The ZIMBABWE Situation
An extensive and up-to-date website containing news, views and links related to ZIMBABWE - a country in crisis
Please note: You need to have 'Active content' enabled in your IE browser in order to see the index of articles on this webpage
SADC probe team expected in Botswana today
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Cuthbert Nzou
Thursday 18 December 2008
HARARE - A top Swaziland defence
official will lead a team of regional
officials expected in Botswana on
Thursday to probe allegations Gaborone is
training insurgents to overthrow
neighbouring Zimbabwe's President Robert
Mugabe, sources told
ZimOnline.
Sources in Harare said John Kunene, principal secretary in
Swaziland's
Ministry of Defence, and his team will spend two days in
Botswana searching
for military camps where Zimbabwe alleges youths from
opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC party are receiving military
training.
"The SADC (Southern African Development Community) probe team
will be in
Botswana for two days beginning Thursday," said one of the
sources, speaking
on condition he was not named.
"They want to find
out if indeed the MDC-T has bases in Botswana where it is
training bandits,"
said our source.
Kunene is expected to submit a report on his mission to
the interstate
defence and security committee of SADC's special Organ on
Politics, Defence
and Security.
But SADC chairman, South African
President Kgalema Motlanthe, openly
questioned the probability that Botswana
could train a rebel army to fight
Mugabe, adding the bloc had ordered the
claims investigated because they had
been officially raised by a
member-state.
"We do not think there is any substance to the allegation .
. . but of
course because the allegation was made officially, that is why it
had to be
investigated but I have no doubt that it will come to naught,"
Motlanthe
told journalists in Pretoria on Wednesday.
The South
African leader would not say what could have prompted Harare to
make the
claims that the opposition was plotting to use violence to
overthrow Mugabe
but appeared to suggest that deep-seated "mistrust" between
the Zimbabweans
rivals could be behind the allegations.
Relations between Harare and
Gaborone have been sour for many years but took
a dangerous twist last month
when Zimbabwe first raised the allegations that
Botswana was training MDC
youths into a rebel army to oust Mugabe.
Harare said this week it had
collected irrefutable evidence that Botswana
and the MDC were plotting war
on Mugabe's government and attempted to link
the shooting of Zimbabwe
Airforce chief Perence Shiri by unknown gunman to
the alleged plot to effect
illegal regime change in the country.
Botswana and the MDC have denied
training bandits to fight Mugabe, while the
Zimbabwean opposition's
secretary general Tendai Biti this week dismissed
the allegations as a ploy
by Mugabe to justify declaring a state of
emergency and crack down on the
opposition to force it to join a unity
government as a junior
partner.
"We have no doubt as a party that they (government) are going to
declare a
state of emergency," Biti told journalists in Harare.
A
unity government outlined under September power-sharing deal between
Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF, the MDC and a breakaway faction of the opposition
led by Arthur Mutambara has failed to take off because the political rivals
cannot agree on how to share key ministries and other top government
posts.
Analysts had hoped the proposed unity government would help easy
the
political situation and allow Zimbabwe to tackle an unprecedented
economic
and humanitarian crisis marked by acute shortages of food and basic
commodities, amid a cholera epidemic that has killed 1 000 people since
August.
While Mugabe's government suggested this week it could call
fresh elections
if the unity government deal flops, Botswana has went a step
a further by
calling for new elections in Zimbabwe to be held under the
supervision of
SADC, African Union and the United Nations.
Harare has
said such calls were unwarranted interference in Zimbabwe's
affairs, while
also attempting to use claims that Botswana is training
anti-Mugabe rebels
to silence its foremost critic in the region. -ZimOnline
We don't believe Botswana is training rebels: Motlanthe
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by
Nokuthula Sibanda Thursday 18 December 2008
HARARE - Southern
African Development Community (SADC) chairman and
President of South Africa
Kgalema Motlanthe on Wednesday poured cold water
on Zimbabwe's claims that
Botswana was training military insurgents to drive
President Robert Mugabe
from power.
Zimbabwe last month told SADC that Botswana was training
youths from
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC party into a rebel
army to oust
Mugabe. The region has since appointed a taskforce to probe the
allegations
denied by both Botswana and the MDC.
Motlanthe, speaking
publicly for the first time on the Zimbabwean
allegation, told journalists
in Pretoria the regional bloc did not believe
Botswana was training
insurgents to fight Mugabe.
He said: "We do not believe that. We do not
think there is any substance to
the allegation.
"But of course the
Zimbabwean authorities would sight an explosion at a
police station and that
kind of stuff to actually claim that the government
of Botswana could train
the MDC cadres - its against the SADC principles
that is why we really take
it with a pinch of salt."
The Zimbabwe government this week stepped up
its accusations against
Gaborone claiming it had gathered irrefutable
evidence that Botswana and the
MDC were plotting war on Mugabe's
government.
The Harare authorities also attempted to link the shooting of
Zimbabwe
Airforce chief Perence Shiri by unknown gunman to the alleged plot
to effect
illegal regime change in Zimbabwe.
But Motlanthe seemed
unconvinced, suggesting the only reason the SADC
ordered an investigation
into the Zimbabwean claim was that it had been made
by a
member-state.
He said: "But of course because the allegation was made
officially, that is
why it had to be investigated but I have no doubt that
it will come to
naught."
Motlanthe added that it did not make sense
that an opposition party that is
properly registered and has participated in
several elections could now
choose war as a means to gain political
power.
"It (MDC) is represented in parliament . . . there would really be
no logic
in that at this late hour they are planning for a military option.
There is
an army in Zimbabwe which cannot be confronted with people who are
trained
over weekends," said Motlanthe. - ZimOnline
President Kgalema Motlanthe takes swipe at UK over Robert
Mugabe
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/
December
18, 2008
Jonathan Clayton in Johannesburg
South Africa, the only country
with real influence in Zimbabwe, yesterday
distanced itself from growing
international calls for Robert Mugabe to step
down.
President Kgalema
Motlanthe instead took a swipe at Britain for seeking to
impose its will on
its former colony and clung to the hope that a moribund
power-sharing
agreement would be revived and implemented this week despite
the main
opposition's repudiation of the deal unless real concessions are
made.
Asked how bad things had to get before South Africa, the
region's economic
powerhouse, joined calls for the 84-year-old dictator to
leave office, Mr
Motlanthe told journalists: "It's really not for us. I mean
I don't know if
the British feel qualified to impose that on the people of
Zimbabwe, but we
feel that we should support and take our cue from what they
[Zimbabweans]
want."
Mr Motlanthe, who took over after Thabo Mbeki,
who was much criticised for
what was seen as onesided mediation efforts in
Zimbabwe, echoed the views of
his predecessor that a government of national
unity remained the priority
and the best solution to the crisis.
"It
is our wish that an inclusive government be established as soon as
yesterday
because only then will it be in a position to deal with the
problems facing
the people of Zimbabwe. The issue of whether President
Mugabe should go or
not has never been raised by the parties. That is why in
the agreement they
agreed he should serve as President," Mr Mothlanthe said.
"Once it is in
place we believe it will create the possibility of dealing
with the real
problems."
Mr Mugabe reluctantly agreed a power-sharing deal in September
after winning
rigged elections in March and June, but has refused to hand
over key
ministries to the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC).
The MDC, backed by all election monitoring groups, claims that the
people
made clear at the polls what they wanted but were cheated. It says
that it
accepted the deal as second best in the interests of peace and
stability but
accuses Mr Mugabe of continuing to cheat by offering them only
minor
ministries and portfolios.
The Mugabe Government this week
announced plans to amend the constitution to
allow the creation of an
inclusive government in line with the accord - a
move that its neighbours
have applauded as a step in the right direction.
The opposition dismiss the
change, which would allow the MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai to be sworn in as
Prime Minister, as another ploy.
Mr Motlanthe, widely seen as a caretaker
president until elections next
year, was speaking after a meeting of
southern Africa countries in Pretoria
decided to launch an urgent
humanitarian campaign to help its neighbour
fight a cholera epidemic and
overcome acute food shortages. All 15 members
of the Southern African
Development Community pledged to contribute to the
aid initiative.
Zimbabwean Parties Dismiss Pretoria Call To Form Unity Government
http://www.voanews.com
By Blessing Zulu
Washington
17 December 2008
South
African President Kgalema Motlanthe, currently chairman of the
Southern
African Development Community, said Wednesday that SADC has created
a
special purpose entity called the Zimbabwe Humanitarian and Development
Assistance Framework to relieve misery in the member country, now sorely
afflicted by a cholera and widespread hunger.
Motlanthe also
dismissed charges lodged by Harare that Botswana is training
members of the
Zimbabwean opposition to stage a coup, as Benedict Nhlapho
reported from
Pretoria.
Mr. Motlanthe also urged the immediate formation of a national
unity
government in Harare to address the expanding cholera epidemic which
has
claimed some 1,000 lives in recent weeks, and other humanitarian crises
including widespread food shortages. The United Nations World Food Program
warned this week that its resources to provide aid are running
out.
But President Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF party and the Movement for
Democratic
Change of Morgan Tsvangirai, designated prime minister in the
government
that has failed to materialize since the Sept. 15 signature of a
power-sharing agreement, both rejected Motlanthe's call for the formation of
a government as premature and difficult to implement at this
time.
The parties were also cool to the recommendation by the
International Crisis
Group, a think tank based in Brussels, that Mr. Mugabe
and Tsvangirai both
step aside to make way for a transitional administration
that would tackle
the crisis and prepare elections in 18 months.
The
ICG report, entitled "Ending Zimbabwe's Nightmare, A Possible Way
Forward,"
described the power-sharing talks as "hopelessly deadlocked" and
the impasse
intractable.
Mr. Mugabe and ZANU-PF "will not accept genuine power
sharing" and
Tsvangirai and his dominant MDC formation "are unwilling to
join a ZANU-PF
dominated administration as a junior partner, responsible for
ending
international isolation but without authority to implement needed
reforms
and emergency humanitarian relief," the ICG states.
The
International Crisis Group proposes "a transitional administration, run
by
non-partisan experts, in which neither Mugabe nor Tsvangirai would have
any
position. It would be mandated to implement fundamental political and
economic reforms to stabilize the economy and prepare new presidential
elections in eighteen months."
The ICG said former South African
President Thabo Mbeki would have to step
down as crisis mediator "in favor
of someone perceived as more neutral."
ZANU-PF Chief Parliamentary Whip
Joram Gumbo tells reporter Blessing Zulu
that his party cannot deal with
unity proposals this week as faces a crucial
national
conference.
Spokesman Nelson Chamisa of the Tsvangirai MDC formation said
Mothlanthe's
call for the formation of a government ignores fundamental
differences
between the two parties.
