and remanded in custody to 11 December. War veterans, Zanu-PF supporters and MDC supporters clashed in Kadoma on 28 November and during this clash an MDC youth was allegedly kidnapped. The MDC youths are said to have retaliated by kidnapping Mutemi.
Kadoma West
November 2001
· War veterans and Zanu-PF supporters assaulted five unnamed teachers at Nyamatsane Primary School in Sanyati with sticks when they failed to produce Zanu-PF party cards and chant party slogans. A report was made to Sanyati Arda Police post but no action was taken. One of the teachers assaulted is pregnant and almost miscarried due to the assault.
14 November 2001
· Frank Mhondiwa, Rodzani Nyoni, Amos Chamunorwa and Jack Kapoka, MDC supporters from Rimuka, were abducted and assaulted by war veterans lead by Ducam Pembedza. They were admitted to Kadoma General Hospital for treatment and their condition upon admission was described as critical. Several houses in Kadoma belonging to MDC officials were stoned by the group that abducted Mhondiwa, Nyoni, Chamunorwa and Kapoka. The militia is based at the Zanu-PF district offices in Rimuka, about 100m away from the police station.
 5 November 2001
· Local war veterans leader Cain Nkala was abducted from his Magwegwe home by 10 men that arrived in a truck at about 11:30pm and were armed with Kalashnikov assault rifles. The abductors struck Nkala's wife, Sikhumbizo, on the head with a rifle butt before taking off with Nkala. He was assaulted and then strangled to death. Nkala was buried in a shallow grave 50km along the Khami Road towards Solusi University. His body was found and exhumed on November 13 2001. The following MDC members have since been arrested and charged with the murder: Simon Spooner, Thembi Mkandla, Gilbert Moyo, Remember Moyo, Stanley Dile, Sahkile Ncube, Sazini Mpofu, Khetani Augustine Sibanda, Silas Sibanda, Ferdinand Dropa, Alexander Khanye, Eddy Sigoga, Army/Ronnie Zulu, Sonny Masera Moyo, Sithabiso Mangala; Fletcher Dulini-Ncube (MDC MP, Lobengula Magwegwe).
Dile, Sigoga, Khanye, Dropa and Mangala had their charge later changed from that of murder to one of contravening the Law and Order (Maintenance) Act by receiving military training and were remanded in custody to December 4.
14 November 2001
· An unnamed MDC supporter had his 8-room house in Magwegwe petrol bombed and burnt down by war veterans and Zanu-PF supporters. The attack was in apparent retaliation for the murder of Cain Nkala.
November 2001
· An unnamed man in Lupane was beaten and sustained a head injury. Four Zanu-PF supporters also burnt down his home. The victim was attacked in violence that erupted following the murder of Limukani Luphahla in October.
16 November 2001
· The  MDC party offices on Herbert Chitepo Street, Bulawayo, were petrol bombed and burnt down by a mob of approximately 500 Zanu-PF supporters and war veterans.
The mob proceeded through the streets of Bulawayo on a demonstration over the murder of Cain Nkala.
· An unnamed man over 70 years of age was assaulted, kicked and punched to the ground by a mob of Zanu-PF supporters and war veterans. The group, who were on a demonstration in the Bulawayo city centre, randomly attacked people as a protest over Nkala’s death.
· A private college, Zdeco, belonging to Sikhanyiso Ndlovu of Zanu (PF) was burnt down by approximately 2000 MDC supporters in retaliation for burning down their party office building.
· An unnamed driver and photographer for the Chronicle Newspaper had their vehicle burnt by MDC supporters and were assaulted during clashes in the Bulawayo city centre between war veterans, Zanu-PF supporters and MDC supporters.
18 November 2001
· Mduduzi Mathuthu, a reporter for the Daily News, and Grey Chitiga, a photographer with the same paper, were arrested and detained at Esigodini and Figtree prisons respectively for their alleged involvement in the kidnapping and torture of Ndabazinhle Moyo. The two were released without charges being preferred against them.
Marondera East
November 7 2001
· Tendai Peturo, Takudzwa Chikasha who is Peturo's son (aged 5) and more than twenty-five unnamed farm workers from Mushangwe, Eirene, Angus and Safari Farms were severely assaulted for 'siding with their masters’. Chikasha sustained bruises on his face plus a swollen mouth. The assailants were wielding sticks, knobkerries, chains and stones.
· Nyarugumi Kamburuwa, a farm worker at Mushangwe Farm, was beaten all over his back with chains by war veterans and Zanu-PF supporters.
· War veterans and Zanu-PF supporters beat Moses Nyandoro, a farm worker at Munemo Farm, with a hoe handle. $2 300 stolen was stolen from him during the same incident.
· Farm invaders in the Ruzawi River Valley severely assaulted a three-year-old child. The child sustained bruises and cuts on face. The invaders also assaulted farm workers in the Ruzawi River Valley and destroyed the workers houses in an attempt to get them to vacate their farm.
The following events, affecting farm workers, took place at Munemo Farm on November 7.
· Farm invaders came to N.K’s home, kicked the door in and assaulted him with sticks.
· Four farm invaders came to A.W’s house, kicked the door in and assaulted him with sticks. They also stole $1 600, a handbag and pens.
· Seven farm invaders came to E.N’s  house and kicked the door in. They went to her bed and assaulted her with wire and sticks.
· Nine farm invaders came to M.N’s house and beat him with sticks. Six of them took his wife and went off with her.
· Farm invaders came to P.G’s house and broke his door down. He went out of his house to see what was happening and beating him with a stick.
· Four farm invaders came to E.T’s house and broke the door down. They went to her bed and beat her. They also stole $8 000 and 2 blankets.
· Five farm invaders broke the door down at P.N.’s house then beat her with a chain.
· Farm invaders broke into C.M’s house after by kicking the door in. They beat him with sticks and a chain.
· Farm invaders kicked the door of E. B’s house open and beat her with sticks.
· Two farm invaders came to B. Y’s house, kicked the door open and beat him with thick sticks.
· Farm invaders broke the door to S.I’s house down and beat him while he still lay on his bed.
· Farm invaders broke the down the door and window of A. C’s house and then beat her with logs.
· Farm invaders broke into A.Y’s house through the window and entered the bedroom. They beat her before she escaped through the window. The invaders also stole $5 000 from her.
11 November 2001
· Kudzanai Mashumba, the MDC provincial administrator for Mashonaland East, had his car burned by Zanu-PF supporters in Cherutombo.
Mbare East
29 November 2001
· G.C  was attacked by a group of about 20 Zanu-PF supporters. He was accused of having committed an offence by being an MDC supporter. He is a well known MDC activist. G.C was struck on the head with a brick and an iron bar. He sustained multiple injuries including head injuries. $8 000 was stolen in the attack.
Mberengwa East
10 November 2001
· M.M was in the company of Ravengai Sikhucha and witnessed his murder. A war veteran, the MIC at Mataga Police Station, a CIO agent identified as Walter, one Mudzingwa and another police officer only identified as Chris, approached the two. They were accused of having committed an offence because they were alleged to have distributed material for the MDC. M.M managed to escape unhurt but Sikhucha was assaulted with booted feet, clenched fists, open hands and baton sticks. He was then forced into a Nissan diesel truck and the group drove off with him. He was later found dead. Police who allege that the deceased simply fell off the back of a truck have ignored the murder report.
Mberengwa West
November 2001
· Members of the army and police force moved into section 7 of Slovery Conservancy and attempted to evict squatters settled there. Those that refused to leave were assaulted.
Murehwa South
11 November 2001
· Alan Bradley, a commercial farmer, was shot at close range through the shoulder and into the chest at Royal Visit Farm and seriously injured. The farmer, his wife and their two children were returning home when they came across a log barricade on the farm road.  The farmer, who was the passenger, got out of the car to ask for the barricade to be removed.  When he was met with a hostile response, he got back into the vehicle, but was shot through the shoulder into the chest. It is not clear what type of weapons were used. The motive for the shooting is also not clear, but the farm is occupied and it is known that there is friction between the settlers, senior war vets and the farmer as the former insist that the farmer should not be permitted to continue production. The police arrested one suspect, William Nyawire.
