The ZIMBABWE Situation
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Zimbabweans Demand Solutions to Country's Crisis

http://www.voanews.com



By Peter Clottey
Washington, D.C
19 December 2008

A cross section of Zimbabweans advocating military action against President
Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF government had their hopes dashed after the leader
of South Africa's ruling party dismissed the move as untenable. African
National Congress leader Jacob Zuma said he is sharply opposed to a military
solution to the Zimbabwe crisis. Zuma contends that there is no war in
Zimbabwe that warrants military intervention. He advocates rather a deep
diplomatic push by ZANU-PF and the main opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) to form a unity government to resolve the country's economic
and political crisis. Political analyst Glen Mpani tells reporter Peter
Clottey that Zimbabweans are demanding solutions to the escalating crisis.

"I think his (Zuma) comments that he opposes military action in Zimbabwe are
views that are shared commonly by not only regional leaders, but also even
Zimbabweans themselves. I think Zimbabweans and particularly the MDC have
committed themselves to a peaceful resolution of the Zimbabwe crisis," Mpani
noted.

He said there was need for the leader of South Africa's ruling party to help
resolve the Zimbabwe crisis.

"But while he (Zuma) is expressing his disagreement with military action in
Zimbabwe, he as a leader of the ruling party in South Africa and president
in waiting should be providing options to say, if we are not using the
military option, what are we going to use? What is the leverage that we have
against the Zimbabwe government? Because it does not help to be discrediting
options that are being put on the table while not providing an alternative.
So he has to provide an alternative to say how are we going to put pressure
on the ZANU-PF government to come to the negotiating table and accept the
demands that are being put forth for a proper and an all-inclusive
power-sharing agreement," he said.

Mpani said Zimbabweans seem to be tired of the escalation of the country's
crisis.

"Zimbabweans currently are desperate, and if you are to ask them to say what
they would hope for, the level of desperation you see in the country might
have public opinion possibly shifting towards a more firm intervention in
the country. But if one looks at it in terms of countries where military
interventions have taken place, it would not be advisable for military
action to take place, but for democratic processes to be used to force the
Zimbabwe government to adopt an accommodative approach in this arrangement,"
Mpani pointed out.

He said using the military option against President Mugabe's administration
would not be in the interest of most Zimbabweans.

"We all know what would happen in a military intervention. And this might as
well play into the ZANU-PF hands because such an environment would create a
reason and a justification that plays into the ZANU-PF propaganda that there
are external forces that are fighting against them. So I don't think that
would be advisable," he said.

Mpani said although there seems to be no ongoing war in Zimbabwe, the
suffering of the masses warrants some form of intervention to help resolve
the crisis.

"There is no war like the type of war that Jacob Zuma is accustomed to,
where guns are blazing in the streets of Harare. But there is a humanitarian
war in Zimbabwe, where people are dying of cholera, where there are food
shortages, and where there are day to day high levels of inflation. And
where there are human rights abuses, and where activists are being abducted.
And I don't know any other war than the one that the people of Zimbabwe are
in today. So if you are talking about war where guns are blazing in
Zimbabwe, yes, there is no war. But the people of Zimbabwe have reached a
point where they don't even know what they are going to be eating tomorrow.
So that in itself, I think, is war enough to warrant regional and
international intervention in resolving the crisis in Zimbabwe," Mpani
pointed out.


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While Zimbabweans Starve, Mugabe Holds a Feast

http://www.time.com

By Alex Perry Thursday, Dec. 18, 2008

Zimbabwe's farms are ruined, its economy has evaporated, and its people have
begun to starve and die of cholera. What better time to call a feast?
According to reports in Zimbabwe's domestic press on Thursday, President
Robert Mugabe and delegates to the annual conference of his ruling Zanu-PF
Party will chomp their way through 124 cattle, 81 goats and 18 pigs over the
course of their deliberations in the central town of Bindura. "Even if no
more beasts are donated," said Geoffrey Nyarota, managing editor of
thezimbabwetimes.com, referring to the practice of delegates donating
animals to the leadership, "124 head of cattle is an inordinately large
quantity of beef." With 5,000 delegates expected to attend, he added, it
worked out to "40 delegates per bovine over four days - that is not to
mention the pork, the goat, the maize-meal, the rice, among other basic
foodstuffs currently in acute shortage throughout Zimbabwe." Noting he had
attended weddings at which two bulls had fed 400 guests, Nyarota added,
"This truly is incredible, especially in a country where millions of
impoverished souls are starving."

The catering arrangements for the ruling party's annual shindig only
reinforces the sense of grand delusion pervading the top ranks of Zimbabwe's
regime amid the catastrophe they have brought upon their country. The U.N.
has raised its estimate of the death toll from the cholera epidemic to
1,111, with 20,580 people infected. Concern is also growing over the fate of
more than 20 opposition and civil-society leaders and activists who have not
been seen since their abduction this past month. Mystery also surrounds an
attempted assassination attempt against Zimbabwe's air-force chief Perrance
Shiri, who was shot in the arm by unknown gunmen who stopped his car on
Tuesday. Shiri is a key member of Mugabe's inner circle who commanded the
notorious North Korean-trained 5th Brigade that massacred tens of thousands
of supporters of a rival political movement during the 1980s. (See pictures
of the reign of Robert Mugabe.)
The government response to the expanding crisis is increasingly bizarre.
Mugabe has denied that the cholera epidemic exists. (A spokesman later
claimed he was being sarcastic.) And some of his ministers and spokesmen
have blamed a Western conspiracy - which they claim is running militia
training camps in neighboring Botswana with the eventual aim of recolonizing
Zimbabwe - for the assassination attempt on Shiri. Even the cholera outbreak
forms part of this dark conspiracy: Information Minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu
described the disease as part of a "serious biological chemical war ... a
genocidal onslaught on the people of Zimbabwe by ... the unrepentant former
colonial power [Britain], which has enlisted support from its American and
Western allies so that they invade the country." A senior Zanu-PF official,
speaking on condition of anonymity, told TIME that the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) was behind the attack on Shiri. "It is the MDC
and its Western donors who are trying to destabilize our country because we
took land from the whites," he said. "We are going to stand firm to our
values."

South Africa President Kgalema Motlanthe has dismissed the regime's claims.
But University of Zimbabwe lecturer John Makumbe believes the purpose of
touting these incredible fictions is that "the regime wants to create an
impression that it is a victim when it is actually the perpetrator of
violence."

Driving Zanu-PF's hysterical self-deception is the party's loss of popular
support. The erstwhile liberation movement lost a general election in March,
and after 28 years in power, Mugabe finished second in the presidential race
behind MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The regime, which has always claimed
for itself the mantle of revolutionary vanguard of the Zimbabwean people,
responded with violence, killing close to 200 MDC members and jailing and
torturing thousands more. Mugabe has since opened power-sharing talks with
the MDC, but those have collapsed over the incumbent's insistence on keeping
absolute control over the police and army, his key instruments of power. But
without a political solution, Zimbabwe cannot escape economic disaster,
because aid donors refused to prop up a dictatorial regime.

But Mugabe remains defiant. Speaking at a press conference on Wednesday,
former Home Affairs Minister Dumiso Dabengwa, a former Mugabe ally, said the
84-year-old dictator believed in violence as the only remedy. "When I was in
government and in Zanu-PF, I used to tell Mugabe not to victimize and use
violence against the MDC, but he did not listen. He refused to stop using
violence against the MDC, saying that the power base of Zanu-PF was
threatened. He was unrepentant. He believes violence is the solution." The
U.N. estimates that 5.8 million people out of a population of up to 12
million will need food aid in the first quarter of next year. But that won't
stop the cadres of Zanu-PF from eating their fill in Bindura.

-With reporting by correspondents inside Zimbabwe


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Mugabe Fighting To Hide Cholera

http://uk.news.yahoo.com

3 hours 13 mins ago

 Sky News

The cholera epidemic in Zimbabwe is a problem Mugabe has not yet worked out
how to handle - but terrorising his critics seems second nature.

A preventable disease, easily treated, it shouldn't kill anyone.

Yet we have seen hospitals in Harare overflowing with the sick and dying.

One senior health official told us why it was so deadly.

He blamed the government for what he said was a man made epidemic that is
still getting worse.

The problem for president Mugabe is that it illustrates all too clearly the
ruinous state of his country.

It is not easy to blame on his enemies either domestically or abroad.

He has tried to ignore it, deny it altogether, claim it is under control,
and blame it on the British colonials as an act of aggression and attempted
genocide.

Mugabe's frustration is not because there is no longer a functioning water
supply, or that the broken sewers we have seen are contaminating it.

It is not even the lack of medicine or hospital staff to treat the sick. It
is because the outside world can see what is happening.

That any information gets out at all is largely thanks to local people
risking their lives to document abuses and film the glimpses we see of their
countrymen starving in villages and townships or dying in the hospitals.

Far from Mugabe and his henchmen negotiating to share power we are seeing
the familiar step in the inexorable process of tightening their grip.

Terrorising the influential, activists and political opponents alike. Many
of them have disappeared in the last few weeks.

Some it is feared have been executed. The rest forced into hiding.

The next step is to accuse the opposition of acts of violence for which
there seems to be no foundation, let alone evidence.

The regime then has the excuse to broaden the reach of its intimidation to
remind the already desperate population exactly who is boss.

So while Mugabe decides how to deal with the worsening cholera epidemic the
in the face of international condemnation, at home he is on more familiar
ground.


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Ardent Mugabe supporter now AG

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=8901

December 18, 2008

By Our Correspondent

HARARE - Johannes Tomana, a lawyer who has been closely associated with
Zanu-PF over the years, has been sworn-in as Zimbabwe's Attorney General.

Welcoming Tomana to the Cabinet President Mugabe called him "the right man"
to confront the challenges as government' chief law officer. Tomana takes
over from Justice Bharat Patel, who was acting AG following the suspension
and eventual dismissal of Sobusa Gula-Ndebele in May.

The AG's office has been rocked by scandal. The previous incumbent,
Gula-Ndebele was fired amid unsubstantiated allegations that he was purged
for failing to adhere to a Zanu-PF agenda on prosecutions.

The government says Gula-Ndebele acted in a manner inconsistent with the
status of a public official when he took a bribe from fugitive NMB bank
director James Mushore who had fled the country after accusations that he
defrauded depositors and externalised foreign exchange. Gula-Ndebele was
found guilty by a three-person tribunal that was established to probe him of
taking a bribe and promising Mushore that he would not prosecute him when he
returned home from the UK where he fled to.

On Wednesday, Mugabe was conspicuously silent on Gula-Ndebele's term of
office at the swearing-in ceremony.

But the MDC says the swearing-in of Tomana without consultation with the MDC
showed contempt for the global political agreement signed by political
parties on September 15.

The ceremony held at State House was performed before an audience of top
judiciary officers that included Zimbabwe's Chief Justice Godfrey
Chidyausiku, Judge President Rita Makarau and Justice Legal and
Parliamentary Affairs Minister Patrick Chinamasa.

Tomana was sworn in under Section 76 of the Constitution which states that
every AG takes oath of loyalty and office.

Mugabe said that he was grateful for the former deputy AG's service,
prompting robust applause from Justice Department employees. He has served
as deputy AG for 11 months.

A staunch Zanu-PF supporter who has vigorously defended government while in
private practice, Tomana has been an unwavering supporter of the Mugabe
regime. As senior partner at law firm, Tomana, Mandaza and Muzangaza, Tomana
has legally represented the Media and Information Commission and is directly
responsible for the banning of the country's independent daily newspaper,
The Daily News, and three other titles. He was lawyer for the MIC for years
and also represented the then Information Minister, Professor Jonathan Moyo
in several cases against independent journalists.