In letter, Mugabe appoints Tsvangirai
Prime Minister
By Lebo
Nkatazo
Posted to the web: 18/12/2008 01:30:11
ZIMBABWEAN President Robert Mugabe has
officially appointed Morgan Tsvangirai as the country’s Prime Minister, New
Zimbabwe.com learnt last night.
A letter of Tsvangirai’s
appointment was delivered to his Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party’s
office sometime on Wednesday, a government source told this website.
Tsvangirai remains in
Botswana where he says he has no intention of leaving until he has been issued a
new passport by the Zimbabwe government. An emergency travel document issued to
him when he left Zimbabwe early November has since expired.
Mugabe’s move to appoint
Tsvangirai as Prime Minister came just hours after South African President
Kgalema Motlanthe who chairs the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
said he expected a stalled power sharing agreement between Mugabe and his
opposition rivals to be implemented this week.
A draft constitutional
amendment was published in an official gazette last Saturday, paving the way for
a unity government by creating the post of Prime Minister for
Tsvangirai.
Motlanthe said the
power-sharing deal "states that once the amendment is gazetted, such a
government can be formed almost immediately.
"And once it is in place, we
believe it will create the possibility of dealing with the real
problems."
The draft gives Mugabe power
to swear-in Tsvangirai before the amendment is passed by parliament, and
Motlanthe said Saturday he expected the Prime Minister to be sworn-in "with
immediate effect.”
Sources said Tsvangirai was
under “tremendous pressure” from the African Union and SADC to join a unity
government with Mugabe, seen as the only route available to end a decade-long
political and economic crisis.
Only last Friday, Tsvangirai
indicated that he would not be joining the unity government, insisting that they
would not take “responsibility for the mess without the necessary authority” – a
reference to his party’s demand to be given control of “key” ministries,
including the Home Affairs portfolio in charge of the police.
Complicating issues last
night was the Zimbabwe government’s apparent unwillingness to give in to
Tsvangirai’s demand to be issued with a new passport.
George Charamba, Mugabe’s
spokesman, poked fun at the MDC leader’s stance – saying he never raised the
issue of a passport when he visited several European and African countries in
recent weeks.
Charamba said: "He does not
need a passport to cross the borders of Morocco, Senegal, Uganda, Kenya and
Tanzania. He needs a passport, what more a diplomatic passport, to cross the
border of Zimbabwe, his homeland.
"It’s plain silly. The truth
of the matter is that he has breached the time scale of his ETD and thinks the
government may arrest him. There is neither rhyme nor reason to his
argument.”
Mugabe is expected to remain
President under the arrangement, with Tsvangirai becoming Prime Minister with
two deputies – Arthur Mutambara, the leader of a rival MDC faction and Thokozani
Khupe, Tsvangirai’s vice in the MDC.
The government has gazetted
the 31 ministries which are shared between the parties, although Mugabe was
recently forced to agree to a SADC proposal to co-share the Home Affairs
Ministry with Tsvangirai’s MDC.
In negotiations, Mugabe also
lost the Finance Ministry to Tsvangirai, although it remains unclear which
ministry moves the other way.
ENVISAGED NEW UNITY GOVERNMENT
STRUCTURE:
President: Robert Mugabe (Zanu PF)
(Head
of state, Chairs cabinet, Chairs National Security
Council)
Vice Presidents: Joice Mujuru and Joseph
Msika (both Zanu PF)
Prime Minister: Morgan Tsvangirai
(MDC-T)
(Chairs Council of Ministers; Runs the country day-to-day; Member
of National Security Council)
Deputy Prime
Ministers: Arthur Mutambara (MDC-M), Thokozani Khupe
(MDC-T)
MINISTRY ALLOCATIONS:
MDC
Tsvangirai: 13+
1. Constitutional and
Parliamentary Affairs
2. Economic Planning and Investment Promotion
3.
Energy and Power Development
4. Health and Child Welfare
5. Labour and
Social Welfare
6. Water Resources Development and Management
7. Public
Service
8. Sport, Arts and Culture
9. State Enterprise and
Parastatals
10. Science and Technology Development
11. Information
Communication Technology
12. Public Works
13. National Housing and Social
Amenities
14. Finance
- Home Affairs (co-shared with Zanu PF)
(Tsvangirai's MDC to lose one
ministry to Zanu PF after Finance concession. Can
appoint 6 deputy ministers)
MDC Mutambara:
3
1. Regional Integration and
International Cooperation
2. Education
3. Industry and Commerce
(Can appoint 1 deputy
minister)
Zanu PF:
15
1. Defence
2. Home
Affairs (co-shared with MDC-T)
3. Foreign
Affairs
4. Transport
5. Local Government and Urban Development
6. Mines
and Mining Development
7. Lands, Agriculture and Resettlement
8.
Environment, Natural Resources and Tourism
9. Higher and Tertiary
Education
10. Small and Medium Enterprises and Cooperative Development
11.
Justice and Legal Affairs
12. Media, Information and Publicity
13. Women’s
Affairs, Gender and Community Development
14. Youth Development,
Indigenisation and Empowerment
(Zanu PF to gain 1 ministry from Tsvangirai MDC after
losing Finance in negotiations. Can appoint 6 deputy
ministers)
Mugabe
appoints leading ZANU-PF crony as new Attorney-General
http://www.hararetribune.com
Wednesday, 17 December
2008 22:42 Trymore Magomana
Robert Mugabe, in line with the the powers
accorded to him by the fraudulent
GNU deal signed September 15, swore into
office Johannes Tomana as the new
Attorney-General.
There
swearing in of Tomana into office is the clearest indication yet that
the
ZANU-PF government has accepted the call by the South African government
that there should be a government in Zimbabwe before this week is
out.
At the swearing in ceremony, Tomana, rewarded by Mugabe for his
sterling
work in keeping ZANU-PF in power following the March 29 election,
vowed to
fight crime.
"I am sure that Zimbabweans are not prepared
for rhetoric, they have had
enough of it. All that they want now are
solutions. I will not claim to be
the solution, but I shall say that
Zimbabweans are the solution," Tomana
said.
He stated that the reason
people were suffering in Zimbabwe was rampant
crime, not runaway inflation,
povety, hunger, cholera or the denial of their
human rights by the ZANU-PF
government.
"In my own assessed view, the reason why Zimbabwe is
suffering is because we
have allowed crime to dominate our lives. I want to
promise everyone that
the security services are ready, the judiciary is
ready and I am more than
prepared to help the nation fight crime." During
the years Tomana was
chairman of the Anti-Corruption Commission in Zimbabwe,
very few ZANU-PF
cronies accused of corruption where
prosecuted.
Tomana, a native of Chinhoyi and graduate of the University
of Zimbabwe Law
School, takes over as the country's chief prosecutor from
Justice Bharat
Patel who as the acting Attorney-General following the
unceremonious
dismissal of Sobusa Gula-Ndebele.
Ndebele was dismissed
from his day job by the ZANU-PF government in May this
year after his office
failed to prosecute MDC supporters arrested on trumped
up charges by the
pro-ZANU-PF police. The MDC supporters were arrested in a
crackdown by the
ZANU-PF government following its defeat by the MDC during
the March 29
election.
In June this year, Tomana, who makes no apology for his support
of ZANU-PF,
is the same person who advised, in his capacity as deputy AG,
the ZANU-PF
government that it was legal to detain MDC supporters without
trial. At the
time, Tomana claimed that the move was intended to curb
political violence
and lawlessness.
"Bail is opposed as a matter of
policy. It (the "tough stance") is going to
choke the prison population, but
what do we do? Do we allow them to continue
burning down people's homes?
Jail is not nice. It is not meant to be nice,"
Tomana explained at the time
why it was relevant to detain suspects until
their trail date.
"Bail
is not a right, but a privilege that can be withdrawn if the
circumstances
are deemed prejudicial to society and/ or justice," he added.
Following
the election of Lovemore Moyo to the powerful speakership position
in
parliament in September, Tomana was a leading figure in the Attorney
General's office and the spy Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)'s plot
to secure convictions against MDC MPs in a desperate bid to shrink the MDC's
simple majority in Parliament.
In 2004, Tomana represented the Media
and Information Commission (MIC) in
its fight to keep the Daily News closed.
At the time, Tomana asked the high
court to set aside a judgement by a lower
court ordering the commission to
grant the ANZ, the publisher of the Daily
News, an operating licence.
Tomana defended AIPPA, a law that requires
registration, and barring
foreigners from investing in the media sector,
saying that other countries
had similar laws.
Over the years, Tomana
has gone to court to defend high profile ZANU-PF
figures. Just two weeks
ago, Tomana was intrumental in the dismissal of
wife-bashing charges against
Mugabe's spokeperson, George Charamba.
Tomana forced the police to halt
the prosecution of Charamba who was accused
of beating his wife on February
24 this year following a domestic dispute at
their Mandara home in
Harare.
The Tribune heard the the appointment of an AIPPA defender, a man
who
supports the denial of rights to Zimbabweans, and a chief ZANU-PF crony
does
not bode well for the country. Even if a government is appointed in the
days
ahead, it is unlikely that change will come to Zimbabwe, especially
with the
likes of Tomana holding the reins of who can be
prosecuted.
Tomana is a partner in the Harare based, politically
connected law firm
Muzangaza, Mandaza and Tomana.
UN Sec-Gen
urges Zimbabwe to receive his envoy
http://www.stuff.co.nz
Reuters | Thursday, 18 December
2008
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon told Zimbabwe's government it
should urgently
receive the UN special envoy for the country, which he said
faced "economic,
social and political collapse."
At a news
conference, Ban also issued thinly veiled criticism of efforts by
the
Southern African Development Community (SADC) to mediate in the Zimbabwe
crisis, saying they had failed to deliver results.
Zimbabwe is
suffering from runaway hyperinflation, shortages of food and
fuel, and a
cholera outbreak that has killed nearly 1000 people. A September
power-sharing agreement between the ruling party and opposition has not been
implemented.
Ban said he had told President Robert Mugabe at a
meeting in Doha late last
month that Zimbabwe's humanitarian situation
"grows more alarming every day.
Zimbabwe stands on the brink of economic,
social and political collapse."
The United Nations says 5.8 million
people, more than half the population,
will need food aid in the first
quarter of next year.
"I told (Mugabe) things needed to change, urgently,
and that I and the UN
stand ready to help. The president agreed to receive
my envoy, Haile
Menkerios. Now we are told that the timing is not right. If
this is not the
time, when is?" the UN chief said.
Echoing remarks he
made to the Security Council on Monday, Ban said the
world needed a "fair
and sustainable political solution in Zimbabwe . . .
and we need it
fast."