14 November 2001
· Unnamed farm workers from Springdale, Craiglea and Mug Farms in Macheke were all evicted from their homes by farm invaders. The ZRP was called in but failed to resolve the matter.
· Unnamed farm workers at Nyagadzi Farm in Macheke had their huts burnt down by farm invaders.
Mutoko North
04 November 2001
· P.C is the Zanu-PF district chairman. He attended a meeting at Chisambiro Township. he was accused of having defected to the MDC and that his sons were in possession of MDC regalia. He denied this but was made to lie down and was beaten with sticks on his buttocks. One of the perpetrators was identified as Raga Chanyuruka.
· E.M is the Zanu-PF district chairwoman. She attended a meeting at Chisambiro Township where  she was accused of having defected to the MDC and that her sons were in possession of MDC regalia. She denied this but was made to lie down and was severely assaulted.
10 November 2001
· Z.C’s husband was assaulted by war veterans for belonging to the MDC. He was assaulted in front of policemen in Mutimbanyoka Village, Chief Chimoyo but they took no action. The war veterans further alleged that they had cell phones and guns that they should relinquish. They asked Z.C why she had a beautiful home that they could not afford on their war vet gratuities and said that they therefore were funded by the MDC. The war vets then left and said they were coming back to beat Z.C. She fled soon afterwards.
Mutoko South
1 November 2001
· At around 18 00 hrs I.C was coming from a funeral in Chief Chimoyo when he heard a passer-by saying that he and his colleagues were supposed to attend a Zanu-PF rally at Chisambiro Business Centre. After supper they went to the rally where people were being told to surrender all their MDC belongings. At about 2200hrs another group of Zanu-PF supporters joined the rally. They announced that they had captured MDC supporters where they were coming from. One of them approached I.C and told him that his name was on the war vets list. I.C. decided to hand over his MDC card but as he did he was told to lie down and was beaten on his buttocks several times with a stick. The detainees were released at about 0200hrs the following day.
· At around 18 00 hrs D.C was coming from a funeral in Chief Chimoyo. He heard a passer-by saying that he and his colleagues were supposed to attend a Zanu-PF rally at Chisambiro Business Centre. After supper they went to the rally where people were being told to surrender all their MDC belongings. At about 2200hrs another group of Zanu-PF supporters joined the rally. They announced that they had captured MDC supporters where they were coming from. One of them approached D.C and told him that his name was on the war veterans’ list. He decided to hand over his MDC card but as he did he was told to lie down and was beaten on the buttocks several times with a stick.
10 November 2001
· I.C met war veterans Steven Tambudze, Christopher Hodzi, Kambanje, Lewis Bhiri, Regis Matambo, Samanyanga, and Collen Bhiri at Chisambiro Business Centre. They beat him and accused him of having guns, communicating radios and holding sewing machines that were given to him by the MDC. He was beaten on the buttocks with logs several times. I.C was released at about 1900hrs on the same day.
Pumula Luveve
 14 November 2001
· Peter Mangena, the MDC councillor for Ward 27, had the doors and windows of his house smashed with boulders and logs by suspected war veterans and Zanu-PF supporters. Mangena fled his home and went into hiding following the attack. The attack was in yet another apparent retaliation to the murder of Cain Nkala by suspected MDC supporters
14 November 2001
· Davis Mtetwa, Steven Chasara and other MDC supporters were assaulted and abducted by police officers in plain clothes. They were taken to Highlands police station and then transferred later to Harare Central Police Station. They were severely beaten with batons and tortured at both police stations. Chasara received seven stitches for a gaping wound on his leg and was treated at Chitungwiza General Hospital. The two were accused of having taken part in the abduction and subsequent murder of Cain Nkala. Below is the full testimony of Davis Mutetwa:
“About 7 men arrived at my home and introduced themselves as police officers. They asked us to open up, myself and Chasara. The men had obviously climbed over the gate and were not in uniform. One of them identified himself to Chasara and produced an ID. They asked us to open the doors and the thoroughly searched our house - every nook and cranny was searched. All MDC membership cards, campaign material, files etc were confiscated as well as about 40 party constitutions. We were then asked to carry all the material outside to a blue 323 and a white Nissan Sunny parked outside. At no point did these officers produce a warrant or tell us that we were under arrest. We were force marched to the car and taken to Highlands Police Station. They gave us pieces of paper and told us to write our autobiographies. I wrote less than half a page and was told that that was not enough. All along these officers were liasing with police personnel at Highlands Police Station.
They accused us of not being comprehensive enough and began interrogating us. We were asked why we had joined the MDC and where our party portfolios, families and relatives were. They even retrieved the numbers from my phone and asked for my pin number. They questioned us about the operations of our party, who and how many whites provided the party in our province with money. In the mean time Chasara was in custody at Highlands Police Station.
When I indicated that no white person I knew had given us money, they began beating me and alleged that I knew that the MDC was sponsored by whites. They used a sjambok made of hippopotamus skin to hit me on the head. After that they handed me over to the custody of a police officer at the reception. The ordeal had lasted about 5 hours. After they had interrogated Chasara they took us to Harare Central Police Station. They had bought sadza at Rhodesville and one of them offered me sadza, I had no appetite and I refused.
At Harare Central they took us to the CIO offices in the basement. they then indicated that the time they had been waiting for had arrived. They said they now wanted us to tell them the truth and stop messing around. They also indicated that there was a way of us being implicated in the murder of Cain Nkala. Chasara was then taken out. I told them that I didn’t know anything about the murder of Nkala. They severely tortured me, beating me with a sjambok underneath the feet. They rotated the administration of the beatings among themselves. In the meantime they were saying “munhu ngashandwe”.
I lost all power to cry out. They further inquired as to how much was in the provincial account. They asked about vehicles that were allegedly bought by a certain Puzzey for the MDC as well as what farmers had offered the MDC money. This lasted from about 3pm till 11pm.
After that Chasara was called in and I was taken into another room. I was asked to salute a picture of Mugabe on the wall as well as toyi-toyi and chant Zanu-PF slogans. After the beatings, both of us were taken together under guard and they indicated that they would then brief their boss upstairs.
Chasara was then released on the same day having sustained severe injuries. I was taken to Matapi Police Station where I was put in a cell with seven other inmates. We were denied drinking water. Four of them came for me at around 9 am . They took me to a Nissan sunny and blindfolded me and asked me to lie down. They took me to a room in an area I couldn’t identify.
I was interrogated further on the same issues as before and then I was asked who I would vote for between Tsvangirai and Welshman Ncube. They also asked me what I thought about Masundire’s leadership in the province and what role I had played in his suspension, i.e., what information I had given to the commission of inquiry into the factionalism that took place. I was also asked who we would make the MDC mayoral candidate and among the member of the police and army, who supported the MDC. I was further beaten with a sjambok.
At around 2pm, they went through the files they had seized and questioned me about each piece of correspondence. I was further slapped, knocked about and booted. They threatened me saying that I could disappear and that I was lucky to be going back in one piece.  In the evening, I was blindfolded and taken back to the officer in charge, Law and Order section, who asked me to write statement regarding the death of Nkala. He took my fingerprints and then asked me to sign the statement. I was refused the services of a lawyer.