He is a commissioner of Zimbabwe's largely useless Anti-Corruption
Commission which has failed to secure even a single high profile prosecution
despite widespread top level corruption.

He has routinely been quoted by State media as a political analyst
energetically defending some of President Mugabe's more questionable
policies.

Soon after he was sworn in Wednesday, Tomana sought to set a new tone for
the Justice department. He urged Zimbabweans to desist from crime.

He pledged to "help you continue to protect Zimbabwean interests.

"I am sure that Zimbabweans are not prepared for rhetoric, they have had
enough of it," Tomana said. "All that they want now are solutions. I will
not claim to be the solution, but I shall say that Zimbabweans are the
solution.

"In my own assessed view, the reason why Zimbabwe is suffering is because we
have allowed crime to dominate our lives. I want to promise everyone that
the security services are ready, the judiciary is ready and I am more than
prepared to help the nation fight crime."

Tomana said it was the duty of every Zimbabwean to insist on the protection
afforded to them by the law, co-operate in fighting crime and to abstain
from criminal activities.

With little less than a year acting as deputy AG (Crime), Tomana faces a
number of challenging tasks. They include dealing with human rights cases
such as the incommunicado detention over two dozen of opposition and civil
rights activists and handling political cases impartially.


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Call for 'Mugabe' editor to be deported from the UK

http://www.nehandaradio.com

19 December 2008

By Fortune Tazvida

MDC senator and veteran activist Sekai Holland has expressed concerns about
a United Kingdom based website run by lawyer turned journalist Itayi Garande
and running stories supporting Robert Mugabe's brutal regime.

Holland claimed the website had now been 'infiltrated' by Zanu PF supporters
and 'its very dangerous that the website is being used to spread stories in
support of Mugabe.' Initially called Talk Zimbabwe.com the website announced
that due to 'new investment' it would rebrand itself as the Zimbabwe
Guardian.com.

Nehanda Radio understands Garande the editor left Zimbabwe to stay in
Switzerland for some time. Around 2000 thereabouts Garande came to the
United Kingdom and within no time struck up a close friendship with Bright
Matonga (now Zimbabwe's Deputy Information Minister).

He was also to be close friends with sports fitness trainer Themba Mliswa
(later deported for swindling money from desperate Zimbabwean immigrants).
Mliswa is now living on a farm in Karoi that was violently seized from a
former white farmer. Our sources say the trio of Garande, Matonga and Mliswa
were to form a strong bond and stayed in the same town of South End for some
time.

Garande is also close friends with Zanu PF apologist George Shiri, a regular
contributor on several British radio and television shows in which he
defends the regime. Both are regular visitors at the Zimbabwean Embassy in
London.

No one seems to know what Garande does for a living despite his claims that
he works as a consultant for the African Development Bank. His immigration
status is also not known. He started off as a critic of the government; a
common infiltration tactic said one source, before making an editorial
u-turn in 2008 and showing his true colours.

In the run up to the March election Garande gave away the game by constantly
attacking the presidential aspirations of independent candidate Simba
Makoni. The common position within the establishment was that Makoni was
weakening Zanu PF's grip by leaving the party and Garande made sure this was
editorialized in his website.

So if Garande's place of employment is not known and he spends most of his
time at the Zimbabwean Embassy, in the company of George Shiri, what could
he be doing for a living in the UK? Nehanda Radio leaves this to its readers
for conclusions. But what the growing revelations have triggered are calls
for his deportation to Zimbabwe.

'The UK have in place targeted sanctions aimed at people like this, why are
they not deporting him?' a reader in our forums questioned. A senior
opposition official said they had already contacted the relevant authorities
with a view to see if Garande qualified under the measures meant to
ostracize people who back Mugabe.

We put forward these allegations to Garande and in the spirit of balanced
reporting publish his response. ....

-----

Garande responds to growing deportation calls
19 December 2008

By Itayi Garande

The first premise is that I reserve the right to have an opinion; and
respect those who have theirs. Many people that I have interacted with in
the journalistic fraternity know that I do not represent one particular
viewpoint. I think partisanship simply kills journalism.

We have to know who we are first: journalists or activists, or both to
understand our role in the community. I recently saw a picture of a burning
man during the xenophobic attacks in South Africa and wondered: Where is the
cameraman and why is he not helping? I also saw a picture (during the
Ethiopian famine of the early 90s) an eagle about to land on a dying kid.
The photographer should have saved the kid; but the story would not have
reached the international audience. I guess these are the trade offs that
journalists sometimes have to battle with.

If we put our own deductions into the stories that we tell, we are
twisting the facts. I have had the advantage of studying law and practising
journalism. What I have learnt from journalism is that you have to present
the facts as they are. The advantage from law is how to gather the evidence
and make deductive reasoning using those facts.

I guess in journalism, I have to allow others to form opinions about
those facts; which is where we start from at Talkzimbabwe. We cannot censor
the way people feel or think. We can have our opinions about it, but we
nevertheless have to allow them to filter through, if they are not
libellous, insulting, profane and downright malicious.

The article in the Observer was informed by Sekai Holland's opinion.
She is entitled to that opinion; but that opinion does not make it
fact. 'Infiltrated' by CIOs suggests that I do not know about those
CIOs, so why is it an issue for me? She did not say "Itayi Garande is
a CIO". So just like the reader, I have to investigate to see if CIOs
are using the site to promote violence, torture and the like.

If you asked me whether we support Zanu PF elements who butcher,
falsely imprison and torture people, the answer is an emphatic "No!".
If you asked me whether we support MDC-Tsvangirai violence the answer is the
same. We do not condone violence; that is not our role.

Do we have Zimbabwe and Zimbabweans at heart? Yes, indeed. Are we supposed
to support Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC? Hell no! Is
not supporting Morgan Tsvangirai synonymous with supporting Zanu PF, hell
no! Why can't we not support both? In any case, as a publisher, we do not
make these choices except in our opinions; but obviously our general
editorial policy will lean towards our bias. Is our bias Zanu PF? No! Our
contention is that the MDC should be scrutinised -- with a toothcomb. Others
scrutinize Zanu PF, Mavambo, PF Zapu, Zanu, DP, etc. We do not castigate
them for that. This is a free world, or is it?

Free speech is a very elusive concept. We have come to recognize that. It is
a concept not respected by those people purporting to fight for it. Infact,
many so-called activists, who cry for free speech have
been at the forefront of denying other people that right.

This is tantamount to media violence. That violence transforms itself
into de facto censorship of small media organisations by big media
houses and well-funded activist groups who think they own the thinking
space. Talkzimbabwe.com was a victim of that media violence, but will not be
intimidated.

We will respond to those individuals who have made it their business
to criticise our way of doing things, but at the same time reserve our
judgment over theirs. We realize that apart from inciting and causing
mayhem, recent media violence directed at us, is an instrument of fear and
social control. We will not succumb to either of those.

There is a lot of vile media violence in Zimbabwean online publications and
one of the reasons why Talkzimbabwe.com was founded was to neutralize that
violence, provide a platform for free and fair talk and we will not abrogate
that responsibility.

There are no Zimbabweans who are more Zimbabwean than others. We all want
the best for our country. The knee-jerk retort of critics to our way of
doing things will not deter us from our obligation - to provide news to the
people of Zimbabwe. We realize the perils of the medium we have chosen.

The Web has become the online forum of choice for hate groups
precisely because it allows them to avoid interacting with those who
disagree with their views, and provides a false sense of security -
away from physical interaction. Chat rooms, forums and emails have become
the new areas of mental violence, hate speech and social division. Those who
are responsible for running these fora carry the burden of responsibility
for the mess we see in our society today.

Genuine peace, genuine progress in our country can only be a sum total of
divergent ideas, not polarized singular ideas of a group that tries to
impose its thinking on another. Genuine progress requires discussion, must
be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new
generation, not promote the ideas of a generation that has seen its day, or
a group that thinks it only has the right to exist.

Peace is not an event. It is a process - a way of solving problems.
That is why today, after the historic signing of the Truth and
Reconciliation documents in South Africa, there's still no peace in
that country. This is why, today, in Kenya the supposed coalition shows
signs of weakness. Genuine, effective debate is crucial.

There is no better venue for discussing ideas than the Internet today;
especially for a Diaspora community. But that venue should not be abused by
self-seeking, neurotic individuals who do not have their nation at heart,
but their self-seeking agendas. Fear today is pervasive. Insecurity grips us
all and often we blame the wrong people for the wrong issues because they
decide to view the
world differently from us.

Talkzimbabwe.com is a forum for debate and news provision. It is not a
platform for hate speech. Those who consider it overtly propagandistic and
hugely partisan should examine closely the rest of the online publications
on Zimbabwe, and some of the vitriol encouraged by so-called established
media houses and trained journalists.

One commentator said: "The problem with the internet, of course, is
that it transmitted considerable flakiness alongside pithy truth telling.
Blog sites, for good and ill, are unfiltered and unaccountable." Zimbabwe is
not spared. Progress depends on believing in the common humanity and the
consideration of "the Other" - not the thwarting of it.

Appreciating our common humanity depends on respect for other's
viewpoints, the ability and moral bravery to see things through the
eyes of the other, even of one's adversaries. The belief that Zimbabweans
should be a homogenous group that sees issues the same way is misplaced.
This view militates against our common humanity and dehumanizes us.

The expectation that every Zimbabwean should like the MDC and support Morgan
Tsvangirai is a dis - ease in our society. It is unbridled and ignorant
hubris. So what can the media do? Three things: One is to present diverse
opinions without fear of label; Zanu PF, MDC, CIO, etc. Exchanges should be
respectful and truth seeking, not insulting and point scoring as we have
witnessed in hate media always seeking negativity out of Zimbabwe, sometimes
where it's uncalled for.

The opposite is not true. You can't always seek positivity where it is
uncalled for. We need not veer away from tough questions and hard challenges
or to humiliate those who do not think like us in mindless wars of
propaganda. Secondly, the media should expand the thinking capacities of its
readership, not constrict it. This idea should operate on the logic of
power-expansion and community-preservation.

Zimbabwe is a community within a global community. The power of the
Zimbabwean community should be expanded to preserve that community. The
mindless fights in the media today constrict that power and our capacity to
self-determine as a nation. Thirdly, media should inform with detail,
expertise, accuracy, accountability and sensitivity - the stories that can
help our country to avoid the abyss.

At the end of the day the public is quite capable of sorting out the
gold and the dross that is in the media today. Those publications that claim
superiority might actually be viewed as dross by the rest of the public.
According to John Kennedy, "in the final analysis, our most basic common
link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air.
We all cherish our children's future. And we are all mortal."

The onslaught on our organisation by those who think they know us
better than ourselves is sickening. We have no illusions about the predatory
nature of some organisations that mask themselves as people's organisations
or political parties or media organisations.

Established Zimbabwean journalists are supposed to be the good guys on
freedom of expression, right? The Opposition is supposed to be protecting
that right, right? So why are they at the forefront of
denying that right, by sanctioning those who exercise it freely, as
they demand?

I thought there was a difference between opposing a Government and trying to
destroy a whole nation. Those people who have been calling for armed
invasion in Zimbabwe, under the banner of Responsibility to Protect, are
effectively trying to destroy a whole nation. Those who think they can gain
power by calling for an armed
insurrection exhibit serious signs of mental fatigue.

This business about CIO labels, pro-Government, anti-Government
labels, is neither progressive nor helpful. Talkzimbabwe.com does not exist
in the 'Dark Ages'.