In pointed comments, he said that for the past eight months, the
SADC had
"insisted on leading international diplomatic efforts - with little
result.
"When the international community or a regional organisation
takes on a
mission, it also takes on the responsibility to deliver," he
said.
South African President Kgalema Motlanthe said on Wednesday the
SADC would
"launch an urgent international campaign to mobilise financial
and material
resources to help the people of Zimbabwe. . . overcome the
challenges facing
their country."
Abductions of Zimbabwe activists could ruin talks
|
Desperation mounts: Children and their parents on
Sunday picked up corn kernels spilled on the side of the road in Masvingo,
Zimbabwe, by trucks carrying maize imported from South Africa. |
Tsvangirayi
Mukwazhi/AP | |
Twenty activists from the Movement for Democratic Change
opposition party have been abducted since October. Their whereabouts are still
unknown.
By Scott Baldauf –
Staff Writer and a correspondent
from the December 18, 2008 edition
JOHANNESBURG, South AFrica; and HARARE, Zimbabwe -
Zimbabwe's chances of resolving its eight-month-long political stalemate
and patching together a power-sharing government seems to be in jeopardy after a
spate of armed abductions of key opposition and human rights activists.
Twenty activists for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) opposition
party and four activists for the Zimbabwe Peace Process human rights group have
been abducted from their homes and businesses since October, in circumstances
that mirror similar abductions of dozens of opposition members during national
elections held last March.
Coming at a time when the MDC is under pressure to accept a power-sharing
agreement with the long-ruling party of President Robert Mugabe, the ZANU-PF,
these abductions have forced many MDC activists into hiding and prompted leading
MDC leaders to allege a complete breakdown in trust with the ruling party.
"It puts the talks in jeopardy," says Tendai Biti, the MDC secretary general
and a participant in negotiations with the ruling party.
He calls the abductions a "breach" of agreements signed between the two
parties in September, when MDC and ZANU-PF agreed in principle to share power.
"Zanu-PF has no respect for the documents that it signs," says Mr. Biti.
Beset by 280 million percent inflation, food and cash shortages, and a deadly
outbreak of cholera, Zimbabwe is a country in desperate need of a functioning
government. But a campaign of terror, which many human rights activists say
bears the earmarks of similar state-sanctioned abduction campaigns of the past,
could undo months of painstaking negotiations between the MDC's Morgan
Tsvangirai and Mr. Mugabe.
Is Mugabe sending a message?
Some experts say that may be the point.
"One of two things is happening, and they are not mutually exclusive," says
Steven Friedman, a political analyst at the Institute for Democracy in Southern
Africa in Tshwane, as Pretoria is now called. "One is that there are people
within the security services who don't want there to be even a shred of a
power-sharing agreement. The other is that if the Zimbabwe elite is forced to
have the opposition in government at all, they [the MDC] are going to be fully
aware of who is in charge."
In theory, MDC and ZANU-PF should now be allies in a coalition government,
after having signed an agreement to share power last September.
The South African President Kgalema Motlanthe raised hopes of a settlement on
Tuesday, saying there might be a power-sharing agreement as soon as this week,
but MDC spokesmen said the talks remain in a stalemate.
But the abductions of 20 MDC activists starting in October, and culminating
with the abduction of Zimbabwe Peace Process leader Jestina Mukoko, her lawyer,
and two of her co-workers, seems to have diminished, if not broken down, any
chance of joint-rule.
The abductions of Ms. Mukoko and the activists of Zimbabwe Peace Project were
well planned and targeted, carried out by armed men in civilian clothes, driving
unmarked cars. Human rights activist Tiseke Kasambala says the abductions
resemble those carried out by pro-Mugabe supporters during the March elections.
Mukoko's group was known for its work in documenting the pre- and postelection
violence against political activists, and for naming the perpetrators.
"We believe there is evidence that people operating on the instigation of
Zimbabwe authorities have carried out these abductions," says Ms. Kasambala, a
senior researcher for Human Rights Watch in Johannesburg, South Africa. Because
Mukoko's reports are critical of Zimbabwe authorities, she adds, it's possible
that "the authorities were looking for them because of the nature of their
work."
Mugabe's stronghold targeted
Besides Mukoko, another 20 MDC activists have been abducted from the capital
of Harare and from the region of Mashonaland West. Shona-speakers have always
formed the strongest base of support for Mugabe's ZANU-PF party, but voters in
Mashonaland rebelled at election time in March 2008, giving the MDC party
control of Parliament for the first time in 28 years, and making Mr. Tsvangirai
the leading vote-getter for president, with nearly 49 percent of the vote.
For its part, the Zimbabwe government alleges that the MDC has unleashed a
terror campaign of its own.
Zimbabwe authorities claimed this week that the neighboring country of
Botswana was training insurgents to overthrow the Mugabe regime, and they have
also blamed MDC members in the firebombing of homes of ZANU-PF officials.
When Air Marshal Perence Shiri, a cousin of Mugabe's who led a
counterinsurgency campaign in the early 1980s that killed nearly 20,000
civilians, was shot near his farm this weekend, police were quick to cast blame
on the MDC.
Biti called the government's charges "illogical."
"As a matter of fact, we are not training bandits," he told the Monitor. "In
fact, the MDC is a de facto government of the day."
"We control Parliament," Biti said. "The chairman of the MDC, Lovemore Moyo,
is the speaker of Parliament and the president of the MDC is the prime
minister-designate. So how does the MDC, which is controlling government, want
to destroy that?"
• Our correspondent in Harare could not be named for security reasons.
| | |
Harare Launches
New Crackdown On Business, Alleging Price-Gouging
http://voanews.com
By Jonga
Kandemiiri
Washington
17 December 2008
Zimbabwe's
National Incomes and Pricing Commission has launched a new blitz
against
businesses which it accuses of overpricing, arresting a number of
retailers.
Authorities last week declared price increases
unjustified, and told
retailers to return prices to Dec. 3 levels. But
retailers said doing so
would put them out of business.
Director Sam
Ncube of the Affirmative Action Group in Matabeleland told
reporter Jonga
Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe
rather than retailers was to blame as it printed money and
fueled inflation,
sending prices higher.
Charamba
goes ballistic on Swedish Ambassador
http://hararetribune.com
Wednesday, 17 December 2008 23:22 Thomas
Shumba
Hardly a week goes by without George Charamba, the Secretary for
Information
and Publicity and the official spokesperson for Robert Mugabe,
crossing
swords with people from various quarters, be they from the UK or
the US or
anywhere else for that matter.
Last night, he was at it
again, frothing at the mouth accusing Sten
Rylander, the Swedish Ambassador,
for double standards for his stance on the
proposed UN intervention force
and his relationship with Morgan Tsvangirai,
the leader of the
MDC.
"He is a bad ambassador, plain and simple," Charamba, author of the
acidic
Manheru Column, told the Herald.
Charamba, who now uses the
Herald as his personal Blog, accused Rylander of
working by night for regime
change in Zimbabwe in coalition with the US and
British
envoys.
Charamba, as he always does to perceived enemies, put words in
Rylander's
mouth, claiming that Rylanders was pushing for a UN intervention
force to be
sent to Zimbabwe, even though publicly Rylander had stated
otherwise.
"Their plan for intervention has come to grief partly because
they have no
nerve for war here. He (Rylander) should not sound like he is
doing us a
favour by appearing not to want intervention," Charamba
speculated.
"That (UN intervention) is the last resort. Sadc and the
Africa Union should
help solve this crisis. We are encouraging the formation
of an inclusive
Government," rylander had said at a press conference in
Harare on Wednesday
night.
At the press conference, Rylander has
revealed that he had told Morgan
Tsvngirai to return home, a titbit Charamba
seized as evidence that Rylander
was working part-time as Tsvangirai's
adviser.
Tsvangirai has been sequestered in Botswana since November 9th,
positing
that he couldn't go back to Zimbabwe since the ZANU-PF government
had
refused to give him a passport.
Charamba said instead that
Tsvangirai was afraid to come home because his
emergence travel document
(ETD) had expired.
Meanwhile, on Wednesday the South African President
Kgalema Motlanthe urged
Robert Mugabe to constitute a government as soon as
possible, before the
week is out preferably.
Asked if it was time for
Mugabe to step down, Motlanthe claimed that his
government was not in any
position to ask Mugabe to step down.
He said South Africa will only
follow the will of the people of Zimbabwe,
not as expressed in the March 29
election, but in the GNU document inked on
September 27 this.
Aid
agencies step up appeals for Zimbabwe on eve of Christmas
http://www.monstersandcritics.com
Health News
Dec
17, 2008, 22:08 GMT
Johannesburg - As the festive season gets
into full swing, aid agencies are
stepping up their appeals for donations
for Zimbabwe, where a cholera
epidemic has killed hundreds and there are
mounting reports of people dying
of hunger.
British-based development
agency Oxfam on Thursday launched an appeal for 4
million pounds (6.1
million dollars) to provide clean water, sanitation and
food to over 1
million people in Zimbabwe.
Since August, around 1,000 people have died
of cholera in Zimbabwe and more
than 18,000 people have been infected in an
outbreak blamed on the breakdown
of water supply, sewerage and refuse
collection systems.
Oxfam, the Red Cross and other agencies are
distributing hygiene kits and
drilling boreholes to obtain clean
water.
Some families interviewed by Oxfam said they were keeping their
children
indoors for fear of cholera contamination.
Hunger is killing
others. Close to 4 million Zimbabweans, over a quarter of
the population,
needs food aid, according to the United Nations. That figure
is expected to
reach 5.1 million in January as food production grinds to a
halt for lack of
inputs.
Some people have resorted to picking grains of maize in fields
for food.
'Zimbabweans are no strangers to food shortages, but we have
now reached
desperate levels,' Peter Mutoredzanwa, Oxfam Zimbabwe Country
Director, said
in a statement, launching the appeal.
While aid
agencies are still avoiding the famine label, Oxfam quoted an
elderly man
named Nkosana Mudhindi as saying two of his 14 children had
already died of
hunger. Another man said he knew of at least six people who
died for lack of
food.
Other lobby groups and NGOs have also reported hunger-related
deaths.
Until now, Western and regional governments, including South
Africa, have
been withholding hefty rescue packages for Zimbabwe until a
credible, unity
government was in place.
The United Nations World
Food Programme has warned it may have to cut its
food rations in Zimbabwe
because its appeal for 140 million dollars has gone
largely
unanswered.
'While the international community battles for a political
solution in the
country, millions of Zimbabweans are going hungry,' Oxfam's
humanitarian
director Jane Cocking said.
The Red Cross, the United
Nations children's agency UNICEF and British
charity, Save the Children are
also appealing for millions of dollars for
their Zimbabwe
operations.