Before I was released the CIO officers involved said that I should not talk to the press and that I should take that seriously. They said my wife would be in trouble if I talked to the press.
I was taken home in a white defender and passed by the officer-in-charge at Morris Depot before proceeding home. I went to the Avenues Clinic but left as soon as my case had been reported. I am scared for my life. I have stopped going to work. They said that if I wanted to go back to work I should be prepared to campaign for Zanu-PF.
Zvimba South
November 2001
· The farm manager of Mede Farm in Nyabira was abducted by farm invaders. It has been ascertained that the manager is still alive. The Nyabira police initially would not react and then did not answer their phone. Eventually a vehicle was then sent to Nyabira to collect the ZRP. It is unclear whether the farm manager has since been released.
Full alphabetical list of reported deaths related to political violence January to November 2001
Name, (Political Affiliation), Date of Death, Province, Constituency
1. CHIHUMBIRI, Eswat (Zanu (PF), 23 March 2001, Mashonaland Central, Muzarabani
2. CHIKWENYA, Richard Dzokurasa (MDC), I May 2001, Manicaland, Buhera North
3. CHIRIMA, Robson Tinarwo (MDC), March 2001, Mashonaland Central, Muzarabani
4. COBBET, Robert  Fenwick (commercial farmer), 6 August 2001, Midlands, Kwekwe
5. DUMUKANI,  Zondani, (farmworker) 9 June 2001, Harare, Mbare East
6. GWENZI, Gilson (MDC), 27 July 2001 (assaulted in  June), Mashonaland Central, Mwenezi
7. KANOMERA,  John (MDC), 3 July 2001, Harare, Hatfield (Epworth)
8. LUPHAHLA, Limukani, (Zanu-PF), 29 October 2001, Matabeleland North, Lupane
9. MADZVIMBO, Fanuel, (resettled farmer), 16 September 2001, Mashonaland East, Hwedza
10. MANYAME, Ropafadzo, (MDC), 16 January 2001, Masvingo, Bikita West
11. MAPENZAUSWA, Phibion (resettled farmer), 14 July 2001, Manicaland, Mutare West
12. MATARUSE, Peter (MDC), March 2001, Mashonaland Central, Muzarabani
13. MATEMA, Hilary (MDC), 15 October 2001, Mashonaland Central, Guruve South
14. MAZAVA, Felix, (MDC), 11 September 2001, Mashonaland East, Chikomba
15. MUKWELI, Vusimuzi, (MDC), 9 September 2001, Midlands, Gokwe South
16. MUNANDISHE, Peter, ( MDC), 22 July 2001, Mashonaland Central, Bindura
17. MUPESA, Ndonga (MDC), 30 March 2001, Mashonaland Central, Muzarabani
18. MWANZA, Miseck (MDC), 4 May 2001, Mashonaland West, Zvimba North
19. NKALA, Cain, (ZNLWVA), 5 November 2001, Bulawayo, Lobengula-Magwegwe
20. NYAMADZAWO, Alexio, (resettled farmer) 15 September 2001, Mashonaland East, Hwedza
21. NYATHI, Mbuso, (ZNLWVA), 27 September 2001, Matabeleland North, Nkayi
22. NYIKA, James (MDC), 3 July 2001, Harare, Hatfield (Epworth)
23. OLDS, Gloria, (commercial farmer), 04 March 2001, Matabeleland North, Bubi-Umguza.
24. RUKARA, Kufa,  (MDC), 19 November 2001, Midlands, Silobela
25. SIKELE, Johannes/Felix, (resettled farmer), 11 November 2001, Masvingo, Chiredzi South
26. SIKHUCHA,  Ravengai, (MDC), 10 November 2001, Midlands, Mberengwa East
27. ZIWENI, Osbon, (MDC) 18 September 2001, Masvingo, Bikita West
28. Unnamed (MDC), April 2001, Mashonaland Central, Shamva
29. Unnamed (2) (MDC supporters), May 2001, Mashonaland Central, Mount Darwin South
30. Unnamed (2) (war veterans) 3 July 2001, Harare, (Hatfield) Epworth
31. Unnamed (2) (MDC supporters) 3 July 2001, Harare, (Hatfield) Epworth
32. Unnamed (2) (Zanu-PF), 11 September 2001, Mashonaland East, Seke
33. Unnamed (MDC), 6 September 2001, Bulawayo, Nkulumane
34. Unnamed (farm worker), 15 September 2001, Mashonaland East, Hwedza
35. Unnamed (game scout), 05 October 2001, Masvingo, Bikita East
36. Unnamed (2) (MDC supporters) 2 November 2001, Mashonaland Central, Bindura
Total of 41 deaths
The MDC is contesting the outcome of last June’s parliamentary elections in many constituencies that resulted in the victory of the ZANU (PF) candidate. The MDC has filed 41 cases from constituencies across Zimbabwe.  ZANU (PF) is likewise contesting the election result in only one constituency where the MDC won a parliamentary seat. Trials began 12 February 2001.
Human rights abuses have been reported in all cases that have appeared before the High Court.  Some of the victims seen by the HRLU (Human Rights Legal Unit) during March 2001 were victims of political violence that occurred when they returned home after testifying in the election challenges. The violence, which has mainly implicated ZANU (PF) supporters, but has also implicated some MDC supporters, is being used as a tool to intimidate people who had testified at the High Court.  The intimidation continues to instil such fear that witnesses consider not testifying and in some cases have to be subpoenaed.  
Many victims were forced from their homes because of an extreme fear of victimization and repeated intimidation. Victims are often forced to look for alternative housing and many are forced to live with family or friends elsewhere in the country.  Most victims report beatings as the main form of torture.
Some victims seen by the HRLU were victims of other political violence, torture and ongoing intimidation in several constituencies. 
Political violence has been reported in the following constituencies:  Beitbridge, Bikita West, Bindura, Bubi-Umguza, Buhera, Bulawayo, Bulilima-Mangwe, Chegutu, Chikomba, Chimanimani, Chinhoyi, Chipinge North, Chiredzi, Gokwe, Goromonzi, Gweru, Harare, Hurungwe West, Hwange, Hwedza, Kariba, Karoi, Kwekwe, Mabvuku, Makonde, Makoni East, Makoni West, Marondera, Masvingo North, Matabeleland South, Matobo, Mazowe West, Mberengwe East, Mount Darwin, Murehwa, Mutare, Mutoko, Muzarabani, Mwenezi, Nkavi, Raffingora, Ruwa, Seke, Shamva, Shurugwi, Tsholotsho and Zvimba. 
The Clemency Order handed down by the President in October 2000, which declared that only those involved in political violence that resulted in murder or rape could be prosecuted, clearly has had serious effects. Police have taken little action to protect persons against political violence and in many cases, according to victims, refuse to take statements from MDC supporters.   Some victims refrain from making reports to the police out of fear of further victimization often because of a perceived link between the assailants and members of law enforcement agencies. The police, as evidenced by statements of victims, have shown little intention of taking the reported matters seriously or investigating them with diligence.
It is urgent that the Zimbabwean government takes steps to ensure a climate of peaceful political competition. It is also imperative that the government ensures that the rule of law is restored, and criminal charges are brought against all alleged perpetrators, whatever their political affiliation. 
The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (also known as the “Human Rights Forum”) has been in existence since January 1998. Nine non-governmental organizations working in the field of human rights joined together to provide legal and psychosocial assistance to the victims of the Food Riots of January 1998.
The Human Rights Forum has now expanded its objectives to assist victims of organized violence, using the following definition:
“Organised violence” means the inter-human infliction of significant avoidable pain and suffering by an organised group according to a declared or implied strategy and/or system of ideas and attitudes. It comprises any violent action, which is unacceptable by general human standards, and relates to the victims’ mental and physical well-being.
The Human Rights Forum operates a Legal Unit and a Research and Documentation Unit.
Core member organizations of the Human Rights Forum are:
 The Amani Trust
 Amnesty International (Zimbabwe)
 The Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace
 The Legal Resources Foundation
 Transparency International (Zimbabwe)
 The University of Zimbabwe Legal Aid and Advice Scheme
Zimbabwe Association for Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of the Offender   
Zimbabwe Human Rights Association
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights
 Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association
Associate members are:
The Human Rights Forum can be contacted through any member organization or through the following:
The Administrator, c/o P O Box 5465, Harare – email:
The Legal Unit, c/o P O Box 5465, Harare – email:
The Research Unit c/o P O Box 5465, Harare – email:
Telephone/fax: 792 222, 737 509, and 731 660
All previous reports of the Human Rights Forum can be found on the website.
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Zim Independent