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Irish missionaries tend to victims in a ravished land

http://www.irishtimes.com

Friday, December 19, 2008

Bill Corcoran in Cape Town
THE MOST striking feature about Zimbabweans who have crossed the border into
Musina, South Africa's northernmost town, is their depth of fatigue,
according to Irish missionaries working in the town.

Hungry and in many cases infected with cholera, a water-borne disease that
is lethal if left untreated, the majority are close to collapse by the time
they cross into South Africa via the Beitbridge border post near Musina in
Vhembe district.

Fr Aidan McHugh, a Missionary of the Sacred Heart who has worked in the
region for the past six years, operates a small food distribution centre in
the town five days a week as part of his religious order's response to
Zimbabwe's growing humanitarian crisis.

The 69-year-old from Swinford, Co Mayo says the disintegration of Zimbabwe's
society has caused one of the worst humanitarian situations he has seen in
South Africa since he arrived here 19 years ago, with the number of refugees
arriving in the area rising by the day.

"When we started last March we were handing out 30 to 40 food parcels a day,
but that has risen to 350 a day this month. You have men, women and children
who are hungry, have no money and are sick from various illnesses because
their have no strength left.

"Some of the people travel over 100 miles on foot through the bush to get
here, driven on by the fear of dying from disease, hunger or being targeted
by their own government. Once they get here many just collapse," he told The
Irish Times.

Last week Vhembe district was declared a disaster zone by the Limpopo
provincial government following the revelation that 664 cases of cholera had
been treated by local and international doctors and nurses trying to contain
the outbreak.

The majority of the cases were Zimbabweans who had travelled there seeking
medical help because their own healthcare system has collapsed, due to the
country's ongoing political and economic meltdown.

Zimbabwe's government has been paralysed for three months due to the
inability of the country's rival political parties to agree on the
ministerial make-up of the unity government outlined under the powersharing
deal signed on September 15th last.

Yesterday the United Nations confirmed that Zimbabwe's cholera epidemic is
continuing to spread, and has now claimed the lives of 1,111 from the 20,581
cases the organisation has recorded since the start of the outbreak last
August.

A total of 11 people have died from the disease in South Africa so far,
while cases have also been reported in border areas in Mozambique, Zambia
and Botswana.

The UN World Health Organisation has said the total number of cases could
reach 60,000 unless the epidemic is stopped, but western countries have been
slow to offer financial support because of their mistrust of President
Robert Mugabe's regime.

At present, Fr McHugh says, there are up to 2,000 refugees living under a
blistering sun in an open municipality-owned field in Musina, which suffers
from severe water and sanitation shortages.

"I find the whole situation so depressing and everyone is living in fear of
catching the disease. The people are just sitting around the campground
doing nothing but waiting. Musina has now been renamed 'little Zimbabwe'
because of the crisis.

"Those that have the strength move on after a few days towards Pretoria,
Johannesburg and Cape Town where they say they are going to look for work so
they can send money home to their families, who have nothing."

Brother Frank Gallagher of the De La Salle Brothers has been running a small
night shelter for boys between the ages of 10 and 15 in Louis Trichardt, a
town about 90 miles south of Musina.

While not exclusively for people from Zimbabwe, the Dublin-born brother says
most of the young people staying there at the moment are from that country,
and in need of somewhere to stay, because sleeping in the open leaves them
exposed to being picked up by the police or attacked by thieves.

"Most of the people we have here walked from Musina, and they use us as a
rest stop before moving on south. The ones who are very sick we bring to the
local hospital, but many people try and hide their illnesses from the others
in the shelter because of the stigma. Often we only know they have been sick
because we find empty medicine bottles around the area after they have
left." Brother Gallagher adds: "The people we get here are really
appreciative for any help they receive, and we try to help as best we can.
But we are only a small group - there is only room for 14 each night - and a
drop in the ocean of need really."


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Re:  Tsvangirai should be home with the people


By John Huruva in London
I felt it necessary to respond to Tanonoka Joseph Whande's article on why he felt Tsvangirai should be home with the people. It is important for readers to understand the history of liberation movements in Africa and elsewhere. Zimbabwe is practically a war zone characterised by abductions, murders, rapes, arson attacks and absence of law and order. This is exactly what it was like during the liberation period.
 
In similar circumstances, Robert Mugabe , Joshua Nkomo, Oliver Thambo, Thabo Mbeki, Sam Nojuma, Nelson Mandela (in prison) etc were all in the REAR and never pulled a trigger against an enemy. It is stupid and daft to sacrifice your leader when he/she is supposed to provide strategic leadership and police initiatives. Look at what happened to Chris Hani in SA. He shown himself up  in an exclusive White surburb and by so doing he exposed himself as fodder to the enemy.
 
Just imagine the environment were Perence Shiri is shot, Manyika is killed in a "road accident", Chinotimba is recovering from another "road accident" who the hell is Tsvangirai to be spared under these conditions? "Robbers" and "Road Accidents" can easily claim his life.  There is a big lesson we seem to overlook. A friend of mine reminded me that, "John, do you remember that all liberation movements used violence to achieve their goal?" He went on to say, "it is precisely for that reason that to this day these movements think that  every problem has to be resolved by violence." This is very true of the developments in Zimbabwe today. Zanu PF (old ZANU and old ZAPU (the swallowed one ) have found it difficult to evolve into democratic parties and worse still is that they now believe in their own propaganda such as "we are in this mess because of Brown and Bush" and "now that we have arrested cholera --".
 
Please Mr Whande, instead of saying people are saying a, b and c, we should use our influence and access to media to enlighten each other on what is best for our country. Mr Tsvangirai will never utter the words you are asking him to say. He will always have a diplomatic response to the issue. A  dead Tsvangirai is no good to Zimbabwe. Come on guys, lets give Tsvangirai his dues. He is the only Zimbabwean to take on ZANU PF as epitomised by Mugabe. Hats off to all those guys in opposition who are trying to peacifully democratise Zimbabwe. The civil society should be mentioned in the same breath.

 

John Huruva

 

The fight for freedom and justice in Zimbabwe is not going to end with Mugabe's departure.


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MDC, Motlanthe Reject Zanu PF's Terror Claims

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 20:00

THE Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC yesterday confronted the ruling Zanu PF
for the first time over its charges of banditry, raising political tensions
between the two parties currently in faltering talks to form an
all-inclusive government.

The confrontation, which took place in parliament, has put the ball
firmly in Zanu PF's court to prove its claims which have drawn in Sadc
countries, in particular Botswana which has been accused of providing the
MDC-T with military training and logistical support.

The MDC move came hard on the heels of remarks by South African
President Kgalema Motlanthe on Wednesday dismissing Zimbabwe's allegations
that Botswana was drilling MDC-T insurgents to oust President Robert Mugabe
from power. He said he didn't believe it.

In a parliamentary motion yesterday, the MDC went head to head with
Zanu PF over the issue and urged the House of Assembly to condemn claims of
banditry as "unfounded, irresponsible and reprehensible".
Moving the motion, MDC-T MP for Lobengula-Magwegwe, Siphepha Nkomo,
described the Zanu PF allegations as a "falsehood" which could lead to
unnecessary "bloodshed".

"Aware of Zanu PF's history of plotting, conspiracy and
counter-conspiracy, disturbed by the attempt to create a falsehood that the
MDC is behind the case of banditry, aware of the attempt to create
conditions to justify a crackdown on the people of Zimbabwe and state of
emergency, concerned with the unwarranted and unjustified attacks on the
sovereign and independent state of Botswana by Zanu PF," Nkomo said, "we now
call this House to condemn efforts to create an artificial atmosphere of
conflict, attrition, bloodshed and intolerance among the peace-loving people
of Zimbabwe and also condemn attacks on Botswana."

Motlanthe, the Sadc chairperson, said the regional bloc did not
believe allegations by Zimbabwe that Botswana was training the youths.

Motlanthe told journalists at his Union Buildings office in Pretoria
on Wednesday that Zimbabwe's allegations lacked substance.
Relations between Harare and Gaborone have been sour for several years
but took a dangerous twist last month when Zimbabwe first raised the
allegations.

"We do not believe that (allegation about insurgents). We do not think
there is any substance to the allegation," Motlanthe said. "But of course
the Zimbabwean authorities would cite an explosion at a police station and
that kind of stuff to actually claim that the government of Botswana could
train the MDC cadres - it's against the Sadc principles, that is why we
really take it with a pinch of salt."

Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa had earlier this week claimed that
the government had gathered "compelling evidence" that Botswana and the
MDC-T were plotting war on Mugabe.

The government also attempted to link the shooting of Zimbabwe
Airforce commander Perrance Shiri by unknown gunmen to the alleged plot to
effect illegal regime change in Zimbabwe.

Motlanthe said Sadc decided to probe the banditry allegations because
they were made by a member state.

He said: "But of course because the allegation was made officially,
that is why it had to be investigated but I have no doubt that it will come
to naught."

Motlanthe said it did not make sense that the MDC-T, which is properly
registered and has participated in several elections, could now choose war
to gain political power.

"It (MDC-T) is represented in parliament .there would really be no
logic in that at this late hour they are planning for a military option.
There is an army in Zimbabwe which cannot be confronted with people who are
trained over weekends," said the South African leader.

A probe team headed by the principal secretary in Swaziland's Ministry
of Defence, John Kunene,  was expected in Botswana yesterday to search for
military camps where Zimbabwe alleges youths from the MDC-T were being
trained.

Kunene is expected to submit a report on his mission to the interstate
defence and security committee of Sadc's Organ on Politics, Defence and
Security.

Botswana and the MDC-T have denied training bandits to fight Mugabe,
with the opposition's secretary-general Tendai Biti saying the allegations
were a ploy by Mugabe to justify declaring a state of emergency.

"We have no doubt as a party that they (government) are going to
declare a state of emergency," Biti told journalists in Harare on Monday.
"As a matter of fact we are not training bandits."

He added: "In fact the MDC is a de facto government of the day. We
control parliament, the chairman of the MDC, Lovemore Moyo is the speaker of
parliament and the president of the MDC is the prime minister-designate.

"So how does the MDC, which is controlling government want to destroy
that?" he said.

Biti said the MDC-T would pursue "constitutional, peaceful and
democratic means to bring change".

Last week, the Zimbabwe government claimed that Botswana had refused
to send a team to Harare to get the evidence of its involvement in training
bandits, but Gaborone denied ever being invited.

Botswana's Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation,
Phandu Skelemani, said the country was not aware of an invitation extended
to it by Zimbabwe to see the evidence.

Skelemani said: "What invitation? To go to Harare to do what? In the
first place, the terms of reference of the investigating team spell out
clearly where the investigations should be conducted.

They ought to be conducted in Gaborone where, in the wild dreams of
the Zimbabwean authorities, there are camps where MDC-T cadres are receiving
training."

He said Zimbabwe had failed to produce the evidence.

"On the other hand we insisted that the investigating work should
start here as Botswana is the place where we are supposed to be training
MDC-T cadres. There was never an agreement that the team should visit
Zimbabwe," said Skelemani.

Motlanthe also disclosed that Sadc had put in place a new mechanism
for delivering urgent humanitarian aid to crisis-hit Zimbabwe.

Motlanthe said financial and material aid would be channelled through
a new structure called the Zimbabwe Humanitarian and Development Assistance
Framework once an inclusive government is formed.

The framework, a non-partisan agency, would comprise government,
non-profit organisations, religious leaders and agricultural unions.

Every member of the 15-nation grouping was expected to contribute to
the effort "in accordance with (their) resources and capabilities".

Motlanthe said Zanu PF and the two MDC formations were supportive of
the initiative.

"President Mugabe accepts also that the situation is very dire and
that the people of Zimbabwe need assistance to relieve them of the
deprivation they've had to endure for some time," Motlanthe said.