Germany, the European Union and the United States have all
pledged extra aid
to Zimbabwe in recent weeks. The Southern African
Development Community has
also asked its 15 members to contribute money and
material resources through
a new non-partisan agency for Zimbabwe.
Don't neglect Aids crisis, warn health workers
* Widespread shortages of
food and clean water
* Weak population more susceptible to diseases
Chris
McGreal, Africa correspondent
The Guardian, Thursday 18 December
2008
Health workers in Zimbabwe are warning that international alarm over the
spreading cholera emergency, which has claimed nearly a thousand lives, is
overshadowing the Aids crisis, which is killing as many people every three
days.
The rising death toll from cholera, brought on by collapsed
sewerage systems
infecting drinking water, has become the most visible sign
of Zimbabwe's
extraordinary implosion and the indifference of its leaders.
As the disease
spread across the border into South Africa, alarmed foreign
governments
promised to pour in aid to contain the outbreak.
But
cholera and the failure of the sewerage system are symptoms of the wider
collapse of the state and its devastating consequences.
Aid workers
speak of a silent catastrophe in which people are dying of Aids
by the
hundreds every day for want of medicines and sufficient food to fight
off
the disease, and because a cynical government has blocked foreign aid
workers from reaching many of the most vulnerable.
About one in five
Zimbabweans are HIV-positive. The UN says Aids kills more
than 400
Zimbabweans each day.
"This cholera is just one issue," said Meine
Nicolai, director of operations
for Médecins Sans Frontières Belgium, which
is working in Zimbabwe.
"It is a disease with a risk of high mortality,
so we have to pay special
attention to treat the patients with cholera
because it can spread very
rapidly. But it is just one of the problems and
the result of a collapsing
system that is claiming many more
lives.
"The situation of the wider population is more worrying in terms
of a
collapsing healthcare system, very high HIV prevalence and the
nutritional
situation."
Although Aids has been claiming increasing
numbers of lives for years in
Zimbabwe, health workers say people have been
made more vulnerable to the
disease by widespread malnutrition.
Many
Zimbabweans, particularly in rural areas, eat one meal every two or
three
days because of the collapse of agriculture following the
redistribution of
white-owned farms and drought. Some are living off nothing
more than berries
and roots. With chronic malnutrition comes weakened immune
systems and much
greater vulnerability to Aids. Undernourishment also erodes
the
effectiveness of drugs that keep the disease at bay.
Some health workers
say that the working-age population of entire villages
has either left for
South Africa to look for work or died of Aids.
The World Health
Organisation says the disease is responsible for two-thirds
of all adult
deaths in Zimbabwe. More than 40% of deaths in children under
five are
Aids-related, six times the average in a region where the disease
is rife.
Life expectancy is among the lowest in the world. More than a
million
children have been made orphans as a result of Aids.
The dead are buried
in overcrowded cemeteries where the graves are bunched
together to make room
for the next day's dead. Costly headstones have given
way to wooden markers
for men and women who have barely made it to
adulthood.
Government
distribution programmes for drugs such as the one that prevents
HIV-positive
women from passing the virus to their babies at birth have
largely
collapsed. According to the Global Fund for Aids, only about one in
five of
those who need antiretroviral drugs to keep the disease at bay are
receiving
them. Those who do are generally reliant on foreign aid
organisations.
The cholera crisis is not detached from Aids. Nicolai
says those most at
risk from dying from the disease are undernourished and
HIV-positive.
"A weakened population that is undernourished, a population
that has a high
HIV prevalence, is even more at risk from cholera. So
cholera is important,
but it's only one of the problems," she said.
Starving family eats rug to survive
Wednesday,
December 17, 2008
Langton, 17, holds the piece of hide which his family has
resorted to eating to fend off starvation
Starving families have been feeding on the skin of a
cow that was slaughtered six years ago as the famine in Zimbabwe worsens.
It is just one sad example of the deepening crisis engulfing
the country.
Children as young as two have been eating the skin and one man
has died. The hide was originally used as a rug in a village near Bulawayo, hit
by starvation and haunted by a cholera outbreak.
Families, who cannot get hold of grain, have also resorted to
eating poisonous plants, while others have died after eating wild fruits.
Grandmother-of-seven Ellinah, 66, told Metro: 'Since the
summer, we've had no harvest. We had nothing to do but eat the unthinkable.
'Whatever we can get our hands on these days, that goes down.
Our ancestors used to keep the skin of their beasts, in case of drought or
famine. We just didn't know what else we could eat any more.'
The desperation of starving villagers emerged during an
undercover Metro visit.
We also visited towns and villages hit by the cholera outbreak,
which has killed hundreds, maybe thousands.
In Ellinah's village, two separate shreds of the hide remain.
For three months, it has been sliced at the edges and boiled in salted water and
shared by families living in neighbouring mudhuts.
One of Ellinah's sons, Dumisan, 43, died a fortnight ago,
leaving three children. All the villagers admit to feeling unwell, many having
diarrhoea, after eating the hide.
The creeper plants are more often crushed and used as shampoo
by poor families. Church group Zimbabwe Orphans through Extended Hands (ZOE) has
a warehouse in the nearby town of Nkayi but it is now empty.
Tearfund-backed ZOE workers have seen a feeding programme for
35,000 families double in cost in 12 months to £2million.
Health Experts
Report New Outbreaks Of Cholera In Zimbabwe
http://voanews.com/
By Patience
Rusere
Washington
17 December
2008
Swedish Ambassador to Zimbabwe Sten Rylander said
Wednesday in Harare that
Sweden is donating another US$5 million in funding
for humanitarian relief
efforts in the country.
At the same time
Rylander urged the administration of President Robert
Mugabe and the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change to end the
political deadlock that
has blocked the formation of a unity government in
order to relieve the
population.
Correspondent Thomas Chiripasi of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe
reported from
Harare.
The cholera epidemic continues to spread,
meanwhile, though the
state-controlled Herald newspaper said cases have
declined since late
November.
Member of Parliament Blessing Chebundo,
representing Kwekwe, Midlands, for
the MDC wing led by Morgan Tsvangirai,
said that in house debate, Health
Minister David Pariretyetwa said outbreaks
have occurred in new locations
including Chirundu and
Chegutu.
Communications Officer Heron Holloway of the International
Federation of Red
Cross in Southern Africa told reporter Patience Rusere of
VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe that new cases have fallen off in some areas,
but there are new
outbreaks in urban zones.
Photojournalist missing in
Zimbabwe
http://cpj.org/
New York, December 17, 2008--A journalist who disappeared in
Zimbabwe on
Saturday may be in police custody, journalists in Harare told
CPJ.
Accredited freelance photojournalist Shadrack Manyere disappeared
after
taking his car to a garage in Norton, 19 miles (30 kilometers) west of
Harare, local journalists told CPJ. Police raided Manyere's home the
following day and confiscated equipment related to his work, his lawyer and
local journalists said. Family members and colleagues became worried when
Manyere did not return home that evening and his phone had been switched
off. A number of them told CPJ that they believe he was abducted, possibly
by the police.
At 1 a.m. on Sunday, men who said they were police
officers went to the
photojournalist's home in Westgate, a suburb west of
Harare, and asked
through the closed door if they could search the premises,
local journalists
told CPJ. They told his family members that Manyere had
died in a car
accident, but his relatives refused to let them in, the
journalists said. At
10 a.m., police returned with a search warrant and
ransacked the house,
taking Manyere's laptop, video camera, and tapes,
lawyer Andrew Makoni told
CPJ.
"We believe that Shadrack Manyere has
been illegally abducted and is in the
custody of Harare police," said CPJ
Africa Program Coordinator Tom Rhodes.
"We hold the Zimbabwe government
responsible for his safety and well-being,
and demand his immediate
release."
A spokesman for the national police, Oliver Mandipaka, told CPJ
that he
could not confirm whether Manyere was in police custody and would
inquire
into the matter. Police at Harare Central Police Headquarters told
CPJ that
they were unaware of Manyere's case.
More than 20 people
have been abducted from their homes and offices over the
past two weeks,
according to international wire reports, including former TV
news anchor and
Zimbabwe Peace Project Director Jestina Mukoko. Suspected
secret police
raided Mukoko's home in Norton on December 3 and he has not
been seen since,
the reports said.
Local journalists described the time during this year's
presidential
elections in May and June in Zimbabwe as the harshest
state-sponsored
crackdown on the media in the country's history.
Zimbabwe: extinction looms in a paradise lost to guns, greed and
hunger
http://www.timesonline.co.uk
December
18, 2008
Martin Fletcher
At first it seemed a paradise. Baboons played
on the dusty track ahead of
us. Impala and zebra, wildebeest and
spiral-horned kudu bounded into the
bush as our vehicle approached. We
stopped to admire a 3,000-year-old baobab
tree with a trunk that dwarfed our
four-wheel drive, and spotted a herd of
African elephants. It seemed
scarcely possible that this semi-arid land in
the Lowveld of southeastern
Zimbabwe could support so much wildlife.
It was only as we approached the
eastern edge of the million-acre Save
Valley Conservancy that we began to
encounter the problems besetting this
idyll. "Resettled farmers" had moved
in - burning trees, building huts of
mud and thatch, and clearing land in an
improbable attempt to grow crops.
Soon Clive Stockil, chairman of what is
the biggest private conservancy in
Zimbabwe, turned off the track and
stopped. We were hit by the stench of
rotting flesh. A few yards away was
the decomposing carcass of a black
rhinoceros, one of the world's most
endangered species, shot by poachers
three days earlier.
In life this
15-year-old bull was a magnificent creature weighing a tonne.
Now it had
been stripped of its meat by hungry villagers, writhing maggots
feasted on
the contents of its belly and clouds of flies hovered overhead.
Its head was
intact except where its second horn had been hacked off. That
was what the
poachers had been after because, thousands of miles away in
eastern Asia,
rhino horns are prized for their alleged medicinal value and
fetch a small
fortune.
What made this rhino's death even more tragic was that the
conservancy had
removed its horns last year to stop it becoming a target for
poachers. The
horns for which it was shot were regrown stumps barely two
inches long. The
same was true of the young female rhinoceros whose remains
festered near by
in the summer heat. Her horns were also mere stumps.
The
cow was in season and the pair were probably in the process of mating
when
they were slaughtered. "You feel angry. You feel bitter. You have the
urge
to get even," Mr Stockil said. "It sounds silly to say, but it's almost
like
a member of my family. I can recall when she was born and watching her
give
birth, and giving birth again 28 months later, and you come here and
see
this.
"My tears, they came down," added Jackson Kamwe, head of the
conservancy's
rhino surveillance unit, recalling the moment he found the
corpses. The
conservancy knows its rhinos so well that it even has names for
them. The
bull was Enoch, the cow Gladys.