US warns Mugabe of election fraud

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe’s government should ensure conditions are in place
for fair elections next year or risk US sanctions aimed at the ruling elite,
a US official has said.

Mugabe, who faces his strongest political opposition after 21 years of
power, said on Tuesday a presidential vote would be held in March next year.

Critics say Mugabe has chosen a biased state body to run the elections,
barred millions abroad from voting, and allowed his militant supporters to
run a violent campaign against the opposition for over a year.

US secretary of state for African affairs Walter Kansteiner said on
Wednesday that there was still time to ensure a free and fair vote in
Zimbabwe, but “time is running out”.

“We have to see some action in the next few weeks aimed at normalising the
electoral process,” Kansteiner told reporters in South Africa after visiting
Zimbabwe on Tuesday.

Last week, the US House of Representatives endorsed the Zimbabwe Democracy
and Economic Recovery Bill — a stick-and-carrot approach to press Mugabe to
ensure free elections and establish land ownership protections.

The Bill provides incentives for Zimbabwe to return to the rule of law —
including debt relief, support for new international loans and financial and
technical support.

But Kansteiner said: “If the electoral process is deemed not free and
unfair, restrictions could be imposed on the government elite.”

These actions could include travel and investment sanctions against Mugabe,
his family and associates. He said Washington had “information and
intelligence” on assets owned abroad by Zimbabwe’s ruling elite.

He said free elections would involve access for the local and foreign media,
a more objective Electoral Commission, and an end to intimidation and
state-sponsored violence.

Mugabe (77) will make his land appropriation drive a major theme when he
launches his campaign at a three-day party conference which started in
Victoria Falls yesterday.

Nathan Shamuyarira, chief spokesman for the ruling Zanu PF party, said
Mugabe would seek to drum up support for his controversial bid to seize
white-owned farms for black resettlement — a key plank of the party’s

“The president will launch a vigorous campaign around our unshakeable
commitment on the land issue, our efforts to revive an economy being
sabotaged by our enemies, our determination to defend the interests of the
majority and our record as gallant liberation fighters,” Shamuyarira said.

Mugabe, who has led Zimbabwe since independence from Britain in 1980, will
square off against his main challenger, Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), in what is expected to be a bruising

“Although the outcome of the election is uncertain there is at least one
thing we are sure about, that Mugabe will give this election all he has left
in terms of energy, language and strategy,” said political analyst Emmanuel

Analysts say Mugabe’s chances of re-election have slipped as the country
struggles with a battered economy blamed on government mismanagement and the
land crisis.

But the MDC said observers alone would not ensure a free and fair vote,
saying Mugabe had chosen a biased state body to run the elections, barred
millions abroad from voting, and run a violent campaign against the
opposition for over a year.

Militant Zanu PF supporters, led by some of the country’s independence war
veterans, have continued to occupy white-owned farms targeted for seizure by
Mugabe’s government. Opposition supporters have been driven
from the countryside, analysts say.

Mugabe, who led a seven-year guerilla war for independence in the 1970s, has
vowed that the MDC will never be allowed to take power because it is a front
for minority whites. — Reuter.
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The Guardian

Mugabe must go

Having international monitors will help

Monday December 17, 2001
The Guardian

Zimbabwe's leader, Robert Mugabe, confirmed last week that he intends to
hold the long-awaited presidential election in March and held his first
rally on Friday. His speech and the events of the day provided a clear
indication of how he intends to fight that election: polarising black and
white and intimidating the opposition. He claimed that there was a
deliberate attempt by the British government to demonise him: "There is an
outcry in Britain that Mugabe is a dictator, is a Hitler, is a Napoleon, is
a devil." He claimed that the former white ruler, Britain, was backing his
opponent, Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change.
Only hours earlier, a foretaste was provided of the kind of harassment that
Mugabe will subject Tsvangirai to in the months ahead. Police took
Tsvangirai, a former textile worker and union organiser, to Harare police
station while his home was searched. The police excuse was that he had a
two-way radio for which he had no licence. He was released after four hours.
Mugabe's accusations about being demonised by Britain and about proxy white
rule will find a resonance in some quarters in Zimbabwe. The wider
population will be less impressed. They have many good reasons for voting
out of office a man who, though successful as a revolutionary leader, has
been a disaster in office. Far from being a nation-builder, he has brought
to the verge of ruin a country that was one of the most prosperous in
Africa, with a rural economy that fed not only its own people but also its
neighbours. The country is close to bankruptcy, with unemployment running at
60%, record inflation and severe petrol shortages; Mugabe's decision to take
Zimbabwe into the war in the Democratic Republic of Congo has contributed to
the economic freefall; and his encouragement of land-grabs from white
farmers has been disastrous both economically and in creating civil

It is to be hoped that the rule of Mugabe, who is 77, is coming to an end.
But everything in his past - and the temporary arrest of Tsvangirai, as well
as the recent branding of foreign journalists in Harare as terrorists -
suggests he will not give up easily. Tsvangirai gave a chilling warning: "We
expect that the MDC will experience a lot of destabilisation, a lot of
harassment, intimidation, even murder." Mugabe has promised to admit
international observers to monitor the election. The sooner they are in
place, the better.