The severe cholera outbreak that has killed around 1 000 people since
August had compounded an already bad situation characterised by serious food
shortages, he said.

BY DUMISANI MULEYA AND CONSTANTINE CHIMAKURE


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State Security Agents Probe Shiri Attack

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 19:52

STATE security agents probing last Saturday's attack on Air Marshal
Perrance Shiri have reportedly linked the incident to either Zanu PF's
succession battle or alleged MDC banditry.

Reliable sources told the Zimbabwe Independent that the probe team -
made up of the police, Central Intelligence Organisation and Military
Intelligence - was pursuing the two lines of inquiry and were tasked to get
to the bottom of the matter.

The MDC-Tsvangirai has since denied involvement in banditry and the
state's attempt to link it to Shiri's shooting.

The Air Force commander was shot in the arm and was reportedly
recovering at Manyame Air Base Hospital.
The sources said the investigations have so far revealed that Shiri
was shot at by at least four gunmen as he was driving past Pote Bridge along
the Harare-Bindura road. He was on his way to his farm in Mashonaland
Central.

"There are two lines of inquiry being pursued," one of the sources
said. "What is not in doubt at the moment is that this was meant to be a
political assassination, but the question is by who? There is suspicion that
the shooting could be linked to the infighting in Zanu PF or to the MDC,
which the state claims is training youths in Botswana to destabilise the
country."

Home Affairs minister Kembo Mohadi this week said the attempt on Shiri's
life revealed that his assailants were trained and there was a clear pattern
to destabilise the country through acts of terrorism.

"The attack on Air Marshal Shiri appears to be a build-up of terror
attacks targeting high-profile persons, government officials, government
establishments and public transportation systems," Mohadi said.

The sources said the probe team has collected bullets and shells from
the scene of the shooting incident and sent them for ballistic testing.

Shiri, the sources said, pulled out a service pistol and fired back
soon after the attack prompting his assailants to bolt.

He reportedly phoned Prisons Commissioner Paradzai Zimhondi and
informed him of the attack before seeking help from surrounding farms. He
was later taken to Manyame for medical attention.

Shiri, Zimhondi, police commissioner Augustine Chihuri, army commander
Constantine Chiwenga and CIO director general Happyton Bonyongwe allegedly
spearheaded the re-election of President Robert Mugabe during the
presidential poll run-off on June 27.

The countdown to the poll was littered with violence that saw
Tsvangirai pulling out of the race, but the election went ahead regardless.

The MDC-T said the attempt on Shiri's life should be blamed on the
internal conflicts in Zanu PF.
In a statement, the party said Zanu PF was now "fundamentally
exhausted and tired" and "exhausted nationalism creates conditions for
internal destabilisation and a discourse of internal civil conflict."

The MDC-T said Zanu PF had failed to undergo periodic rebirth and
renewal and had remained trapped in a modicum of sterility, banality and
dishonesty.

"In short, it is the unresolved issue of succession in Zanu PF that is
at the root cause of the violence against Perrance Shiri and the dislocation
in Zanu PF," the party said.  "In our view, there are so many individuals
and factions vying to succeed the aged Mugabe.

However, each of those factions has a control and influence on members
of the army. Therefore, Zanu PF factionalism and unresolved succession
battles are also being played out in the military junta."

The MDC-T said the arsenal used against Shiri could only have been
owned and possessed by members of the Zimbabwe National Army.

Efforts to get comment from police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena were
in vain at the time of going to press yesterday.

BY CONSTANTINE CHIMAKURE


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Govt Defies Sadc Tribunal Ruling, Charges Farmers

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 19:46
THE state this week pressed ahead with the prosecution of white
commercial farmers for allegedly staying put on gazetted land despite a Sadc
Tribunal ruling last month that they had no case to answer because the
country's land reform programme undermined the rule of law.

This comes amid reports that the then acting attorney-general (AG)
Barat Patel had advised the government to abide by the tribunal ruling.

President Robert Mugabe on Wednesday appointed deputy AG (Criminal
Division) Johannes Tomana as substantive attorney-general and Patel will
return to the High Court bench where he is a judge.

Four farmers, among them Thomas Beattie and Colin Cloete, appeared
before a Chinhoyi court yesterday, but magistrate Tinashe Ndokera postponed
the matter to January 5 as state papers were not in order for trial to kick
off.

The court heard that prosecutor Tawanda Zvekare had left court
documents in Harare and, therefore, the matter could not proceed.

Beattie and Cloete were some of the farmers who approached the Sadc
Tribunal seeking redress after they were served with eviction orders while
others were evicted from their farms by the government.

The tribunal ruled that the action of the government was driven by
racism and contravened a treaty of Sadc.

The ruling read:"We therefore hold that in implementing
(Constitutional) Amendment 17, the respondent (Zimbabwe government) has
discriminated against the applicants (farmers) on the basis of race and
thereby violated its obligation under Article 6 (2) of the (Sadc) Treaty"

The Namibia-based tribunal ruled that the farmers evicted from their
land and those who received notices of evictions should return or stay put
on the farms because Zimbabwe's land reform undermined the rule of law.

The Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Act 17, which became law in
2005, nationalised all land, and the Gazzetted Land (Consequential
Provisions) Act served all remaining white farmers with eviction notices.
The notices that have since expired gave Beattie and his co-accused a
90-day grace period to wrap up business and vacate their properties from the
day of receiving them.

If found guilty, the four face up to two years in jail.

BY LUCIA MAKAMURE


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MDC Pushing For UN intervention - Zanu PF

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 19:20
ZANU PF's central committee has accused the Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC
of refusing to "work towards the resolution of the country's challenges",
hoping that the United Nations will intervene and call for fresh elections.

The accusations were made in a report tabled yesterday at the
beginning of Zanu PF's three-day national conference in Bindura.

Zanu PF and the two MDC formations signed a unity government deal on
September 15, but it is yet to be consummated because Tsvangirai is
insisting on equitable power-sharing, arguing that his party cannot be a
junior partner in the new administration.

"At present, MDC-T has been reluctant to positively participate and
contribute towards the resolution of the country's challenges," read the
central committee report. "By so doing, the opposition hopes that a way
might be found calling for a United Nations-supervised general election."

Zanu PF averred that the strategy was being complemented by opposition
sympathisers in the education and health delivery services currently on
strike.

"For health delivery service workers, the industrial action is being
undertaken at a time when the country is facing cholera," the report said.
"The cholera outbreak has been hyped to attract the international attention
which has culminated in the attempted assessment mission by a delegation
comprising former United Nations secretary-general Kofi Annan, former US
president Jimmy Carter and Gracia Machael."

The committee blasted unnamed Western countries for allegedly
financing Sadc member states to strain diplomatic relations with Harare.
Botswana has been highly critical of President Robert Mugabe's government
after his controversial victory in the June 27 one-man presidential run-off
poll.

President Ian Khama said his country did not recognise Mugabe as the
legitimate president of Zimbabwe and the ex-army general vowed to boycott
all Sadc Summits the 84-year-old leader will attend.

Zanu PF, in the report, claimed that the country's economic problems
were a result of illegally imposed sanctions, which the MDC-T and its
associated civil societies advocated.

"The effects of economic sanctions manifest themselves as foreign
currency shortages, contracting industrial capacity to manufacture, high
levels of unemployment, hyperinflationary rate, crumbling health and
education delivery systems and loss of tradition markets such as the
European Union," the report added.

Turning to the state of the party, the central committee said
factionalism was still rife in Zanu PF and was affecting at least five
provinces.

"The party has been experiencing factionalism within its ranks for a
long time but these came to the fore when two politburo members, namely Dr
Simba Makoni and Dumiso Dabengwa, defected from the party to launch the
Mavambo project," the committee said. "The effects of their defection are
still posing a serious threat to the party."

The central committee said national chairman John Nkomo's office was
instructed to set aside outstanding disciplinary cases and lift suspensions
on members to promote unity and harmony before the March 29 harmonised
elections.

Beneficiaries of the pardon were former party provincial chairpersons
linked to the controversial Tsholotsho meeting of November 2004, allegedly
meant to re-arrange the Zanu PF presidium: July Moyo, Jacob Mudenda, Mike
Madiro, Themba Ncube and Jabulani Sibanda.  In the same report, Zanu PF's
legal department said it had financially assisted party supporters "caught
up in cross fire of election-related violence" in the countdown to the June
27 run-off.

Turning to agriculture, the central committee recommended the seizure
of idle farms, most of them grabbed by government officials and Zanu PF
supporters during the violent 2000 land invasions.
"Repossess plots with evidence of gross under utilisation and re-offer
the same plots to those on the waiting list," the committee urged.

It also blamed "unviable prices" for agricultural produce,
unavailability of inputs, poor planning and deteriorating infrastructure for
declining productivity in the sector despite quasi-fiscal interventions by
the central bank.

Government's lethargic approach in announcing prices for bulk
agricultural produce has often been blamed by commercial farmers.

The central committee said an unattractive foreign exchange policy and
Reserve Bank delays in paying an excess of US$30 million owed to gold miners
could result in a 10% decline in production in the mining sector.

"Therefore, to salvage the situation, it is urgent that viability be
restored through adoption of a viable exchange regime," the report
recommended.

Zanu PF also blamed disorganisation and lack of funds on its proxy
labour union, the Zimbabwe Federation of Trade Unions (ZFTU), for failing to
hoodwink impoverished workers to support government policies widely
criticised for the unprecedented economic meltdown.

Instead, the committee credited the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions
for being a "dominant" labour federation.

"Due to organisational and funding shortcomings, the ZFTU has failed
to make a significant impact on the labour market," the report stated.
"Concomitant with the articulation of such an ideology, the party needs to
develop a strategy for organising the worker into structures and programmes
that are effective not only in representing worker interests, but also
aligning with labour in a practical way."

The central committee also recommended government to effect a
"systematic remuneration criterion" for teachers, amid fears that most
government schools could fail to open in January.

So desperate is the mass emigration of qualified teachers that
government re-hired 488 retired teachers to ameliorate the brain drain to
cover for an estimated 15 000 teachers that have fled the harsh economic
environment.

The Zanu PF decision-making body outside congress also proposed the
establishment of a "Consolidated Educational Fund" for intern teachers.

The committee said information and communication technology equipment
donated by Mugabe to improve computer literacy at rural schools remained
unused due to lack of electricity.

Mugabe is today expected to officially open the conference to be
attended by over 5 000 Zanu PF members drawn from the party's district and
provincial executives, central committee, politburo and national
consultative members, youths and women's leagues.

BY BERNARD MPOFU


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Doom And Gloom As 2009 Beckons

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 18:22
ZIMBABWE'S decade-long crisis has deepened despite the year opening
pregnant with hope for a permanent political solution to spur economic and
social revival.

The majority of people are wallowing in abject poverty in a country
with an economy characterised by hyperinflation, spiralling prices of basic
commodities -- most of them in short supply -- an unemployment rate of over
80%, and the collapse of the health and education sectors.

Two elections were held -- harmonised elections on March 29 and a
presidential run-off on June 27 -- but failed to settle the political
impasse between President Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF and the Morgan
Tsvangirai-led MDC.

The country is edging towards a tipping point with virtually
everything going down, even though the year had started with high hopes.

Former South African President Thabo Mbeki had managed to bring
Mugabe, Tsvangirai and the smaller faction of the MDC led by Arthur
Mutambara to the table to hammer out a political solution to the country's
crisis.

The three parties agreed on Constitutional Amendment No 18 for
harmonised polls and to amend draconian laws, the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act, the Public Order and Security Act and
Broadcasting Service Act. The import of the agreements was to create an
environment for free and fair elections in line with the Sadc guidelines and
principles on democratic elections.