Sadly, this massacre was
far from isolated. Last month poachers used an AK47
to kill Ice, a young cow
whose mother, Natalia, was shot in 2007. This year
16 black rhinos have been
killed in Save, and Mr Stockil admits that he is
losing his battle to
protect the 120 others that the conservancy has
nurtured so lovingly since
it was established in 1991.
Nor is this "onslaught" confined to Save. In
the past two years criminal
syndicates have begun targeting the rhinoceros.
Experts believe that between
50 and 100 black rhinos have been shot in
Zimbabwe this year, twice as many
as last year, and between 50 and 60 in
neighbouring South Africa - up from
30 in 2007. There were once hundreds of
thousands of the rhino, with their
distinctive prehensile upper lips, across
Africa. Today there are barely
4,000. One of the four sub-species was
declared extinct in 2006. The rest
have been designated "critically
endangered" and Mr Stockil says that "the
countdown to extinction" has
begun.
Zimbabwe's hunger, poverty and collapsing law and order make it a
particularly soft target for the syndicates, and nowhere more so than
Save.
Some 10,000 "resettled farmers" have seized a quarter of the
conservancy in
recent years, giving them easy access to the rhinos' habitat.
Like millions
of other Zimbabweans, they are destitute and starving, making
it easy for
the syndicates to recruit poachers and guides for paltry
fees.
When the poachers are caught, the syndicates use their wealth to
subvert
justice. Not one Zimbabwean rhino poacher has yet been prosecuted
successfully. Many are caught, freed and return straight to
poaching.
The three men who killed Enoch and Gladys are good examples.
They had
removed just one of the pair's four stumpy horns before they were
surprised
by Mr Kamwe and his scouts. They ran away but the scouts
recognised two.
They had been arrested for killing another black rhino
earlier this year but
somehow managed to "escape" - unseen and unhandcuffed
- from the police van
taking them to court.
Save goes to great
lengths to protect its rhinos. It employs a scout for
every 20sq km (8sq
miles), each armed and with radios. It has airdropped
leaflets over villages
bordering the conservancy offering $1,000 rewards for
information about
poachers, and has established a network of informers - one
of whom alerted
Mr Kamwe to the killing of Enoch and Gladys. It has built up
dossiers on
poachers and their firearms, micro-chipped each rhino, and
sought to co-opt
the surrounding villages by establishing a trust that would
make them
beneficiaries of its success.
It would like to do much more but it is
hamstrung by another problem unique
to Zimbabwe: the tourist trade on which
the conservancy depends for its
finances has collapsed.
Before the
white farm seizures began in 2000, Mr Stockil's Senuko Lodge had
an
occupancy rate of more than 60 per cent. Today it is almost empty. "We're
in
a very serious financial crunch," says Mr Stockil who, in desperation,
recently began catering for wealthy hunters of non-endangered species such
as elephants. Without that, he says, "we would have had to close".
Mr
Stockil believes, though, that no amount of scouts would be able to
protect
the rhinos over such a vast area, and that more drastic measures are
needed.
The conservancy de-horns the rhinos that live nearest to the
encroaching
settlers to minimise their value to poachers but that has been
ineffective:
sometimes the poachers cannot even see a rhino's head before
they shoot. He
now wants all Zimbabwe's rhinos de-horned, and the wildlife
authorities
agree, but that would be vastly expensive, requiring
helicopters, drugs,
four-wheel drives and huge manpower. Moreover, it would
have to be repeated
every two years.
He believes that the poachers
would still kill for mere stumps, and
advocates an even more ambitious
scheme that would destroy the five to ten
syndicates behind the rhino
poaching.
As Mr Stockil points out, the actual poachers are mere pawns -
he knows of
one who has made just enough to buy himself a motorbike. The
real money is
made by the middle men who spirit the horns across Zimbabwe's
borders to
South African ports and airports or up to the fast-growing
Chinese community
in Harare. From there they are shipped to the Far East,
some in diplomatic
bags. A Vietnamese Embassy receptionist in Pretoria was
photographed
recently taking delivery of a rhino horn from a
dealer.
Mr Stockil wants African states to establish how many horns the
end-users in
China, Vietnam and North Korea require, to provide that number
themselves,
and to use the proceeds to protect the world's last black rhinos
before they
vanish forever. "You would stop poaching, raise money for
conservation,
increase the rhino population, do away with the illegal trade
and provide a
legal product that for centuries has been used by cultures
that say they
need it," he argues.
In the meantime the black rhino
population is in danger of shrinking to a
level that is barely sustainable,
and at Save, and across Zimbabwe, poaching
of all sorts is escalating
rapidly as the human population grows hungrier.
Near Senuko Lodge two
tall poles support 6,000 snares that scouts have
discovered on the
conservancy over the past six years. Today they are
finding between 30 and
50 a week, the more recent made of copper stripped
from telephone wires. A
few are for rhino. Most are designed for impala and
other "bushmeat" but
they trap animals indiscriminately - giraffes, zebras,
lions, cheetahs. The
conservancy has put down half-a-dozen maimed elephants.
But it is another
highly endangered species, the carnivorous African wild
dog or Lycaon
pictus, that the snares threaten most.
There used to be half a million of
these brightly coloured dogs in Africa,
but they were hunted almost to
extinction as vermin. Today there are fewer
than 5,000. In three years
Save's wild dog population has shrunk from well
over 150 to barely
100.
The victims of Zimbabwe's implosion are not just its people. They
include
some of the world's rarest animals. The difference is that the human
race
will outlast Robert Mugabe.
THE MIGHTY FALLEN
65,000
rhino in Africa 35 years ago. Now there are an estimated 3,600
2,000
black rhino in Zimbabwe before the peak of poaching in the 1980s
370 at
the lowest point in 1993
201,000 overseas vistors to Zimbabwe in 2005,
down from 597,000 in 1999
Sources: International Rhino Foundation, Times
archives
Marching on to a free Zimbabwe
Tuesday, 16 December 2008 |
BY LOVEMORE MADHUKU
The need for a people-driven constitution has and will always
remain the key rallying point in Zimbabwe’s democratisation project. The need
for such a constitution grows with each passing day and with the deepening of
the crisis.
The NCA this week attended a meeting
in Pretoria on building consensus on Zimbabwe. There was no debate on the urgent
need for a new people-driven constitution, however there was an opinion raised
that maybe if we had not rejected the 2000 draft we would not be where we are
today.
It is against this background that I intend to dedicate this
week’s column to stressing the reasons why we rejected the Chidyausiku
draft.
The NCA vigorously campaigned for a ‘no’ vote in the referendum of
February 2000 for the following reasons.
Process
The
process of making a constitution is as important as the content. The people must
determine a process of constitution-making that they can dominate.
In
this way, the principle of democracy is fully entrenched, as people will not,
thereafter, allow any future government to change the constitution as it
wishes.
At the same time, a process determined and dominated by the
people will ensure that their wishes are put into the constitution.
The
Constitutional Commission failed in this regard. It was appointed by the
President, its timetable was set by the President and the President had the
final say over what went into its draft constitution.
After the
Commission produced its draft, it did not go back to the people to check with
them whether or not their inputs had been incorporated. Instead, it hurriedly
submitted its draft to the President, who actually changed some of the
provisions. The Commission itself also ignored a number of issues raised by the
people.
Content
The draft of the Constitutional Commission
had a number of provisions, which were not only contrary to what the people
said, but were also not good for Zimbabwe. Some of them are as
follows:
Executive
presidency – the most serious problem in our current constitution is
an all-powerful president with all sorts of powers.
An unworkable system of government –
In order to mislead the people into believing that it had answered their call
for reduced executive powers, the Chidyausiku draft introduced a prime minister
whose role was unclear and who could not work without hindrance from the
president.
A weak
parliament – the current Parliament cannot easily pass a vote of no
confidence on an incompetent government of the day. On the contrary, the
president has powers to dissolve parliament at any time. This was maintained by
the Chidyausiku draft.
A
window-dressing senate – the Constitutional Commission draft created
a senate, which had no powers at all. The senate in the draft was used to create
the impression that the president’s powers were being checked by the senate
when, in fact, it was so weak that it could not effectively provide checks
against the president.
A narrow Bill
of Rights – the Bill of Rights in the draft of the Constitutional
Commission was narrow in scope and did not protect some fundamental rights and
freedoms. For instance, the freedom of the press, the right to education, the
right of workers to strike, the right to health and full gender equality were
not covered.
Inadequate provisions
for free and fair elections – the draft of the Constitutional
Commission did not provide for a truly independent Electoral Commission. It only
used the word “independent”, but the Commission was nothing of the
sort.
No devolution of governmental
powers to the people at appropriate levels – the draft did not
provide an appropriate framework for devolution of governmental powers to
provinces and other local structures.
I hope to pitch up this debate next
week. Meanwhile our peaceful protests
continued.
|
The
World Bank can have Gono
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=8854
December 17, 2008
By Sibangani
Sibanda
It seems to me that out of date publications have some
therapeutic
properties. How else can one explain why doctors' surgeries'
receptions seem
to always have very old magazines and newspapers that are
several days old.
Thus, it was at the doctor's surgery that I found myself
reading a week-old
copy of The Herald - a newspaper that I normally avoid
like the plague. I
therefore learned two startling facts about our Reserve
Bank Governor, Mr.,
or rather, Doctor Gideon Gono.
Apparently, Dr
Gono has done such a wonderful job of turning round the
Zimbabwean economy
that he was offered a senior post at the World Bank by
none other than
Zimbabwe's arch-enemy, President George W. Bush. Why the job
offer should
have come from the White House rather than from the World Bank's
head
office, he did not say. He only expressed surprise that the job offer
came
at a time when his name was being included on the targeted sanctions
list.
Having received the offer from Bush, through the US ambassador
to Zimbabwe,
Dr Gono, inexplicably, responded by letter to the World Bank
".asking how
the bank, controlled by the US and its European allies, would
offer him a
job when he was on its targeted sanctions list". They responded
with a
promise to remove Dr Gono from the list and to "see what they could
do with
his friends already on the sanctions list". He did not say if this
response
was contained in a letter.
Dr Gono, it seems, would have us
believe that his policies that have seen
unprecedented record inflation,
wholesale printing of the now worthless
Zimbabwe dollar, poverty beyond
imagination even for a continent that is
known for its poverty, are so
admired that they have a chance of being
unleashed on an unsuspecting world!
He wants us to believe that he holds so
much sway that the world will change
its policy on sanctions simply to make
sure that he can become senior Vice
President of the World Bank! Either the
world has gone crazy or Dr Gono is
delusional.