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Christmas Message from Lucia Matibenga, chairperson, MDC Womens Assembly

The Womens Assembly of the Movement for Democratic Change are launching
their national project, Women for Peace this Christmas season. We call on
every woman, every Zimbabwean, and the women of our region and the world to
pray for peace, human equality and greater understanding and tolerance in
this world increasingly ravaged by war, hunger and disease.

We call on the women of Southern Africa in particular to join us in speaking
out against violence in all its forms, especially violence directed against
women and children.

The role of government in every country in southern Africa is to protect,
nurture and allow freedom of opportunity to every citizen, especially women
and children. This responsibility is being shirked by too many, we as women
need to unite for peace and secure futures for ourselves and our children.

These elections are our last chance, I urge people in Zimbabwe to use this
golden opportunity to vote or we all will perish.

God has mapped out a golden future for Zimbabwe if only we trust in Him, and
in ourselves to build a peaceful tomorrow. Use your vote wisely.






To contact Ms Matibenga call +(263)11757430
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Government Denies Accusations of Violence

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks

December 17, 2001
Posted to the web December 17, 2001

A Zimbabwean government official on Monday denied media reports that the
army had been deployed in the opposition's Matabeleland stronghold and was
allegedly intimidating villagers.

The official told IRIN that the security forces were in the southern
province to "prevent violence, not commit violence".

He was responding to a news report in the Johannesburg-based Sunday Times,
which quoted unnamed human rights organisations as saying that they had been
told by villagers in the province that soldiers had beaten them up.
Matabeleland was the scene of a "dissident" campaign in the 1980s which was
suppressed by troops who committed well-documented atrocities against the
civilian population.

Home Affairs Minister John Nkomo told delegates at the ruling ZANU-PF party
congress in Victoria Falls on Friday that the deployment was an attempt to
keep peace in response to "terrorist" attacks on party officials by the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

President Robert Mugabe also accused the MMD of "terrorism" at the party
congress, which he said would not be allowed "to continue unchecked". He
repeatedly used metaphors of war to describe the political campaign ahead of
presidential elections in March.

"This is war, this is not a game. This is the third chimurenga (uprising).
You are soldiers of ZANU-PF for the people," he warned delegates. "When we
come to your province, we must see you ready as the commanders, when the
time comes to fire the bullet, the ballot, the trajectory of the gun must be
true," he reportedly said.

The government official told IRIN that Mugabe's castigation of the MMD "was
not an incitement to violence" but an "exhortation to the party to gear up
for the challenges ahead".

Meanwhile, MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai said on Sunday that he would not be
deterred by police harassment or Mugabe's rhetoric, according to news
reports. At the weekend Tsvangirai spent a second day at a Harare police
station where he was charged with using an unlicensed two-way radio. He
denied that the device belonged to him and insisted it did not require a
licence. But if convicted he could face two years in prison.

Tsvangirai said the charge was an inconvenience. According to a London Times
report, he was more concerned with the threat of political violence. "Mugabe
has never abandoned violence and we will see more of it before the
campaign," he forecast. "But we have the support of the people and they are
determined to see irrevocable change take place in this country."

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Monday, 17 December, 2001, 16:03 GMT
Zimbabwe reports jumbo inflation
Farmer taking chickens to market
Price controls on food have failed to halt inflation
Zimbabwe's inflation rose to a record 103.8% in the year to November, due largely to increases in the cost of food despite price controls introduced earlier this year.

The price of beverages, bread and cereals, household operations, rent and vehicle running costs all contributed to driving inflation up from 97.9% in October, figures from the Central Statistical Office (CSO) showed.

Retailers have been pricing foods at the parallel currency rates, which given the official exchange rate of Z$55 to the US dollar and the black market rate of Z$300, has pushed the figure up

Razia Khan
Standard Chartered
"Of the 103.8% year on year rate of inflation ... increases in food prices accounted for 33.1 percentage points while non-food items ... accounted for 70.7 percentage points," CSO said.

The figures were in line with analysts expectations and they expect inflation to fall again next year.

"Price controls haven't crept into this index and moderated inflation and we should have lower levels next year after the high base of this year," said Razia Khan of Standard Chartered.

"Retailers have been pricing foods at the parallel currency rates, which given the official exchange rate of Z$55 to the US dollar and the black market rate of Z$300, has pushed the figure up," she said.

Troubled economy

Zimbabwe's economic outlook is bleak with government forecasts predicting a second year of depression.

The economy is expected to contract by 7.3% in 2001 and a further 5.3% in 2002 and unemployment is expected to stay well over 60%.

President Robert Mugabe's controversial land reforms, in which white-owned farms have been seized for redistribution, have been geared up along with the downturn.

Foreign investment has dried up, exports have fallen and most international lenders, including the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, have cut off Zimbabwe.

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Harare Denied HIPC Status

Zimbabwe Standard (Harare)

December 16, 2001
Posted to the web December 17, 2001

THE International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank have declined to
extend the highly indebted poor country (HIPC) status to Zimbabwe and
Nigeria, citing inadequate funds.

The latest edition of a United Nations newsletter, Africa Recovery, quotes
the IMF deputy director, Masood Ahmed, as saying: "If you try and expand the
scope to cover all the poor countries... the magnitude becomes such that it
is not only completely difficult for the Bank and the Fund, but it would
actually mean we would have to then close down PRGF (Poverty Reduction and
Growth Facility) as a facility because it is a revolving fund and pull out
of support for poorest countries." It is noted that debt activists have long
argued the eligibility for debt cancellation be assessed on a case-by-case

The institutions say, in addition to the 41 countries world-wide that are
potentially eligible for HIPC, there are at least 11 others which are
urgently in need of debt cancellation, and these include Zimbabwe and

The past three years have seen Zimbabwe's once vibrant economy shrink,
throwing a lot of people into poverty hence it now qualifies for HIPC

Close to 75% of the population is estimated to be living below the poverty
datum line.

Those seeking HIPC relief, apart from Nigeria, point to the grave situation
that confronts Zimbabwe, a country the World Bank perceives as 'low-income
with moderate debt'.