Zanu PF and the two MDCs also agreed on a transitional constitution,
but it was never adopted after Mugabe unilaterally declared March 29 the day
for the harmonised polls and insisted that a new supreme law should be
crafted after the elections. The two MDC formations wanted the elections to
be held in June. The talks between the parties were then stalled.

On February 5, Zanu PF was shaken when former Finance minister and
politburo member Simba Makoni broke ranks with the party and announced his
presidential ambitions. Zanu PF immediately fired him from the party.

A few weeks later, another politburo member, Dumiso Dabengwa, and
former Speaker of Parliament Cyril Ndebele came out in support of Makoni's
ambition.

Zanu PF primary elections to select parliamentary candidates claimed
the scalps of senior ministers, among them former Education minister Aeneas
Chigwedere and Agriculture minister Rugare Gumbo, amid allegations of vote
buying and rigging.

The MDC-Tsvangirai primaries were also not spared the allegations of
vote buying and to a large extent imposition of candidates.

The countdown to the March 29 elections was characterised by general
peace, although local observes -- the Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network and
the Zimbabwe Peace Project -- said there were isolated cases of violence in
parts of Manicaland and the Midlands. Mugabe, Tsvangirai, Makoni and Langton
Towungana battled it out in the presidential election on March 29, which
later turned controversial.

For the first time since Independence, Zanu PF lost its parliamentary
majority to the opposition. The MDC-Tsvangirai won 100 seats against Zanu PF's
99 and the MDC-Mutambara's 10. The other seat went to independent legislator
Jonathan Moyo.

A number of ministers were defeated in the parliamentary elections.
These included Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa, Mines minister Amos
Midzi, Energy minister Michael Nyambuya, Mechanisation minister Joseph Made,
Women's Affairs minister Oppah Muchinguri, Interactive minister Chen
Chimutengwende and Water Resources minister Munacho Mutezo.

But with change on the horizon, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
(ZEC) was slow to announce the results of the presidential polls, amid
claims by Tsvangirai that he won convincingly.

ZEC insisted it was still counting, collating and verifying the votes.
It took the commission over a month to announce the results, which confirmed
that Tsvangirai had out-polled Mugabe, but had failed to garner the 50% plus
votes to win the presidency.

Tsvangirai polled over 47% of the total votes against Mugabe's 43% and
Makoni's 8%. The MDC-Tsvangirai alleged that the results were rigged. While
ZEC was holding on to the results, reports emerged that Zanu PF, using state
agents were preparing for a "military like" campaign for a presidential
election run-off, which the commission later set for June 27.

Terror camps were reportedly set up throughout the country by state
security agents, war veterans and Zanu PF militia.

In the countdown to the run-off more than 100 opposition supporters
were allegedly killed, 200 000 internally displaced and at least 10 000
injured. Zanu PF also claimed that some of its supporters were murdered and
others intimidated by suspected MDC-Tsvangirai youths in areas like Bikita,
Shamva and in Manicaland.

While violence was stalking the nation, the humanitarian crisis set in
and was worsened when the government banned the operation of humanitarian
agencies on June 4 over allegations that they were campaigning for
Tsvangirai to win the run-off.

The ban left millions of poverty-stricken villagers exposed to serious
food shortages and Unicef reported that about 100 000 child-headed families
were affected while 1,3 million orphans could not access free education,
food and healthcare.

Despite the violence and the deteriorating humanitarian situation,
Mbeki stunned the world when he declared that there was no crisis in
Zimbabwe.

Some victims of the political violence sought sanctuary at the
MDC-Tsvangirai headquarters in Harare and the South African and American
embassies. Due to the increased violence, Tsvangirai pulled out of the
run-off, which was condemned worldwide as a sham after ZEC went ahead with
it and Mugabe won 85% of the votes cast.

The condemnation resulted in Sadc, the Africa Union and the United
Nations calling for fresh talks for the formation of a unity government.

The talks culminated in the signing of a memorandum of understanding
between Zanu PF and the two MDC formations on July 21 and then an
all-inclusive government deal on September 15.

The deal is yet to take off with Tsvangirai insisting that he would
not be party to the unity government unless there is equitable distribution
of ministerial portfolios, governors' posts and the composition of the
National Security Council, among other outstanding issues.

As Mugabe and Tsvangirai grappled for power, the humanitarian crisis
deteriorated and the cholera outbreak made the situation worse.

The World Food Programme (WFP) said an estimated 5,1 million people
would face hunger between January and March 2009. Government's own estimates
put the figure at 8,2 million.

The UN this week said cholera has claimed close to 1000 people since
its outbreak in August.

This year also saw the collapse of the public health sector in the
country. Government hospitals and clinics faced a critical shortage of basic
drugs, food, water, surgical equipment and above all staff.

Specialist doctors, nurses and nurse aides were on strike for part of
the year demanding better working conditions and to be paid in foreign
currency.

Their strike saw most wards in government hospitals closed and people
failing to receive treatment.
On the other hand, private hospitals were charging medical fees in
foreign currency -- beyond the reach of many. The education sector was not
spared the political impasse.

Primary and secondary schools, state universities and college students
spent the better part of the year without receiving any education. Teachers
and lecturers went on strike and teachers' unions called for the
cancellation of examinations this year, but that was ignored by Zimsec.
Results of Grade 7 examinations are yet to be released.

The opening of state universities for the last semester were delayed
due to a number of reasons, among them shortage of staff. The cash crisis
did not spare ordinary Zimbabweans.

The central bank has throughout the year set strict daily maximum cash
withdrawal limits for individuals and companies. The amounts were at the
mercy of  spiralling inflation.

The situation was worsened by the licensing of foreign currency shops,
which resulted in them charging for  most goods and services in hard
currency. Last month Mugabe re-appointed central bank governor Gideon Gono
to serve another five-year term despite concerns from the MDC-Tsvangirai and
economic analysts that his policies had resulted in the current
hyperinflationary environment.

Tsvangirai is yet to return home after attending a Sadc extraordinary
summit in South Africa on November 9 and is now a guest of Botswana
President Ian Khama.

He insisted last week that he would only return to Zimbabwe if the
government issues him a new passport.
On the other hand, the government said if the MDC-T refused to support
Constitutional Amendment No19 Bill in parliament it would call for fresh
elections. The Bill gives legal effect to the power-sharing pact, but the
MDC-Tsvangirai said it would only support it if outstanding issues were
resolved.

With the year coming to an end, the MDC-Tsvangirai said there was
renewed violence against its supporters. A number of people from the civil
society and the MDC-T have been kidnapped. Among them is Jestina Mukoko, ZPP
director. Court orders to produce the victims have been ignored.

Last Saturday, Air Force commander Perrence Shiri reportedly escaped
an assassination attack on his way to his farm in Mashonaland Central. The
state alleged that a gunmen shot at him.

This came amid claims by Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa that
government had "compelling evidence" that the MDC-Tsvangirai was training
youths in Botswana to destabilise the country. Botswana and the
MDC-Tsvangirai have since dismissed the allegations as a fabrication. South
African president Kgalema Motlanthe said he didn't believe the claims.

One can only wonder what 2009 has in store for hard-pressed
Zimbabweans!

BY WONGAI ZHANGAZHA


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'Sunshine' City Down In The Dumps

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 18:18
HARARE -- once dubbed the sunshine city with an abundance of clean
water, good roads and well-manicured gardens -- is today in the world news,
not because of its beauty, but its association with the deadly cholera
outbreak.

The capital has since October been under the spotlight after the
outbreak of the epidemic largely blamed on the Zimbabwe National Water
Authority (Zinwa)'s incapability to supply clean potable water, and unblock
sewer pipes.

The cholera outbreak has since been declared a national disaster and
has so far claimed an estimated 1 000 lives.]

The outbreak in Harare epitomises the dearth of service delivery in
the capital in the past decade -- things have literally fallen apart. Harare
has become hazardous to its estimated three million residents and this has
seen the diplomatic community, civil society and the corporate world coming
in to clean up the city in an effort to combat the highly contagious
disease.

The aid organisations have seen it easier to work directly with the
Harare City Council and not with central government. This has not gone down
well with government officials who believe that all aid must be channelled
through government ministries.

In an interview this week Harare mayor Much Masunda said the
diplomatic community, civil society and the corporate world had come
together to help clean up the capital and reclaim its past status.

Masunda said his appeal to the diplomatic community to help in the
fight against cholera was being heeded.
"I told them that they are stakeholders in the city as they live here,
work here and their residences are here," Masunda, a respected lawyer, said.
"The diplomats pledged that they will channel their help to us through
United Nations entities."

The United Nations Children's Fund (Unicef) had earlier this week
received more than US$20 million, which was used to procure a four months
supply of aluminum sulphate to be used in the treatment of water in the
country, and procurement of water bowsers.

Masunda said the chemical supplies are already trickling into the
country and that Unicef has asked the government for unfettered access to
all affected suburbs in the city, especially in the high density suburbs. A
non-governmental Dutch organisation, Hivos, has offered US$200 000 to
sponsor the cleaning up of Budiriro, where the cholera outbreak impacted
heavily.

Masunda said the revival of Harare's twinning arrangement with the
German city of Munich this year had resulted in 400 000 euros worth of drugs
being delivered to Beatrice Road Infectious Diseases hospital for
distributions to satellite clinics. He said a further 100 000 euros in aid
from Germany was also on its way.

The city of Harare has also started to rehabilitate broken-down
vehicles with technical assistance from the German organisation GTZ.

The first case of cholera in Harare was reported in Budiriro and at
one point the army dispatched soldiers to clean up the area and banned all
street vendors from the suburb. However, because of the economic meltdown,
the exercise was futile, as vending is the source of income for many
unemployed people living in the high density suburbs.

In an effort to spruce up the image of the city, Radar Holdings and
Border Timbers have offered to give for free all the material needed to
patch up potholes in Harare while Lafarge proposed to repair all potholes
along the Acturus road from Kamfinsa to Manresa road and to collect garbage
from Mabvuku.

Masunda said the council's clinics, which are being used as quarantine
centres for cholera, were getting help from the Red Cross and Celebrate
Health -- a subsidiary of Celebration Centre -- who have offered to
supplement the income of health service workers in hard currency.

The mayor said two private engineers - chief executive officer of
Hubert Davies, Richard Maasdorp, and KW Blasting boss Keith Battye --
offered to carry out a study on long-term solutions to the water woes.

The engineers were currently waiting to be granted access to some
documents in the custody of Zinwa.  Most suburbs have gone for more than
three months without running water and most roads are now littered with
potholes, endangering the lives of motorists and damaging vehicles.

One would be forgiven for dismissing as a dream reports that Harare's
beauty once captivated world leaders in the early 1990s when two high
profile events were hosted in the city -- the Commonwealth Heads of
Government Meeting in 1991 and the All-Africa Games in 1995.

During the All-Africa Games, Harare hosted more than 6 000 athletes
from 46 countries, but 13 years later the "sunshine" of the capital has been
eclipsed by piles of uncollected garbage, and burst water and blocked sewer
pipes, which are now a common sight in the central business district.

On almost every major road in Harare's central business district there
is a burst water pipe resulting in the loss of precious treated water.

Flowing raw sewage is a common sight in Mufakose, Mabvuku, Tafara,
Highfield (Canaan Engineering) and Dzivarasekwa -- some of the country's
poorest townships.

Residents in Mabvuku have resorted to digging drainage trenches across
their yards to avoid raw sewage from spilling into their homes.

Potholes, commonly referred to as "craters" because of their deep
nature, have established themselves as permanent features on the capital's
roads.

The Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA) in a report published
this year said deep potholes found in most roads in Highfield (Canaan
Engineering), Mufakose, Kambuzuma and Mabvuku were becoming a cause of
concern for motorists.

"According to our reports, the council has not yet started any work to
repair the roads. Whilst CHRA appreciates that the council inherited a 'dead'
municipality from Ignatius Chombo's (Minister of Local government) illegal
and corrupt commissions, we urge the council to commence the road
maintenance programme and save the motorists from the nightmare they
continue to experience as they drive on the roads," said CHRA in the report.

BY LUCIA MAKAMURE


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Zimbabwe's Agonising Transition

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 17:58
ZIMBABWE is going through profound and unprecedented multiple crises
and each one of them is simultaneously broadening and deepening. Professor
Steve Hanke of the Cato Institute tells us that Zimbabwe is the first
country in the 21st century to hyperinflate.

The last official inflation data were released in July and stood at
231 million % but at the beginning of October Hanke put it at 516
quintillion % (516 followed by 18 zeros) and said it was the second worst in
history.

The recent deadly cholera epidemic is the most visible symptom of
comprehensive institutional decay but there are many other invisible
epidemics that tragically and daily afflict virtually every sector of the
Zimbabwean society.

Two thousand and eight was a watershed year in many respects. First,
it signalled regime rupture and the breakdown of Zanu PF's hegemonic
stranglehold on Zimbabwe politics.

It also gestured the beginning of the decomposition of Zimbabwe as a
de facto one party-state, which the country has been since Independence when
Zanu PF systematically embarked on the fusion of the ruling party with the
state.

With each passing year the line between the party and the state grew
thinner and thinner until at the time of the March 2008 elections the two
were hardly distinguishable.

In fact, the difficulties attendant on the September 15 Interparty
Political Agreement -- also referred to as the Global Political Agreement
(GPA) -- hinge on this structural reality  that for the GPA to be
operational, it demands an effective divorce between Zanu PF and the
Zimbabwe state. Disentangling Zanu PF from the state is part of Zimbabwe's
agonising and protracted transition; it's no easy task.

Allied to the above point is another cardinal fact which is that March
29 confirmed a massive swing in political allegiance away from Zanu PF to
the two MDC formations.

The latter now control the lower and more powerful House of Assembly
albeit with a wafer thin majority. The opposition forces also captured a
majority of the local council seats triggering considerable - but as it
turned out premature -- jubilation among those keen on regime change via the
ballot box.

Then all hell broke loose and many Zimbabweans experienced a Hobbesian
moment where life is solitary, nasty, brutish and short.

The results of the presidential election were indeterminate, prompting
a run-off election that was mired in unprecedented political violence and
intimidation that prompted the withdrawal of Morgan Tsvangirai from the race
leaving the other contender, incumbent Robert Mugabe, as the only candidate
and winner of that blood-stained June 27 run-off election.

The March harmonised elections were held against the background of a
year-long Sadc political mediation process whose flagship but unstated aim
was to unblock Zimbabwe's blocked democracy by creating conditions
auspicious enough for free and fair elections and whose result would be
beyond dispute.

The elections failed to settle with any finality the question of who
should legitimately reside in State House.

What the ballot box failed to settle Thabo Mbeki sought to deliver via
the Sadc dialogue process whose first fruit was the Memorandum of
Understanding on July 21 followed two months later by the September 15
landmark political settlement.

Again, many people celebrated this momentous development, and again,
this proved premature. Since then, developments have tragically moved in the
wrong direction, that of the incipient Somaliarisation of the country.

The year 2008 was therefore one of sharp contrasts. It began with most
Zimbabweans euphoric about the prospect of regime change via the ballot box,
a trust (misplaced it turned out to be) in the supremacy of the ballot over
the bullet.

The litmus test of a mature electoral democracy is when the bullet
supports the ballot and is not a substitute for it. In the ugly
inter-election period (between April and June 2008), the bullet was not only
in competition with but sought to supplant the ballot.

For this and other unsavoury reasons, and to many Zimbabweans, 2008
was the nastiest year since Independence. Will 2009 be nastier? What does
2009 portend for Zimbabwe?

The starting point is that Zimbabwe is in transition; a difficult,
precarious and unsteady transition from the present regime type to another.
The embodiment of this transition is the Interparty Political Agreement
which has just been gazetted as part of Constitutional Amendment No. 19
(CA19).

To the extent that CA19 seeks to remake Zimbabwe politically by
reconfiguring power, the IPA is a regime change mechanism.

A regime is essentially a set of rules of the game and in this case
the IPA is about the rules of the political game through which the three
political gladiators seek to remake Zimbabwe in their image.

More significantly, the IPA is not about the end-state but is a
framework that facilitates and guides the motion from one dispensation (the
present) to another. So, it is a transition instrument, and that places
Zimbabwe firmly in the category of countries in political transition but a
transition that has many difficult though not insurmountable barriers.

As we storm into 2009, a prognosis of what is in store for Zimbabweans
may be in order.

Will the IPA survive the increasingly inhospitable political
environment and the vicious reaction of the state to real and perceived
threats to national security? What will Zimbabwe be in 2009? The Zimbabwe
situation is and will be very fluid and jelly-like in the short term.

One thing for sure is that Zimbabwe will remain on a transition path
for the simple reason that the transition that was triggered by the March 11
2007 events is irreversible and unstoppable.

At best, it can be slowed down which is what both Zanu PF and MDC-T
are doing through their stalling tactics and as part of their brinkmanship.

However, the speed of the transition and its sustainability will
depend largely on the configuration of power in Zanu-PF and MDC-T in the
next few weeks. Both parties are populated by hawks -- hardliners who are
keen on sabotaging the IPA but for different reasons -- and doves or
softliners who would like the normalisation of the abnormal and anarchic
situation in the country.

There is tension between the two tendencies in each party (but
especially in Zanu PF) and which of the two tendencies emerges triumphant in
the gladiation for supremacy will very much determine the fate of Zimbabwe
in 2009 and beyond. The future of IPA itself will rest on how the above
tension is resolved.

What is also starkly evident to most fair-minded Zimbabweans is that
the electoral route is an unviable and thorny route.

Fresh elections are clearly not an answer under present conditions,
conditions that over the years have produced elections without choice. Can
anyone who is anybody seriously envisage elections with choice in
present-day Zimbabwe? Who would benefit from such pre-doomed and vacuous
elections? In short, it would be a reckless path to take.

In any case neither Sadc nor the African Union is likely to endorse
another electoral contest that is likely to re-enact the bloody
inter-elections saga without resolving the legitimacy question with any
finality.

My prognosis is that 2009 will witness a firmer political transition
away from resilient authoritarianism and towards democratic opening.
Further, I see no other vehicle for this than the Global Political
Agreement.

It is an instrument -- albeit a second-best instrument -- for
unblocking Zimbabwe's blocked democratisation. It is on the basis of this
that I am in the optimistic camp. Whatever lies in the womb of 2009 is not
likely to be uglier than 2008.

The real burden for 2009 and beyond will be addressing the knotty and
entrenched problems associated with (1) the capture and abuse of the state
by political gladiators, (2) the de-institutionalisation of state structures
and institutions, (3) the militarisation of politics and society, (4) the
politicisation of the military and security, and (5) the isolation and
"unsplendid" isolation of Zimbabwe and the demonisation of Zimbabweans in
the regional and international community.

Getting Zimbabwe back on track will be the country's supreme
challenge. It will be difficult but not impossible.

Professor Masunungure lectures in political science at the University
of Zimbabwe.

BY ELDRED  MASUNUNGURE


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Mugabe Calls Election Designed To Regain Control Of Parliament

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Thursday, 18 December 2008 17:54
GOVERNMENT'S pronouncement at the weekend that it will call for fresh
harmonised elections if Constitutional Amendment No19  fails to get through
parliament is premised on President Robert Mugabe's desire to resolve the
ineffectuality of his presidency without the control of the House of
Assembly.

Political analysts said without the control of parliament, Mugabe's
presidency would be ineffectual in the long run and hence the threat of
fresh elections if the Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC uses its legislators in the
House to block the passage of the Bill.

The Bill was gazetted on Saturday to give legal effect to the
September 15 power-sharing deal between Mugabe, Tsvangirai and the leader of
the smaller formation of the MDC, Arthur Mutambara.

On Monday, MDC-T secretary-general Tendai Biti said his party would
not support the Bill in parliament until outstanding issues on the
power-sharing deal are resolved, adding that they would welcome a fresh
presidential poll as long as it takes place under international supervision.

Among the sticking points Biti cited were the allocation of
ministerial positions, appointment of governors and the constitutive
composition of the National Security Council.

"The call for an election is an honest submission by Zanu PF that it
can't be the government of the day," Biti told journalists in Harare.
"However, the only unfinished business is the run-off presidential election
of June 27, not the harmonised elections of March 29. The next election
should be done under international supervision of the United Nations,
African Union and Sadc."

Alex Magaisa, a Zimbabwean lawyer based in the UK, said Zanu PF was
now talking of new elections to deal with its major handicap - the inability
to control the House of Assembly, where the two MDC formations enjoy a
simple majority.

"There are two centres of power right now - the presidency and
parliament," Magaisa observed. "Zanu PF controls the presidency, but the
MDCs control the key part of parliament - the House of Assembly."
He said Zanu PF had never faced this situation before and had no clue
how it could manage the country without control of parliament.
"I am very certain that if Zanu PF had control of parliament, they
would have done what they did previously and gone ahead to form a
government. After all, they are still in power!" Magaisa argued. "So an
election would seem to be a way to wrest control of parliament from the MDC
to ensure that it can do as it wishes - kuita madiro akamba, as we say in
Shona!"

Some of the analysts said it seemed Zanu PF was not serious on having
fresh elections, but realised that options for it were limited.

"The writing is on the wall and clearly without the support of MDC-T,
no inclusive government can be put in place and more importantly the Sadc
resolution is quite explicit that no party can proceed unilaterally,"
Zimbabwe-born South Africa businessman Mutumwa Mawere argued.

"It is Zanu PF that needs legitimacy and, therefore, it is not in a
position to threaten anyone, but must acknowledge the reality of what is at
stake. It is MDC-T that wants fresh presidential elections and not general
elections as Zanu PF is now proposing."

Mawere said Mugabe knew that the world would not embrace him without
the cover of an inclusive government.

"He also knows that it would be risky to proceed with presidential
elections without the general election, as this will not give him the two
years that he would want prior to the general elections," Mawere observed.
"If the constitutional amendment fails to pass in parliament, Mugabe has
geared himself to run for at least two years on the basis that a general
election would be the minimum required to resolve the political impasse."

Magaisa was of the opinion that Mugabe intended to use violence to win
the elections if they were to be held.

He argued: "They will up the ante in terms of violence and
intimidation and seek to win at all costs. They will not accept
international supervision; rather it will be more of the charade we have
seen in the past and although it will solve absolutely nothing, it will give
Zanu PF and Mugabe a platform to rule without being hamstrung by a powerful
opposition.

"Right now Zanu PF's biggest problem is not that the economy is in
very bad shape but that for the purposes of power they cannot control what
goes on in parliament. If they did, they would just go ahead and form a
government as if everything were normal."

University of Zimbabwe political science professor Eldred Masunungure
said Zanu PF's dangling of the prospect of fresh elections was part of its
brinkmanship.

"As things stand now, I view this option as more of theoretical than
an empirical possibility," Masunungure said. "It is possible, but highly
improbable. In any case, Zanu PF is at its weakest since Independence and it
would be suicidal for the party to call elections in an environment of
multiple crises that are all blamed on it.