I prefer to believe that the job offer probably came from a
practical
joker - remember how US Republican vice-presidential candidate
Sarah Palin
succumbed to a practical joker from a Canadian radio station? Dr
Gono would
do well to check his sources - as would The Herald. Both may find
that while
the inclusion of Dr Gono on the sanctions list is factual and
will happen,
the proverbial Hell will probably freeze over before Dr Gono
can become
senior Vice President at the World Bank!
At the same press
conference, Dr Gono revealed another startler. He had
re-written economic
theory in sixty days. In what he calls "my humble book",
Dr Gono tells us
that he did not dwell on "my personal history" (Surprise,
surprise). Rather
he had concentrated on "shedding light on the deep
philosophical drivers
that shaped the orientation and conduct of the RBZ's
monetary policy
programme under my watch over the past five years". So he is
actually driven
by a philosophy!? The book should make interesting reading.
I have not yet
managed to lay my hands on a copy, and the publishers have
not been
answering their phones - which may mean that they have closed down
for the
Christmas break, or they are not taking calls, or their telephones
are out
of order. Or, there has been a numbers mix up.
In our area of Harare, we
currently have a situation where telephone numbers
have been swapped round,
so that we are receiving someone else's calls, and
when we try to call our
regular business contacts, we are getting through to
complete strangers.
TelOne, our one and only service provider, have been
promising to reset our
phones for about a week now. I am not sure whether to
make as many overseas
calls as I want on this number while it lasts,
assuming that whoever has our
number will be doing the same, or to be a good
citizen and leave it unused.
TelOne will have a job unraveling this one!
Anyway, back to Dr Gono. His
book is called, "Zimbabwe's Casino Economy:
Extraordinary Measures for
Extraordinary Challenges". It was conceived while
he was on a plane coming
from an African Development Bank board meeting in
Morocco and took less than
sixty days to write.
As in any Casino, "The House" and its proprietor
(the Reserve Bank and its
governor) appear to be doing very well thank you,
at the expense of the
gamblers (ordinary Zimbabweans), some of whom go home
with only the clothes
on their backs. Now they are expected to part with
their money to read about
the governor's side of the story on the
philosophical drivers responsible
for their misery.
The World Bank
can have Dr Gono. Please!
Zimbabwe
- A story about a once-thriving tourism destination
http://travelvideo.tv/news/more.php?id=16250_0_1_0_M
Dec 17, 08 | 4:11
pm
By Gill Staden: ETN | Dec 17, 2008
The news has been a bit
shocking this week in its reporting of life in
Zimbabwe. At first we hear
that the cholera epidemic is getting worse. And
then Robert Mugabe says that
it is under control and that there is no
epidemic. Now we are told by one of
his Ministers that Mugabe was just being
"sarcastic" and another minister
has announced it is the result of
"biological warfare" by
Britain.
Probably some people actually believe this - I wonder if they
would also
believe it if the spokesman had announced cholera was being
spread by blue
aliens from the planet Zog and it was not the government's
fault in any way
at all. By some accounts, Mugabe is very clever so the
week's outpourings
from him and his government on the cholera epidemic seem
confusing.
Having just stayed in Harare for a couple of weeks, I can
honestly say that
life there is awful. The only people who seem to be doing
well are the
government officials who drive around in large cars and live
the life of
luxury. Huge mansions are being built in the exclusive areas.
But, the town
is filthy. In certain areas you can smell the sewage running
along the side
of the road. There is very little water supply and some homes
have not had
water for months. Electricity is more off than on.
There
are people sitting on the side of the streets selling whatever they
can - a
few tomatoes or onions, firewood, eggs. The children are ragged and
look
hungry. The beautiful parks and gardens are all overgrown. The
streetlights
are falling over at angles; the traffic lights often don't
work.
Harare had been quite dry; not a lot of rain. Now that the
rains have come
we can expect the cholera (sorry - which doesn't exist) to
increase rapidly.
Of course, the cholera is affecting the poor people in the
townships of
Harare. The hospitals have no medicine, so, even though cholera
is easy to
treat, the people are dying.
We didn't go to any shops
because there is a new system now. Some people
have set up shops in their
houses. They bring stuff from South Africa sell
it from home. If the Revenue
Authority catches them they are going to be in
dire trouble. But they keep
their gates locked and only let in people who
they know. Of course, all
these sales are in US dollars because Zim dollars
are not accepted by anyone
and are impossible to use anymore. There isn't
enough of it and inflation
means that it loses half its value every day.
Fuel was available in limited
supplies. Some petrol stations now openly sell
in US dollars.
Driving
through Zimbabwe there is only a little farming going on. The
government has
been handing out new tractors to its favored few and, I am
told, giving out
seed, fertilizer and fuel. Many of the inputs are being
sold in the towns so
that the "farmers" can make a quick profit. Maybe they
are too hungry to
wait for the crops to grow, or maybe they are rich enough
not to need to
plant. We did see a few tractors ploughing and . one tractor
working . as a
taxi. But, basically, many of the farms that used to be so
productive are
overgrown and going back to bush.
There were roadblocks at every town
along the way. There are usually about
four policemen at each. I think we
went through 12-15 roadblocks from Harare
to Vic Falls - a couple only a few
hundred meters apart - each wanting to
examine the same documents and ask
the same questions. Only once did we meet
up with one particularly venomous
police officer but, as all the papers for
the car were in order, there was
little that he could do.
That is my story from Zim. It makes me so sad.
And this has all happened in
the name of "one-man-one-vote." I think that if
we asked the people who have
lost their jobs; who are starving; who are
sick, what they think of being
able to vote, they wouldn't care a hoot. And,
whatever people think about
the old Rhodesia, the country worked; the people
were fed, educated and
cared for. We should be ashamed of ourselves that
this situation has arisen
in Zimbabwe, especially now that there is nothing
that we can do. We can
only watch and cry. Maybe it will change one
day.
What can be done to protect Zimbabweans
http://search.japantimes.co.jp
Thursday,
Dec. 18, 2008
By
RAMESH THAKUR
WATERLOO, Ontario - The responsibility to protect (R2P) norm,
embraced
universally at the world summit in New York in 2005, remains
operationally
elusive. Calls are growing for international intervention to
lift the shroud
of Robert Mugabe's ruinous reign from Zimbabwe's body
politic.
A country that was once a prosperous breadbasket has become a
basket case
with nearly total unemployment, stratospheric inflation,
widespread
brutality and a cholera epidemic. The official death toll is 500;
unofficial
estimates run into the thousands. With the collapse of the
country's health
system, growing food scarcity and the approaching rains,
the toll will climb
steeply.
All this because one aging tyrant
would rather rule by thuggery than give up
power. Mugabe gets ever more
delusional, declaring the epidemic is over
while blaming it as a conspiracy
hatched in London to provide the pretext to
invade.
Neighboring
Botswana expresses frustration. Kenya's Prime Minister Raila
Odinga is
urging the African Union to authorize emergency U.N. intervention
to take
control of the situation and ensure humanitarian assistance.
Archbishop
Desmond Tutu calls for intervention under the R2P norm. U.S.
Secretary of
State Condoleezza Rice is appalled at our collective inability
to deal with
tyrants. British Prime Minister Gordon Brown says it is time
for the
bloodstained regime to be ousted.
R2P holds that every state has the
responsibility to protect all people
inside its borders. When its failure to
do so results in ethnic cleansing,
war crimes, crimes against humanity or
genocide, world leaders promised in
2005, the international community,
acting through the U.N. Security Council,
will take "timely and decisive
action."
The United Nations and "timely and decisive action" have an
estranged
relationship. Yet the secretary general has a responsibility to
bring
situations of international concern to the attention of the Security
Council. He could do so based on advice and information from his genocide
prevention adviser, human rights chief, emergency relief coordinator or
chief political and peacekeeping advisers. Robust U.N. action by an
independent-minded secretary general was not the uppermost qualification in
former U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. John Bolton's mind when he maneuvered Ban
Ki Moon into the office.
The Security Council can launch
investigations on its own or receive
informal briefings from nongovernment
organizations in the field.
Unfortunately, as the Global Center for R2P
notes, "the Council can never
bring itself to act before a situation becomes
catastrophic."
Once atrocity crimes are being perpetrated, the Security
Council has the
choice of taking far more costly, complex and difficult
interventions or
doing nothing - and it has a grand tradition of inaction
that the major
powers who run it are manifestly reluctant to
disturb.
The recurring cycle is to urge and follow a wait-and-see policy
until the
bodies pile up in the streets and waterways, are shown graphically
on
worldwide TV, and a general wringing of hands ensues along with repeats
of
"never again."
The alternative is to launch preventive action that
is robust and effective
in averting man-made tragedies. In retrospect, in
our original R2P report we
blurred the salient moral difference between
incapacity and perpetration.
Where states have the will but lack the
capacity - Afghanistan, Kosovo, East
Timor, Nepal - prevention measures can
include humanitarian relief, economic
assistance, rule-of-law and security
sector reforms, and democratic
institutional machinery.
But when
despots inflict grave harm on their people, international
prevention should
cross the threshold from consensual to coercive measures.
In Zimbabwe it
should include broad global pressure, coordinated with
regional
organizations like the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) and the
African Union (AU), in the form of targeted financial,
educational and
travel sanctions on all high-ranking officials and their
families; their
removal from all positions of authority in international
institutions; arms
embargoes; and the threat or actual referral of officials
to the
International Criminal Court.
Should these measures fail, as a last
resort but only at the request and
with the support of SADC and the AU, an
international military intervention
should be authorized. Making it
time-bound and benchmarking progress will
prevent it from turning into an
occupying force.
Zimbabwe's defense force is unlikely to offer formidable
resistance. By
refusing to sanction international intervention, African
countries reinforce
outside skepticism about their capacity for good
governance as the key to
lifting them out of conflicts, poverty and other
pathologies. But without
African backing an international intervention
becomes a colonial enterprise.
It raises the further question of who will
provide the necessary troops.
Combat-capable Asians with military slack will
not consider the idea without
African backing. Western countries are already
overstretched and
domestically queasy about the existing engagements. U.S.
moral leadership,
having sunk in the morass of Guantanamo, the Iraq
invasion, Abu Ghraib,
international renditions and torture, is in no
position to wage war on
another country that exercises the same powers
within its territorial
jurisdiction.
Having failed to establish
lasting good government, order and peace after a
hundred years of direct
colonial rule, from South Asia to the Middle East,
Cyprus and Zimbabwe,
Britain cannot return and solve the problems with a few
quick military jabs
to the same societies.
Many other Western governments too were passively
complicit in the practice
of rendition of captured prisoners to countries
known to torture suspects.