In 1996, Zimbabwe had a debt-to-exports ratio of 160%, which is slightly
higher than the HIPC. The case is therefore made that Zimbabwe needs HIPC
relief because continued debt-servicing hampers its ability to confront
urgent health crises such as HIV/Aids, or to spend in vital areas such as

At independence in 1980, Zimbabwe reportedly spent 1,2 % of its gross
national product (GDP) on debt compared to 9,1% on education.

Currently, health absorbs 3,5% of GDP, in a country ravaged by HIV/Aids,
while interest payments on debt account for about 3%. Zimbabwe has one of
the world's highest HIV infection rates.

Life expectancy, once in the high 60s, has shrunk to about 42 years. But the
country's involvement in the war in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where
at one point it was spending US$3 million a month, further weakened its

Both the IMF and World Bank have frozen all new lending to the country due
to differences with government authorities, but the resuscitation of donor
aid remains crucial to economy recovery.

In order to qualify for HIPC status, the ratio between a country's debt and
its exports should be no higher than 150%. Where the ratio of the
debt-to-revenues is used instead, this should not exceed 250%. The World
Bank reckons that a country with a ratio lower than 150% is earning enough
export revenue to service its debt. The debt is therefore considered

Contacted for comment, World Bank resident representative in Zimbabwe, Roger
van De Brink, said he was not aware of any attempts to have Zimbabwe
included among the HIPCs.

However, Munetsi Madakufamba, a trade research expert and managing editor of
Southern African News Feature confirmed that NGOs had attempted to have HIPC
status extended to Zimbabwe. But he said Zimbabwe would not qualify on a
technicality because of the criteria used.

He added that during the past 24 months Zimbabwe has since met HIPC status,
"that is if we look at its GDP per capita".

"Although figures for the past 24 months are not yet available because they
take time to provide, I would like to think that our GDP per capita during
the period concerned should be below US$200." He said in terms of debt load
alone, Zimbabwe certainly qualified for HIPC status. This is despite the
fact that most of the debt is now mainly domestic as the country has
extensively relied on the domestic market for its borrowing in the last
three years.
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Southern African Ministers Hold Talks on Zimbabwe Crisis
VOA News
17 Dec 2001 01:22 UTC

Southern African defense and foreign ministers are scheduled to meet Monday
in Angola's capital, Luanda, to discuss regional political and security
issues including the deepening crisis in Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwe has been in turmoil over President Robert Mugabe's controversial
land redistribution program, in which white-owned farms are often violently
seized and given to landless blacks.

So far the ministers of the 14-nation Southern African Development Community
have resisted putting sanctions on Zimbabwe which faces food shortages,
rising unemployment and near 100 percent inflation. But South Africa's
Defense Minister Mosiuoa Lekota is quoted as saying that SADC ministers will
have to tell each other some unpleasant truths if they are going to resolve
regional problems.

During the Angola talks the SADC ministers will also discuss problems in
Angola and the Congolese peace process.

On Saturday, President Mugabe launched his campaign for re-election by
saying he is in "real war" with his political opponents. He told his ruling
ZANU-F party they must "move like a military machine" against the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change.

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17 Dec 2001
Zimbabwe dam campaign aims to boost food security

The Makhosi Irrigation schemes in Matabeleland South province, one of the region's success stories.

Zimbabwe's Give a Dam (GAD) campaign has become a model long-term solution to drought-related poverty in the country's arid regions such as Matabeleland South province. GAD's coordinator, Philani Mpofu, explained the ideas behind the programme, now in its sixth year, to AlertNet correspondent Busani Bafana.

AN: How did GAD come about?

PM: The idea for the Give a Dam Campaign arose out of the experience of agencies working in the drought-stricken province of Matabeleland South -- mainly national and international NGOs, government departments, communities of Matabeleland South represented by six rural district councils coordinated through the Provincial Administrator and the U.N. Development Programme.

At a meeting with donors to discuss the 1994 drought, the parties decided to have field assessments of the situation in Gwanda Province. During the encounter with the communities, a villager brought to the donors' attention that their relief handouts only consisted of maize without relish. The people then suggested that rather than give them full rations, the donors should give them enough to sustain themselves and help them with seed money to build dams. People wanted water for livestock and irrigation. When donors, NGOs and government representatives eventually bought the idea, it was easy to pick a name for the new collaborative effort. During the meetings, people were clamouring for dams, hence the name Give a Dam campaign. People realised that drought in the region was recurring almost every year. What was essential, therefore, was to come up with long-term mitigation measures to empower the affected communities through food security.

The rallying points for the formation of the Give a Dam Campaign were that drought relief food handouts were not sustainable. The mobilisation of resources, dam construction and the provision of irrigation infrastructure would be more effective under the GAD umbrella. This would provide a common forum for all stakeholders to address the question of equity in the distribution of water and resources to achieve food security.

BB: Who is behind GAD and how many communities are involved?

PM: GAD is a consortium of national and international NGOs, the communities of Matabeleland South, represented by their rural district councils, and the government of Zimbabwe. The participating NGOs bring in their expertise, equipment and funds through the various Give a Dam committees. The participating NGOs are the Organisation of Rural Associations for Progress (ORAP), Dabane Trust, Netherlands Development Organisation (SNV), German Development Service, World Vision, Oxfam Canada, Oxfam USA, Lutheran Development Service, CADEC, Africare, Africa 2000 Network, Christian Care and government agencies which provide personnel, transport and technical support.

BB: What would you say has been GAD's contribution to food security?

PM: GAD has completed 39 small- to-medium-sized dams, which are used for livestock watering and irrigation schemes. These dams ensure a constant supply of water all year round. Eight irrigation schemes are currently operational, and these have improved the household income of their beneficiaries and also provided food on their table.

AN: Your organisation has helped to source funding towards dam building. How many dams have you built and at what cost?

PM. Thirty-nine dams have been built at a cost of approximately Z$120million (U.S.$2.17 million). The 39 dams are part of the original 47 dams to be completed within a period of five years. Furthermore, we have managed to develop eight out of 31 (16 others are at an advanced stage of development) originally planned irrigation schemes, with a total hectarage of 50. Several spin off projects like fish farming, cattle fattening, beekeeping, poultry, and eco-tourism ventures have also been developed.

AN: What tangible benefits have been realised by participants in the GAD campaign?

PM: In the past six years, dam site locations have been rationalised through the forum. It has reduced duplication and saved time in community mobilisation, as the different partners have managed to address communities under one roof. In any event, the involvement of rural district councils has taken partners to communities that would invariably be mobilised already. While creating a partnership among implementing agencies, rural district councils and government agencies that has reduced monitoring and approval delays, GAD has also generally improved the project planning and the implementing process by providing a pool of expertise from different agencies and a platform for experience sharing. The programme has opened windows for co-funding which has facilitated the achievement of the prime objective of water and food security, as partners who would not otherwise been able to be players now can be.

AN: Community mobilisation and teamwork are challenges in dealing with projects such as those undertaken by GAD. What problems have you experienced and how have you overcome them?