The party can only be serious with calling for elections if it has
developed suicidal tendencies."
He argued that national resources were not also available for the
elections.

"I don't see Sadc or the African Union endorsing such a reckless
decision," Masunungure predicted.
Another political scientist Michael Mhike said the power-sharing deal
was on the verge of collapsing and would be very difficult to salvage given
the position of the MDC-T on the one hand and that of Zanu PF and the Sadc
on the other.

 "Every time I look on the horizon I see the sun setting on Zimbabwe
as far as the global political agreement is concerned," Mhike said. "And I
fear it will be a very long and dark night before we see sunrise. That's not
only because of Zanu PF's intransigence but also because of what appears to
be a lack of proper direction within the MDC."

He argued that the MDC had a clear choice - to go ahead with the unity
government deal or to cut ties completely and look for other strategies, if
any.

Magaisa agreed with Mhike and said the recent MDC-T national executive
resolutions did not show much light on the power-sharing pact.

"They (MDC-T) complain bitterly about the fundamental breaches of the
deal and say the negotiations are stalled, but just the week before they
were in Pretoria discussing the Bill and we heard thereafter that it was
left to the principals to finalise the small details," Magaisa said.  "Yet
they threaten to oppose it in parliament and still quite incredibly, say
they are still committed to the negotiation process, even whilst it
expresses anger at the abductions and the handling of the cholera epidemic.
Where are we exactly?"

He said it seemed the MDC-T was sticking to the charade of the talks
only because they have no other viable option.

Masunungure was of the opinion that the power-sharing agreement could
be rescued and accused the MDC-T of grandstanding and engaging in its own
brinkmanship by asserting that it wont support the Bill.
"The reality on the ground is that there are no real alternatives to
the deal, this is true of the MDC-T as it is of Zanu PF," he added.

Masunungure said if fresh elections have to be held they should be
harmonised.

"Calling for one election automatically triggers all the four
elections (in line with Constitutional Amendment No18) unless if it's a
by-election. You ought to realise that even though the presidential run-off
was controversial and produced highly contestable results, it marked the end
(legally) of the whole set of elections," he explained.

While the haggling for power continues, pressure is mounting in the
region, continent and internationally on Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara to
put their differences aside and form the inclusive government to deal with
the country's deepening political and humanitarian crisis.

On Saturday, South African President Kgalema Motlanthe said the
gazetting of the amendment would pave the way for the formation of an
inclusive government.

Motlanthe is also chairman of Sadc which at a summit last month said
it had resolved the remaining differences toward forming a unity government
in Zimbabwe.

The African Union last week encouraged all three parties to go into
government as soon as possible.

BY CONSTANTINE CHIMAKURE


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Global Civic Groups Call For Suspension Of Zim Diamonds

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Thursday, 18 December 2008 18:46
INTERNATIONAL civic organisations have demanded the immediate
suspension of all locally extracted diamonds from the Kimberley Process
Certification Scheme (KPCS) after citing a government crackdown that has
reportedly claimed the lives of at least 50 illegal diamond diggers at
Chiadzwa, Manicaland.

The Kimberley Process Civil Society Coalition, which comprises civic
organisations fighting against illegal diamond trade, last week piled
pressure on the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS) to impose a
blanket suspension on Zimbabwe's rough diamonds.

This comes amid reports of a bloody crackdown on the illegal diamond
miners by a joint operation of the police, army and secret agents codenamed
Operation Hakudzokwi.

In a damning statement, the KP Coalition claimed that the crackdown
was meant to prop up President Robert Mugabe's administration against the
backdrop of a worsening economic and humanitarian situation.
"Non-governmental organisations, concerned about the unending flow of
conflict diamonds, call upon the Kimberley Process and its member states to
act immediately," read the statement.

"First the Kimberley Process must suspend Zimbabwe from participating
in the certification scheme. A suspension of shipments will deprive
legitimate producers in Zimbabwe of immediate revenue, but it will not stop
them from mining and stockpiling diamonds against the day when Zimbabwe has
been given a clean bill of health."

If this action is effected, mines such as Dorowa and the government
owned Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation that has concessions in
Chiadzwa, would suffer most.

The coalition also demanded that the KPCS issue what it termed a
"clear and unequivocal" statement criticising the government on the alleged
human rights abuses.

"The Kimberley Process must take a stand against the harnessing of
diamonds for the systematic abuses by a pariah regime," said Annie
Dunnebacke of Global Witness, a member of the KP Civil Society Coalition.
"We can no longer assume that Zimbabwe has the ability or ethical standards
needed to control its diamonds in ways that conform to the principles
espoused by the Kimberley Process."

The Kimberley Process Certification Scheme was introduced by the
United Nations in 2003 to certify the origin of rough diamonds from sources,
which are free of conflict and human rights violations. It is against the
trading of what the KP calls "blood diamonds".

According to lawyers, the scheme is "soft law" and as such was not
legally binding on the participating countries.

The lawyers said due to its status, there can be no legal consequences
for the violation of the recommendations within the scheme.

The diamonds could not be adversely possessed because they do not meet
KPCS requirements.
The coalition also appealed to the conflict diamond scheme to revoke
Zimbabwe's participation in international trade of the precious mineral
after citing Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono's utterances suggesting
rampant smuggling of the gems at the country's borders.

In September, Gono claimed that at least US$1,2 billion worth of
diamonds were being lost each year through smuggling.

This, according to KPCS, is against trading requirements, which entail
shipment of diamonds in a tamper resistant container that is accompanied by
a government-validated Kimberley Process Certificate.

Ian Smillie of Partnership Africa lobbied the certification to suspend
the controversial gems on allegations of indiscriminate "extra-judicial
killing" by the government.

Efforts to get comment from the Minister of Mines and Mineral
Development Amos Midzi were in vain at the time of going to print.

BY  BERNARD MPOFU


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Domestic Debt Skyrockets By 17 800%

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 18:44
ZIMBABWE'S domestic debt rose 17 800% inside one month to $179,6
trillion on September 8 from $1 trillion recorded on August 8, creating
heavy future taxes official, figures revealed this week.

The rise in government domestic debt levels, which is now being kept
secret by the Reserve Bank, was sparked by huge interest payments which
account for about 90% of the total debt.

The debt has been ballooning because of the Reserve Bank's advances to
government, largely for the agricultural mechanisation programme and food,
fuel and power imports as all major sectors of the economy are reportedly
operating below 30%.

"The stock of government domestic debt on September 8 stood at $179,6
trillion, from $1 trillion on August 8," according to the Reserve Bank on
Wednesday.

With government's continued reliance on borrowing from the local
market, domestic debt is estimated to end above 10 quadrillion this year.

The mismatch between fiscal revenues and expenditures also opened a
significant funding gap resulting in government utilising the overdraft
window at the Reserve Bank, while at the same time borrowing from the
domestic debt.

The Reserve Bank's advances to government have over the past five
years accounted for about 80% of total debt, a situation bank economists say
was evidence that government was broke and had no other source of revenue
other than the domestic market.

Figures from the Reserve Bank show that the solvency of government was
already seriously compromised with the current interest rates, and
technically government finances will not be better off with even a 1% rise
in interest rates.

The increasing government debt stock raised fresh fears of renewed
turbulence in the crisis-strapped economy, battling with high inflation
currently at 231 million %.

Economists however say the inflation figure was well above.

The surge in domestic debt was the result of high interests on the
market which were in line with the inflation rate.

Government has also been forced to rely on domestic borrowings because
their tax revenue base has dwindled because of company closures which have
led to retrenchments. This means that in real terms, the government is
collecting less revenue through corporate and income tax.

Analysts say the debt stock was likely to rise further on increased
borrowing by government to finance the import of wheat and maize,
electricity, civil servants' salaries and sustain the Basic Commodities
Supply Side Intervention (Baccosi).

With inflation at 231 million % government's huge appetite for cash is
also likely to spur increased money printing, pushing money supply growth
upwards.

The fact that Zimbabwe has no access to international capital has only
aggravated the situation.
Meanwhile the Reserve Bank has kept the lid on the money supply (M3)
figures.

The official figure to date is 420 867,4% for April. Economic analysts
this week said the figure could be nearing 500 million % after Gono
introduced 27 new denomination notes this year alone.

Annual broad money supply growth has maintained an upward trend since
November 2003 reflecting the inevitable Reserve Bank's intervention to
stimulate the supply side of the economy in the absence of external support.

Official figures from the Reserve Bank show that on an annual basis
domestic credit grew by 482 460,9% for April, largely driven by growth in
credit to the private sector - 412 919,7%, credit to government - 734
013,7%, and claims on public enterprises - 216 066,7%. The Reserve Bank has
not published any latest figures since then.

Credit to government has largely been from domestic banks because of
the drying up of external lines. Lenders in the domestic market no longer
have the capacity to meet the needs of government.

BY PAUL NYAKAZEYA


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Will It Be Annual Or Permanent Shut Down For Industry?

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 18:40
A DRIVE through the industrial sites around the country may persuade
one to conclude that manufacturing processes have advanced because of
emissions of clear as opposed to thick dark, smoke.

In actual fact it signifies the little production actually taking
place. On all fronts, 2008 was a drastic year for players within the
manufacturing sector. Annual shutdowns came as early as March for some firms
and for some these might turn out to be permanent closures.

Together with agriculture and mining, the manufacturing sector is one
of the economic pillars upon which our economy has been based.

For the six months ended June 30 2008, the sector accounted for 15% of
the country's export proceeds. Contribution to GDP in 2007 was approximately
17% whilst 15% of the country's formal labour force had jobs in this sector.

Production from the sector has however been in freefall since the turn
of the millennium. According to the 2007 CZI manufacturing survey, output
for 2007 declined by 28% compared to the 18% slump experienced the prior
year.

Most companies are operating below the 10% capacity level. Financial
results indicate that volumes have slumped by between 20% and 80%. Colcom
reported a volume decline of 72% whilst Delta had a fall of 43%. Though Zim
dollar figures point to phenomenal growth, revenues have plummeted in real
terms.

Frankly speaking, firms are walking on thin ice -- just producing
enough to break even. Some firms, like Art, are even considering halting
production at some plants owing to massive under utilisation of machinery
whilst others like PGI have sent employees on leave as cost cutting
measures. Colcom and CFI have shelved some of their projects owing to a
shortage of stock feed.

Persistent power cuts, raw material shortages and deteriorating
infrastructure are some of the problems haunting the sector. Inflation has
also taken its toll on employee incomes.

Salaries are no longer a source of motivation for most. Employee
fatigue is now evident thereby exacerbating the brain drain as experienced
workers seek greener pastures in the region.

Companies have turned into training institutions with interns joining
in the exodus band soon after acquiring the requisite skills.

The exchange rate management framework in place is hindering progress
within industry. The recognized inter-bank market is greatly lagging the
open market thereby overvaluing the local unit.

Huge exchange losses have been encountered in converting export
proceeds to the local currency.  Firms have also encountered problems in
trying to access their Foreign Currency Accounts.

Forex shortages have become perennial challenges to the firms' ability
to procure essential raw materials.
Hyper-inflation has crippled businesses' ability to finance projects.

Credit lines have collapsed forcing industry to operate on a cash
basis. Bank notes on the other hand have been in short supply for some time
now. In other countries, such a scenario would see a number of firms falling
by the wayside. A notable example is the ongoing credit crisis that has
forced Ford, General Motors and Chrysler, better known as "the big three"
companies of the US automobile industry to beg Congress for a lifeline.

Effects of the June 18 price blitz are still visible. Manufacturing is
in dire need of massive recapitalisation.