In Canada, policemen trained, tasked and armed to
protect the innocent
turned into killers of a lost and confused Polish
visitor at Vancouver
airport. The incident was captured on video and
broadcast around the world,
yet no one will be charged. Nor will anyone be
held criminally accountable
for the police killing of an innocent Brazilian
in London.
Isolated incidents are not commensurate with the scale of
repression in
Zimbabwe. Even so, others notice the hypocrisy when we lecture
them on their
responsibility to protect.
Ramesh Thakur, a former U.N.
assistant secretary general, was one of the
international commissioners who
produced the "Responsibility to Protect"
report.
The nightmare Mugabe created
http://www.trinidadexpress.com
Editorial
Thursday, December 18th
2008
There are people - those who harbour a very
simple view of the world -
who have bought into the Zimbabwean president's
claim that that country's
continuing crisis is a black and white issue, Mr
Mugabe putting out that he
is a victim of neo-colonials both home and abroad
who want to see the back
of this aging freedom fighter.
It is
not that he does not have a justified grievance. Britain, after
all, did
renege on its pledge to buy out the land held by Zimbabwe's white
minority,
all of it having been stolen from the black majority, most of whom
found
themselves landless in their own land.
But the people who actually
turned against Mr Mugabe were large
numbers of Zimbabwe's black population,
possibly even the majority given the
government's hold on the election
process and its predilection for
vote-rigging, which meant that his days in
office were becoming increasingly
numbered.
Mr Mugabe wasn't
about to go easily so, instead, he hit out against
white Zimbabweans who had
grown relatively fat off the land on the basis of
colonial exploitation, the
white farmers now made to appear as the
incarnation of Mr Mugabe's political
enemies, black though the majority of
them happened to be.
In pursuit of his politics of victimhood, Mr Mugabe drove them off the
farms
which he turned over to his old freedom fighter and political cronies,
with
the almost inevitable result that a country that had once been the
breadbasket of Africa now finds itself unable to feed its population in an
era where rampant corruption, brutality and disease is now the ongoing order
of the day.
Mr Mugabe's supporters, both here and elsewhere,
delude themselves by
claiming that what is happening in Zimbabwe is a
continuation of the old
Rhodesian war of liberation but they conveniently
ignore the bloody reality
which is that the people who are being oppressed
are members of the
indigenous population, tens of thousands of ordinary men
and women whose
lives their leader has made a nightmare.
The
truth is that bitter a pill as it might have been for him to
swallow, Mr
Mugabe, had he placed the interests of his people ahead of his
own, would
have realised that he had to restrain his revolutionary zeal to
win all the
points at whatever the cost and seek, instead, a political
solution that
would have redounded to the continued well-being of his
people - even if
that solution necessitated him riding off into the African
sunset, yes, but
still proud of his people's freedoms that he had helped to
win. Tragically
for Zimbabweans what he is doing instead is throwing away
the very gains
they had once made.
To offer Mugabe immunity would not give us long lasting peace
The culture of
impunity that began in the 1980s sowed the seeds for today's
crisis, says
Mpho Ncube
Mpho Ncube
The Guardian, Thursday 18 December
2008
Jonathan Steele's suggestion that Robert Mugabe and his
henchmen/women might
just relinquish power if they are offered a "soft
landing" will not bring a
lasting solution in Zimbabwe (Softly, softly oust
Mugabe, 15 December).
Essentially, Steele is proposing the perpetuation
of Zimbabwe's culture of
impunity, and we have been here before. When Mugabe
came to power in 1980, a
similar soft-landing deal was signed by the three
warring armies of Zanu-PF,
PF-Zapu and the Rhodesian Front, where human
rights abuses in the just
finished brutal guerrilla war were swept under the
carpet. It wasn't long
after that, in 1982, that Mugabe unleashed a crack
unit dubbed the
Gukurahundi (the wind that washes away the chaff) to maim
and murder more
than 20,000 civilians in Matabeleland and
Midlands.
The seeds of today's political and human rights crises in
Zimbabwe therefore
have their roots in the culture of impunity that was sown
when a deal to end
the massacres was signed by Mugabe and his political
rival, Joshua Nkomo of
PF-Zapu. The so-called Unity deal of 1987 gave a
blanket amnesty to all
members of the armed and security forces who were
involved in the
Gukurahundi atrocities, together with their political
masterminds. It is
therefore no wonder that the same people who masterminded
the Matabeleland
massacres are in charge of the violence and murder that has
enveloped
Zimbabwe in the past decade.
The reason Mugabe and his
hench-people are so defiant is that they have
benefited from previous orgies
of violence and have no fear of the
consequences. To call for "guarantees of
retirement in safety", as Steele
does, will be music to Mugabe's ears.
Zimbabweans are once again being held
hostage by his regime, and so to talk
of immunity deals is to reward those
who see violence and murder as a
legitimate policy tool.
Steele's article makes no reference to the wishes
of the many thousand
victims of Mugabe's ruthless 28-year rule in Zimbabwe,
and herein lies the
other problem. Too often, in the discourse on the future
of Zimbabwe, the
victims' cries for truth and justice are seen as an
impediment to a
political deal to end the crisis. Steele himself argues that
the threat of
criminal action may make Mugabe more desperate to cling to
power. Yet truth
and justice are a prerequisite of any lasting solution. The
reward of
immunity, retirement in safety, or jobs for Mugabe and his
henchpeople is
the wrong mechanism for building long-lasting peace and
stability.
My organisation is campaigning, on behalf of the victims of
Gukurahundi and
other state-sponsored abuses, for a Truth, Justice and
Healing Commission.
Without the direct input of victims of Mugabe's
murderous reign, any
top-down, expedient political fixes will not prevent
abuses by future
leaders.
A deterrent must be set in very clear and
visible ways, which is why the
lesson of the Nuremberg trials after the
second world war is very apt. What
is required now is for the "never again"
principle to be institutionalised
in Zimbabwe.
. Mpho Ncube is
director of communications for the Mthwakazi Action Group on
Genocide in
Matabeleland & Midlands, a British-based campaigning group for
Zimbabwean exiles ncubem@maggemm.org
Madness
in Zimbabwe
http://www.washingtontimes.com/
Mugabe has created a basket case
Charles R.
Larson
Thursday, December 18, 2008
"The cholera cause doesn't exist
any more," Zimbabwe leader Robert Mugabe
said recently. It is a statement
which shouldn't surprise anyone who has
been following his career for the
past 28 years. Then a day later, his
information minister, Sikhanyiso
Ndlovu, said the outbreak was a "genocidal
onslaught on the people of
Zimbabwe by the British." Mr. Ndlovu elaborated,
calling the cholera a
"serious biological chemical weapon . a calculated,
racist, terrorist attack
on Zimbabwe."
Fortunately, there's a groundswell calling for Mugabe to
step down - British
Prime Minister Gordon Brown, French President Nicolas
Sarkozy and President
Bush in recent days have all called for his departure.
Add to the list
within the past few weeks, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Kenyan
Prime Minister
Raila Odinga and others - enough names of important people
that you would
think that Mugabe might get the message.
He
won't.
The current raging cholera epidemic has U.N. officials worried not
simply
because of further contagion within Zimbabwe (16,000 cases and still
increasing) but into neighboring countries, especially Zambia and
Mozambique, where medical facilities will be unable to deal with the
scourge. The cholera has already spread into South Africa, but that country
has the ability to deal with the contamination, at least at the
moment.
The cholera outbreak is simply the latest example of Mugabe's
inability to
face reality. For years, he's been in a state of denial about
his actions
and he's been enabled by other African leaders who continue to
believe "Once
a war hero, always a hero." Shortly after he took office in
1980 (after,
granted, what was a terrible struggle against Ian Smith's
renegade
government), Mr. Mugabe eliminated political opponents and
permitted the
slaughter of thousands of Zimbabweans in order to put down the
opposition.
Mugabe has had blood on his hands for decades.
In the
last 10 years, he's appropriated the farms of white landowners and
tossed
them to his ZANU-PF cronies, who certainly had legitimacy for the
land but
who also knew nothing about farming. The devastation has led to a
continual
downhill slope; the so-called breadbasket of southern Africa today
has to
import food for its starving millions. Millions of other Zimbabweans
have
fled the country. Huge numbers of others have become infected with AIDS
(which Mugabe denied for years). And now cholera.
We are all
incredulous about the country's hyper-inflation, currently at 231
million
percent per annum. Recent elections have been rigged. There is
massive
unemployment, estimated at 80 percent. All social services have
broken down
- education, health, food distribution - but Mugabe and his
henchmen hang in
there, as the country slowly takes on the stench of a
gigantic
graveyard.
Mugabe and his cronies in the upper echelon of the government,
including
ZANU-PF members, soldiers, and policemen, keep holding on because
they
realize that once he loses power they'll have to stand trial in the
Hague
(like Liberia's Charles Taylor and, hopefully, Sudan's Omar
al-Basher).
They're willing for everyone else in the country to succumb in
order to
retain their power. If that isn't political genocide, what is it?
So what
can be done?
First, a clear ultimatum like Mr. Bush gave
Taylor. Step down or face
immediate consequences. And if the West doesn't
have the resolve to make
that demand, then cyber assassination. Hire a few
computer hackers and empty
out the bank accounts of ZANU's leaders (along
with Mugabe's, of course).
Close down the country's central bank, crash all
government computers,
destroy government offices from the ability of using
the internet and cell
phones - all by cyber attacks. Deny landing rights to
Mugabe's presidential
jet anywhere outside of the country. In short, stop
Mugabe's government dead
in its tracks. All of these tactics should have
been employed long ago, but
as a Zimbabwean friend of mine once told me,
"The West doesn't know how to
deal with African leaders."
We remember
how President Clinton looked on as Rwanda exploded into genocide
in 1994.
Mr. Clinton admitted years later that the incident was his worst
foreign
policy failing. Mr. Bush waited way too long before he put pressure
on
Taylor, and Liberia's destabilization spread to neighboring countries.
Without drastic tactics, the situation in Zimbabwe will only get worse (yes,
that is still possible). Cholera will spread into those neighboring
countries.
Above all, let Morgan Tsvangirai know that he will be
supported by the West
and the country will be rebuilt once Mugabe and his
devils have been
crushed. After all, Mr. Tsvangirai won the country's last
legitimate
election.
If we continue to do nothing, the blood will be
on our hands also.
Charles R. Larson is professor of literature at
American University.
Increasingly bizarre
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Wednesday, 17 December 2008
The
utterances of the Mugabe regime grow increasingly bizarre with
each passing
day. The man is now unmistakably certifiable.
As far as Mugabe himself
goes one can, quite logically, put his
lunatic ravings down to senile
dementia.