PM: Several community dynamics, especially those arising from coerced community participation, have either retarded the speed of project implementation or got into the way of the sustainability of the projects. We have realised that, to ensure sustainability of interventions in the water sector, there is need for active community participation and democratic leadership. Problems in coordinating the work of various development agencies in the water sector in Matabeleland South have led to duplication and fragmentation of activities by these agencies. Added to that, agencies' resources were not used in an optimal manner. Catchment conservation and general environmental concerns have not been sufficiently integrated into the programme. There was a strong urge to see dams and irrigation schemes developed. This has had a negative impact on many dams, as a lot of silt is going into the dams threatening their design life span, and thus their sustainability. On this score the programme intends to conduct baseline surveys on all its projects and start planning on how catchment conservation issues can be incorporated.

AN: What are the prospects for the future and where is GAD going?

PM: From June 2002, the programme is going to transform its self into a GAD Trust, which will be charged with the responsibilities of hosting and governing the proposed Matabeleland South Integrated Water Programme (MSIWP). The decision to establish the MSIWP is a response to the initial success of the GAD Campaign and its growing need for coordination of efforts, avoiding wasteful competition by development agents and institutions and the quest for accountability, transparency and sustainability of development interventions and initiatives in the water development sector in Matabeleland South. The establishment of the GAD Trust is seen as the necessary move to institutionalise the envisaged coordinating role of the MSIWP. The Trust will be an independent organisation with clear mandates enshrined in the constitution. The goal of MSIWP is to enable women and men in the marginal areas of Matabeleland South to equally engage in and benefit from water harvesting undertaken in an integrated, interdisciplinary and environmentally sound manner, in order to improve local food production and generate cash income.

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Zim Standard

CFU tells Sadc ministers of worsening crisis

By our own staff
The Commercial Farmers Union has said that despite the mediation of Sadc
states to have meaningful dialogue between commercial farmers and the
government, nothing concrete has happened yet as government appears to have
decided to go it alone without consulting stakeholders.

Doug Taylor-Freeme, the acting president of the CFU, told the Sadc Taskforce
which visited Zimbabwe last week that since the CFU’s presentation to the
Sadc Heads of State on September 10th 2001, the situation on commercial
farms has continued to deteriorate, with ongoing incidents of violence,
intimidation, extortion and disruption to farming activities.

“In an escalating number of cases, commercial farms are being shut down;
already well in to the agricultural season, to make way for fast-track

The main development since the Sadc Heads of State Summit has been the
introduction on 9th November 2001 of new legislation through Statutory
Instrument 338 of 2001 (SI 338) to amend the Land Acquisition Act (Chapter

“Before SI 338, landowners were afforded some protection through Section 8
of the Land Acquisition Act in that their properties could not be
permanently settled prior to confirmation through the Administrative Court.
Under SI 338, service of a Section 8 Order now confers immediate ownership
to the acquiring authority, removes all rights for the owner to occupy, hold
or use the land, other than to occupy the homestead area and serves as a
ninety-day eviction notice to landowners. The penalty for non-compliance is
severe, including the provision for imprisonment of up to two years.”

The main implication of the amendment, he said, is that the fast-track
resettlement process can take place prior to any form of confirmation
through the courts, and landowners and their workers can be immediately
deprived of their livelihood, long before the matter is considered in the
courts. At least 90% of CFU members have now been listed for compulsory
acquisition and are thus immediately vulnerable to the new legislation.

“As we speak, Section 8 Orders are being served in most parts of the
country, particularly the intensive cropping areas of the Mashonaland
provinces. There is no provision for the take-over, management or
compensation of standing crops, orchards, plantations or livestock on the

“In another disturbing development, the minister of lands, agriculture and
rural resettlement is allocating farms to applicants under the commercial
resettlement A2 Scheme—frequently prior to their acquisition by even a
Section 8 Order,” said Taylor-Freeme.

The recipients of land under the A2 resettlement scheme include the
commissioner of police, other senior ranking police and defence forces
personnel, ministers, members of parliament, senior civil servants and
ruling party officials.

In a press statement on 19th November 2001, the minister of lands,
agriculture and rural resettlement stated that government intends to
introduce new legislation to limit land ownership to maximum farm sizes
ranging from 250-400 hectares in the main cropping areas and up to 2 000
hectares in the extensive grazing areas.

Virtually all large-scale commercial farms, including those with Export
Processing Zone permits and Zimbabwe Investment Centre permits, have thus
been brought into the net.

The effect of SI 338 in combination with the proposed maximum farm size
regulations has been to exponentially increase the risk of investment in
commercial agriculture, i.e. agro-based companies and the financial sector.

“The Supreme Court of Zimbabwe has recently passed a judgement that
completely sets aside the previous Supreme Court interdict of 21st December
2000 and has declared that the land acquisition programme has been and is
lawful. The only factual change since the previous court judgement is that
new Statutory Instruments have been introduced and a new Supreme Court Bench
has been put in place—the situation on the ground has in fact deteriorated.
This Supreme Court Order effectively leaves the Commercial Farmers Union no
further avenue of challenge in the Courts of Zimbabwe,” he said.

The soya bean crop, 95% of which is produced by the commercial sector is
already reduced by 60%. Zimbabwe, which over the past few years has been an
exporter into the region, will now become an importer. The significance of
this 60% figure is that most soya bean producers are irrigators and
therefore produce wheat in rotation. Settlers are planting small patches of
cotton and maize under sophisticated centre pivots and in irrigation blocks.
These crops will not be harvested in time to produce a wheat crop.

“So Zimbabwe can expect a significant decline in wheat production. The
commercial sector produces 90% of the wheat in Zimbabwe. This last season
the commercial sector produced a good crop of wheat—only after lobbying long
and hard to government to allow this sector to plant. The wheat crop should
have been a larger one but many farmers were still unable to produce. There
have been significant investments into sophisticated irrigation schemes and
wheat production such as the Biri Dam on the Manyame River. This scheme
designed for 14 000 ha of wheat now stands idle and about to go into
liquidation. This is a huge loss to the nation,” said Taylor-Freeme.

Maize production is on the decline and the commercial sector which used to
produce 850 000 tonnes is unlikely to produce over 220 000 tonnes most of
which will be grown for staff and livestock on farms. It is estimated that
no more than 7 000 ha of cotton which includes ARDA will be planted compared
to 16 000 ha the previous year.

Up to 30% of the commercial beef herd has been slaughtered as farmers were
burnt out and herds driven off farms. Of concern is the female stock that is
being slaughtered but more importantly the pedigree herds, which provide the
quality genetics on improving the national herd, are being sent to the

The tobacco crop, the mainstay of commercial agriculture, which produced
over 235 million kg two years ago, is likely to achieve 165 million kg this
year, if the crop is allowed to mature to harvest and be cured.

The wildlife industry has been particularly damaged with rampant snaring,
burning and destruction of habitat. Its unfortunate that due to the Zimbabwe
image hunters and tourists are reluctant to support our wildlife sector and
it is certainly on the road to collapsing.

Finance approximate 20% of all loans from Banking Sector are made to
commercial agriculture—if 90% of Farmers stop farming this will have an
adverse effect on the Financial Sector.