As Britain's Minister for Africa Lord Malloch-Brown said,
"Mugabe is
in a state of exaggerated paranoia. The arrests of the human
rights
activists are part of that. But it is certainly the case that
Mugabe's
actions this year have exposed him as never before. The day he
falls he has
huge future vulnerability."
What defies logic are the
pronouncements of the young people around
him like unelected action
information minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu and chief
propagandist George
Charamba, who, for the sake of power and money continue
to echo - and even
embellish - this crazed octogenarian's ludicrous
statements.
"Gordon Brown must be taken to the United Nations Security Council for
being
a threat to world peace and planting cholera and anthrax to invade
Zimbabwe," pronounced Ndlovu last week.
Charamba excelled himself
with: " .. a lady American intelligence
officer from Pretoria who is in a
number of newsrooms in the so-called
private Press, including inhabiting the
heart of a well-known editor."
Absurd falsehoods peddled by Mugabe and
his henchmen recently include
the Botswana conspiracy - whereby they seem to
believe Botswana is preparing
a military invasion of Zimbabwe and the MDC is
sending people to that
country to be trained to fight regime
change.
Backed by this ridiculous fantasy has come the suspension of
issuing
passports and emergency travel documents - effectively imprisoning
Zimbabweans in their own country.
As if guerrillas need passports!
Mugabe himself should know very well
that one does not need a passport into
order to leave one's country to fight
for freedom.
For the benefit
of any idiotic supporters of Zanu (PF) who actually
believe their dear
leader, we would like to state unequivocally that Cholera
is both a
preventable and a treatable disease that has been caused by Mugabe
and Zanu
(PF).
If they used Zimbabwe's wealth for the benefit of all by buying
water
purification chemicals, spare parts for crumbling infrastructure in
our
cities, medicines for our hospitals and clinics, fuel for refuse
collection
trucks - instead of buying luxury vehicles and plasma tv's for
judges,
chiefs, police and army officers and guns and tanks to kill
Zimbabweans -
there would be no cholera in Zimbabwe today.
It's a
question of priorities.
The causes of cholera are to be found in Harare
- not in London or
Washington. We take a particularly dim view of Charamba's
threats to
journalists this week One has already been reported missing.
Charamba must
understand that the people of Zimbabwe will hold him
personally responsible
for whatever happens to the journalists he named.
When they face the music,
people always say "I was following
orders."
Charamba is not following orders, he is giving them. He is a
relatively young man. He should not forget that there will be life in
Zimbabwe after Mugabe.
Zimbabwe:
state of hopelessness
http://www.nationmultimedia.com/
Thailand
EDITORIAL
By The Nation
Published on December 18,
2008
It is sad to witness what has been going on inside Zimbabwe and
the state of
hopelessness that the international community, including the
United Nations
and the African Union, finds itself in. Horrible regimes -
like President
Robert Mugabe's in Zimbabwe, especially - know full well that
the
international community is fickle and indecisive. Those outsiders
looking in
tend to be emotional and lack consistency of view.
The crisis
in Zimbabwe has been going on for years, under the close
scrutiny of foreign
observers. Sad but true, nobody can really do anything
to bring about
positive change inside the disintegrating country. The
ongoing cholera
epidemic has already killed nearly a thousand people in the
past month and
it may become even more widespread. International health
experts have warned
that without proper and comprehensive measures to tackle
the outbreak of the
disease, more people will die.
Mugabe made a mockery out of Western
countries' concerns over cholera in his
country, saying that the West wanted
the disease to spread so that it could
justify military intervention. Which
begs the question: What can the
international community and world leaders do
in the face of such an evil
man? Wait, or just wait some
more?
When the United Nations approved the doctrine of
"Responsibility to
Protect", or "R2P", it was hoped that this measure would
allow the world
body and its international agencies to help save humanity
from genocide and
abuse committed by heartless dictators. Unfortunately,
there are many such
rogue leaders in the world today who are willing to let
their people die of
disease and hunger as they cling on to power. Apart from
Mugabe, General
Than Shwe of Burma immediately comes to mind.
The
Zimbabwean leader will not yield because he understands the psyche of
the
international community very thoroughly. It is a Darwinian world in
which
the survival of the fittest is paramount, and in this case, the worst
and
the ugliest as well. So, Mugabe will not budge and victory will be his
as
always.
Recently, the respected International Crisis Group
recommended that both
Mugabe and his rival Morgan Tsvangirai step down to
end the current
political impasse. If both were to do so, it would allow an
interim
administration to implement much-needed political and economic
reforms. The
ICG also suggested that certain Zimbabwean politicians and
senior officials,
including Mugabe, be given immunity from future
prosecution. Furthermore,
the think-tank proposed that Zimbabwe's parliament
be allowed to draft a
constitutional amendment and prepare for a new
presidential election in 18
months. This proposal looks pragmatic enough as
it follows a middle path,
realising that the ongoing impasse will adversely
affect the well-being of
nearly all Zimbabweans.
The UN Security
Council should agree to invoke the "R2P" principle to ensure
the Mugabe
regime does not get away scot-free. What he has done to his
country and his
citizens is tantamount to crimes against humanity. It is sad
that nothing
has been done to reverse or rectify this situation. Rogue
regimes like Burma
and North Korea are watching closely how the UN and the
world's powers
react. Without any tangible joint action taken on Zimbabwe,
they will
emulate Mugabe - not that they need any encouragement to do so.
The African
Union, which has become more vocal against Mugabe, has limited
resources to
intervene in the country. But a combined effort by the UN and
the AU would
provide a full mandate for whatever actions or measures these
organisations
deemed fit to take.
Without any concrete action, there will be more
cases like Zimbabwe. Given
the global financial crisis, Western countries
have become more inward
looking and are concentrating on their immediate
problems. This represents a
win-win game for Mugabe, who continues to
cherish every moment of his reign
amid world condemnation.
When donor aid becomes a dance of zombies
Written by
George Ogola |
Ugandans
displaced by floods carry their belongings December 18,
2008: As Zimbabwe edges towards the precipice following the recent
outbreak of cholera, calls for emergency donor aid have been swift.
It
follows nearly two weeks of media focus on the Aids epidemic in developing
economies, especially in Africa, and a general assessment of just how much donor
aid has achieved.
While the positive response towards these two
epidemics cannot be understated, the limited success generally of donor aid
invites urgent attention.
In Africa, as with much of the developing
world, donor aid remains the mainstay of an alternative economy providing
employment to some but ironically condemning millions to years of dependence.
Poverty remains rampant, unemployment is unparalleled, disease continues
to stalk the continent and basic needs such food and clean water are yet to be
guaranteed.
A powerful documentary recently aired by the BBC’s Panorama
programme and aptly titled Addicted to Aid provided a brutal assessment of the
pitfalls of donor aid to Africa.
Watching the programme was a distinctly
unsettling experience, largely because of its revealing contradictions on the
need but also futility of donor aid. While the programme only focused on two
countries, Sierra Leone and Uganda, the narrative was essentially told as an
African story.
Wanton accumulationTypically,
it was a narrative of state failure, of wanton accumulation, unparalleled
corruption, of disease and death always lurking in the shadows. But it was also
a powerful critique of inherent weakness of the premises upon which donor aid is
made and its inevitable failure to prompt sustainable change.
The
programme debunked the myth of magnanimity, instead painting a picture of a
lawless alternative economy, run not on the basis of things as they are but on
how they are perceived to be. It was a sad story of donor and recipient turning
each other into “zombies” unable to see beyond the aid.
Since
independence, the Western world has contributed billions of dollars in the form
of aid to Africa. But failure stares at these efforts defiantly. This remains a
function of various factors both local and localised but also international and
internationalised.
In part, the failure of Western aid in Africa can
rightly be explained on existing weak structures largely open to manipulation
and abuse by locals, yet sustained only as such by equally weak monitoring
mechanisms by the donors.
Indeed, the focus on the spectacle of what
this aid seeks to do has become far more important than what it actually does.
Websites are now splashed with pictures of boreholes and of health
centres built in the remotest parts of Africa. Expensive hospital equipment are
taken into villages with no electricity and the accompanying pomp broadcast
worldwide with a sense of silent gratification.
Meanwhile, pictures of
smiling children and women are splashed across the Western press to entice even
more aid. Decisions are made without any consultation with the very people such
aid is meant to assist.
Models are assumed to be uniform as developing
countries are not disaggregated despite obvious and specific differences. Not
surprisingly, failure is almost always guaranteed.
What this means is
that the reliance on the aid becomes ever more critical, with millions made to
believe they cannot survive without it. As a matter of fact, it compels
recipients to remain needy.
Today, there are generations who have never
known how to work to fend for themselves, not so much because they cannot do so
but because they have been indoctrinated to believe their survival relies on aid
and nothing else. Rather than wean them off dependency, the aid makes them even
more dependent.
The Panorama reporter visited Mulago Hospital in Uganda,
a living example of the failures of donor aid. The footage contained overflowing
wards with women in labour lying under beds due to lack of space.
The
emergency unit was full to the door with bleeding patients lying on the floor
unattended, blood splattered all over the floors, used syringes improperly
disposed, water taps tied with ropes and nurses working without gloves. Outside
the hospital were several 4x4 vehicles bought by donor money, a rather
contradictory spectacle.
The country’s Health ministry through the
permanent secretary responded apace, arguing that health service in the country
should be measured against the country’s difficult history “not where we should
ideally be”.
It was a moronic excuse to defend a ministry able to buy
tens of 4x4s, costing hundreds of thousands of dollars from a donor funded
health budget when its main referral hospital has taps tied with ropes,
inadequate beds and no gloves for nurses.
Why basic hygiene must be tied
to a ‘difficult history’ demonstrates the depth of ineptitude of the state
bureaucracy usually given a near carte blanche to use this aid.
But
perhaps even more disturbing was a scene in an Economics class at Makerere
University.
Asked about their potential future careers, an overwhelming
majority of the students expressed their burning ambition to work for the donor
funded NGO sector rather than start their own businesses.
Difficult timesIn many ways, it
was a premonition to the difficult times that lie ahead. Clearly, these students
have seen the lifestyles this money sustains.
Indeed, by ensuring the
aid money does not actually work, some are able to perversely sustain this
alluring donor-funded lifestyle of which a sports utility car has become the
emblem.
A blanket condemnation of donor aid is certainly not the point;
indeed such an argument is spurious on many grounds. But when nearly 40 years of
aid does not seem to have changed much, it is time to sit back and rethink the
premises upon which this aid is actually given.
There are far too many
problems with current models, far too many assumptions made by the donor
community which must now be radically revised. Panorama’s title perhaps only
captured part of the crisis.
This addiction to aid is mutual and
complementary. Africa is not only addicted to aid, the West is just as addicted
to giving. It is a waltz of the
zombies. |