“From the above it can be seen that food security in Zimbabwe is at huge
risk. Already, maize has to be imported. Many of the other commodities will
also soon be in short supply. The destabilis-ing of commercial agriculture
not only have enormous economic impact on Zimbabwe but also in the Sadc

“Although there was a commitment by government at Sadc and Commonwealth
meetings to talk to the Commercial Farmers Union—there has been no real
dialogue. We as major stakeholders have not been consulted,” he said.

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Zim Standard


Local Insight—The violence of Gokwe

By Chenjerai Hove
MANY people must be wondering why there is so much political violence in
Gokwe (or Gogwe, as villagers call it). Interestingly enough, that has been
my home area since the early sixties. I know more about Gokwe than the place
where I was born, just outside Zvishavane, and on the boundary with another
home area, Mberengwa.

First, let us accept that Gokwe is the biggest district in the whole
country, with a population of no less than a million and a half. With just a
handful of members of parliament to represent the district, the
constituencies there are so large that there is not a single member of
parliament in the area who has managed to visit all areas of his or her
constituency in five years. Some MPs do not even have the slightest idea
where the boundaries of their constituency are.

Gokwe borders with Kwekwe, Gweru, Mata-beleland North (Binga), Kadoma,
Chinhoyi/Karoi, etc. To cross the district, never mind the bad roads, you
need to be on the wheel for a good day of hard driving. Gokwe is Korekore
country, the belt of that ethnic group stretching from Guruve to Binga,
Kadoma to Binga. Imagine, how vast this space is.

The other observation about Gokwe is that it is probably the richest area in
the whole country. There is gold, copper, millions of tonnes of cotton and
maize, and then the biggest coal mine in most of the southern African

The sad part is despite so much cotton and maize coming from there, the
district is the least developed. It has no roads, no clinics and no schools
in many places.
So the people of Gokwe are angry and rebellious that the Mugabe government
has ignored them for so long. Given a clear and non-violent election, all
those millions of votes would go to the opposition.

The majority of the people there migrated from all parts of the country in
search of land to farm, and they actually do farm.

Now, what has all this to do with the violence, you may ask, especially
since no Gokwe member of parliament has ever stood up, to denounce the
violence? There is even a minister from the area who sits in Harare as a
minister of state, but knowing only too well about the death camps scattered
all over the district.

In the turbulent years just before independence, especially in 1977/78,
Gokwe was a military goulash which beat the imagination of any living
person. Gokwe was a ‘grey’ area as far as encounters of Zanla and Zipra
forces were concerned and also those of the Rhodesian soldiers. They were
all hunting each other.

As usual, when two elephants fight, it is the grass which suffers. There
were so many so-called ‘sell-outs’ it was unbelievable. Those of Shona
origin would sell-out their neighbours of Ndebele origin. Those of Ndebele
origin would sell out those of Shona origin to Zipra, and those who were
tortured by the Rhodesian forces would sell-out both the Shona and the

On observing that the military situation was beyond them, the Rhodesians
introduced the Selous Scouts. At the same time they introduced Abel Muzorewa
’s Dzakutsaku, fully armed, as well as Ndabaningi Sithole’s militias. So,
there were Rhodesians, Pfumo Revanhu, Dzakutsaku, and all sorts of
characters wielding guns and sticks. All of them recruited local boys to
join their sides. And the local boys decided to take revenge on their
neighbours for whatever. You can imagine the killings, the murders, and the
refugees who flocked to the cities—Kwekwe and Kadoma, especially. My father
and the whole family were part of that exodus, abandoning cattle, tractors,
maize in the granaries, everything.

At the time of the ceasefire, there were all those armed militias in Gokwe.
They could not be integrated into the national army. So, the Rhodesian
soldiers decided they had a solution. They called all the militias to
assemble at Nembudzia centre, just outside the township, using the disguise
that the militias would be paid and allowed to go home. Many armed youths
came to assemble there, anticipating to be paid and then sent home. But the
Rhodesian soldiers had other plans. They realised they had taught these
young people to kill and torture at will.

After satisfying themselves that all were gathered, they sent military
planes to bomb the youths into extinction. Hundreds were killed. Some
escaped, but others were bombed as they ran for life. And all went into mass
graves dug by caterpillars and graders.

All this happened at Nembudzia where the ruling party has also established a
murder and torture base. And anyone who wants to see the mass graves of the
period is free to do so. I can show you quite a few of them.

Come independence, and they all went back to pick up the pieces from the
looted land.

Then came the ‘dissidents’, and Gokwe was once again on the forefront of the
violence. The new army of Prime Minister Mugabe went to kill its own
‘sell-outs’ while the ‘dissidents’ did the same. Gokwe was trying to recover
from the liberation war, and then this. Remember Gokwe was the operational
area of the infamous Gwesela. And again my father became a refugee in Kadoma
for the second time, alongside others. Families were wrecked, farms
destroyed and hope too vanished.

The ruling party now claims it is fighting to give people the land; but then
there is a murder and torture base at Nembudzia where opposition party
members have been tortured, raped and killed. Once again there are refugees
in Kadoma, Kwekwe and Karoi.

Gokwe, like Mutoko and parts of Guruve, are no-go areas for anyone who does
not have a ruling party card. I do not have a ruling party card, or any card
for that matter, and so I am an exile from my own home. The area has been
sealed off by Zanu PF thugs and militias who wield guns, sticks and stones
so as to stop buses, interrogate passengers and torture people at will.

Talk of exile: this one is a painful one, especially when inflicted by the
people I voted for in 1980. I cannot go home to see my aging mother who is
also frail with age and disease (Gokwe is also the home of malaria).

Now, which land does Zanu PF want to distribute in Gokwe? I wonder.
The truth is that the violence in Gokwe has nothing at all to do with any
land redistribution programme. It is clear political violence based on the
ruling party’s strong belief in violence for political gain.

We know, from experience and common sense, that when leaders take away
democracy from the people, the people remain like birds without feathers.
But then we also know that feathers have the stubborn habit of sprouting
again so the bird can fly. You cannot trim the bird’s feathers forever. One
day it will fly.

• Chenjerai Hove is a renowned Zimbabwean writer.

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Zim Standard

 Mkushi board defies Jonathan Moyo

By our own Staff
The Zimbabwe Mass Media Trust (ZMMT) board has scuttled information minister
Jonathan Moyo’s plans to set up a 24-hour propaganda radio and TV station,
after the board refused to resign by the December 1 deadline.

The ZMMT board, which was fired by Moyo in November, was supposed to pave
way for a new board to steer the operations of New Ziana in running a
propaganda blitz for next year’s presidential election from 1 January 2002.

But the board chaired by Harare lawyer, Honour Mkushi, is said to have cited
a clause in its deed of trust to defy Moyo’s order for dissolution of the
board by 1 December.

Sources close to the board say trustees wanted a proper audit to be carried
out before a hand over could be done.

New Ziana will publish eight newspaper titles circulating in all political
provinces with a possibility of the newspapers being given to readers free
of charge.
Further, a radio and television station will also be set up under new Ziana
to complement the newspapers.

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