Bacossi and Aspef facilities have not yielded the desired results. In
his half year monetary policy statement, the central bank governor disclosed
that, approximately US$13,5 million and Z$2,7 quadrillion had been disbursed
to 95 manufacturers to boost production whilst Z$160 trillion had been
disbursed to support 15 major grocery and hardware retailers and
manufacturers.

These injections are just a drop in the ocean as independent analysts
estimate US $2 billion as the minimum amount needed to bring industry back
to optimum levels.

The legal and regulatory environment has been another thorn to the
segment. Gravely crippling the sector is the current pricing mechanism
enforced by the National Incomes and Pricing Commission. This pricing system
is sinking companies deeper in quicksand.

Price reviews have always lagged the rate of inflation or the movement
on the exchange rate upon which prices are now based. So how are firms
managing?

Most corporates are now focusing on generating "other income" as core
activities are not generating enough revenue streams to sustain operations.
Fair value adjustments and realised gains on equity investments have been
buttressing earnings of late. Some firms had even established safe havens in
illegal foreign currency trading before the plug was pulled.

Companies have also resorted to growing exports in the face of
plummeting local demand for products as a result of shrinking disposable
incomes. Innscor turnover from regional operations amounted to US$85, 5
million which translated to a growth of 61% from the prior year.

Management even highlighted that the group will focus on expanding its
presence within the region   Art also disclosed that regional operations now
account for 49% of the group's turnover.

Those serving the local market are producing high margin products.
Dairibord Zimbabwe Ltd is one such firm that has successfully moved from
producing traditional milk which is always under the spotlight of the
authorities.

Innovative modes of payment have however had to be developed to enable
value retention. Fuel coupons and payment in the form of raw materials are
now popular. In short "Barter trade" is back.

The advent of Foliwars was a great relief to most companies as it
enabled regionally comparable prices to be charged. Rates of stock turnover
are however still low as the majority of the potential market is still
earning Zim dollars.

As the curtain comes down on 2008 expectations are high that the
downward trend might still be reversed, if only the political standoff can
be addressed. This will help create an atmosphere conducive to business
operations.

BY KUMBIRAI MAKWEMBERE


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2008: Another Year Of Marked Economic Decline

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 18:37
WHEN banker Nigel Chanakira recently described the country's state of
the economy as a "dead man walking" at the Confederation of Zimbabwe
Industries annual conference, his remarks were seen by some delegates as
insensitive.

The year 2008 will go down as a historic one for both good and bad
reasons on the economic front.
The country's official inflation rate was 100 580,2% in January rising
to 231 million % in July.

Inflation figures have not been announced since, with independent
economic analysts estimating the rate to be above one billion percent.

The Zimbabwe dollar continued to lose value against major currencies,
resulting in the economy being "dollarised".

Reserve bank Governor Gideon Gono removed 13 zeroes from the currency
in a move which has not been helpful as it was not backed by increased
production from all major sectors of the economy.

So bad has been the economic environment that Gono introduced 27 new
denominations this year alone.

A closer look at numerous papers presented at business forums since
the beginning of the year  and government's economic blueprints to date
points to one thing - Zimbabwe's comatose economy is desperately in need of
salvation.

This desperation has heightened amid delays in the formation of an
inclusive government between President Robert Mugabe and leaders of the two
Movement for Democratic Change formations -- Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur
Mutambara.

First to come was the United Nations Development Programme
Comprehensive Economic Recovery in Zimbabwe. Then came the
government-authored Economic Recovery Package for Zimbabwe, which again
pinned hopes of economic "recovery" on new governance.

The latter probably the last economic recovery plan for the year
revealed a drop in investment growth to below 4% of the Gross Domestic
Product. The current recession also saw the country dropping to 158 from 154
out of 181 economies rated in the World Bank doing business category.

Given the import-driven nature of Zimbabwe's economy, this decline
could further paralyse virtually all sectors in dire need of foreign
exchange.

University of Zimbabwe Graduate School of Business professor Tony
Hawkins is however sceptical whether the formation of a new all-inclusive
government would result in immediate buoyancy.

"We should be realistic and mature about the post crisis period,"
Hawkins warned. "Indigenisation without external lines of credit is not
enough to resuscitate the economy. It could take up to 15 years for the
economy to reach mid-90s levels."

Agriculture once the mainstay of the economy faced one of the toughest
seasons in history despite a massive mechanisation programme to back the
sector. Widely publicised as the "Mother of Agricultural seasons", the
2007/2008 cropping season turned out to be a failure when it emerged that
more than two thirds of the country's 12 million population required food
aid.

The current season could be a replica of its failed predecessor
despite government's assurance of adequate food production. Resultantly,
this could push food inflation in the coming year.

An international aid agency Famine Early Warnings Systems (FEWSNET)
said Zimbabwe's combined commercial and humanitarian cereal imports must
triple by March 2009 to meet the country's requirements for the remainder of
the marketing year.

The country's depressed manufacturing sector struggled throughout the
year with depressed capacity utilisation due to  low capitalisation  and
damaging price controls in June 2007.

Now estimated to be below 10%, capacity utilisation in the
manufacturing sector continues to be subdued despite the September 26
decision by government to legally allow business  to trade in foreign
currency.

The Foreign Exchange Licenced  Wholesalers and Retailers (Foliwors)
which were ostensibly established to generate foreign currency needed to
boost industry might not generate the $900 million which government said was
required to improve capacity utilisation to 80% in the coming year.

Statistics indicate that exports of manufactured goods amounted to
US$113,04 million in the first six months of the year compared to US$473,17
million recorded during the same period last year.

The wide discrepancy between the Foliwors and regional prices might
not generate the desired foreign exchange in the year ending December 31.
Evidently this has resulted in continued shopping sprees across our borders.
This is a blot to local industry and could stifle government efforts to
manage runaway inflation now estimated to be over a billion percent.

To show the magnitude of desperation in the sector, delegates at the
CZI Congress in October emphasised  "restoration"- which appears to be the
only  key to economic turn around.

The mining, once a key generator of ofreign currency, bore the brunt
of the economic meltdown. Several gold mines closed, platinum and chrome
mines suspended operations in the last quarter of the year on the back of
depressed world market prices.

Statistics by the Chamber of Mines of Zimbabwe since the beginning of
the year pointed to one thing - an all time low in production of most
minerals. This downward trend led to the suspension of Fidelity Refiners and
Printers from London Bullion Market Association due to below par gold
deliveries.

This decline in production has been blamed on a plethora of reasons,
chief among them being the delays by the Reserve Bank to pay over US$30
million owed to the gold miners.

These delays have seen frantic attempts by the Chamber of mines to
engage government and the central  bank over the matter. Recently the
chamber started to lobby government to suspend the central bank bullion
trading licence. This year gold production is expected to hit an all time
low of 4,5 tonnes compared to 27 tonnes at peak.

Diamond mining in Marange has also failed to attract foreign exchange
to the formal market due to a reported dogfight by government departments
over control of the gems.

The Reserve Bank, which is understood to have a keen interest in the
diamond fields, however blamed smuggling for the low returns.

Currently contributing US$50 million in forex receipts, tourism
recorded another 58% decline in the first six months despite frantic efforts
by the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority to carry out publicity campaigns to save
the country's bartered image. This figure represents at most 3% of GDP.

This decline could prevail in the wake of recent travel warnings by US
government on American citizens that was triggered by a dilapidated health
delivery sector and reported increase in politically motivated abductions by
suspected state agents.

The financial sector has not been sparred from the recession.
Hyperinflation became the byword by most bank officials as most institutions
struggled to provide cash to multitudes of depositors.

In May the Reserve Bank relaxed the foreign exchange policy when it
introduced the ongoing interbank feorx market. This development received a
fair dosage of approval only to be widely condemned after reports that the
rates were  managed by the central bank. Resultantly the then new exchange
rate regime lagged behind the parallel market rates.

So redundant has the interbank bank rates been that the central bank
chief recently admitted that he was now purchasing foreign exchange on the
parallel market which he termed the United Nations rate.

The month of August saw the Reserve introducidng a new currency after
years of using bearer cheques.

The banks also reintroduced old coins as well as well as new ones
which almost immediately lost value due to hyperinflation. November was a
bad month for the stock  market.

The central bank cracked the whip on suspected fraudulent dealers on
the bourse resulting in all trading stopping. Market watchers now await
whether the Securities Commission would restore activity at what had become
the alternative investment option for many.

"The year has been a very challenging for banks both financially and
otherwise," said Bankers Association president John Mangudya. "Banks do not
do well in an economy that is shrinking.

Next year should be a year to focus on production so that we can tame
this monster called inflation. Once we improve on production, our clients
will have more to bank and the financial sector will then respond
positively."

BY BERNARD MPOFU


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Parastatals Prepare For Life After Quasi-fiscal Activities

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 18:33
PARASTATALS this week said they had come up with survival measures for
next year to ensure that they remain viable should the central bank governor
Gideon Gono stick to his word of not supporting them through quasi-fiscal
activities.

Speaking to businesdigest, Zimbabwe National Water Authority (Zinwa)
spokesperson Tsungirai Shoriwa said although they have been receiving
financial assistance from the central bank they did not entirely depend on
that money.

"The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe assisted often, especially when we had
serious problems such as the cholera outbreak," Shoriwa said.

"We have come up with measures that will ensure we remain viable in
the future. Zinwa has been granted authority to bill all corporates in
foreign currency. We are hopeful that this development will improve foreign
currency inflows for chemicals and other repairs.

"We have written to government to allow parastatals to charge viable
tariffs to ensure we remain viable, because most of the tariffs being
charged by parastatals are sub economic," he said.

Shoriwa said Zinwa had the mandate to provide consultancy to those
constructing dams on farms and if they were allowed to charge viable service
fees, they would not appeal for funds from the central bank.

Speaking to business stakeholders at a business conference hosted by
the National Economic Consultative Forum (NECF), Gono said parastatals such
as Tel*One,  Net*One, Air Zimbabwe, Zinwa and Zesa had become a burden to
the central bank.

"Zimbabwe is the only country in the world where telecommunications
are a burden to the government," said Gono.

Gono said the central bank was continuously funding Net*One and
Tel*One's international connections.
He said mobile networks should stop subsidising subscribers but
instead charge viable tariffs to ease congestion because it was not a "force
matter to have a mobile phone".

National airline Air Zimbabwe is likely to increase their rates next
year as they will not be getting any foreign currency assistance from the
central bank starting next year.

According to Gono, Air Zimbabwe has been one of the biggest spenders
gobbling up between US$3,7 million and US$4,5 million every week.

Gono said this year alone, the airline has spent no less than US$95
million from the Reserve Bank because they have not been charging in foreign
currency.

"Starting next year, Air Zimbabwe should not bring their weekly bills
to the central bank and travellers should be prepared to meet the true cost
of travelling," Gono said.

Net*One however dismissed claims by the central bank governor that he
has been "continuously funding them".

Net*One managing director, Reward Kangai said the group's operations
have always been self-funded. Although they have on some occasions received
financial assistance from the central bank, "they will not at all be
affected by the absence of funding from by the central bank".

"Net*One has only been requesting for assistance from the Reserve Bank
for access to foreign currency to pay its foreign suppliers of goods and
services but has always paid for that foreign currency using its local
currency," said Kangai in a written response. "Net*One operations have
therefore always been self-funded," he said.

"The business of mobile communication operations requires almost 95%
capital and working capital in foreign currency most of our equipments are
not locally manufactured and software support services are payable in
foreign currency," Kangai said.

"The move by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe to issue foreign currency
licences to mobile operators in Zimbabwe, including Net*One will therefore
not only assist the operators to meet some of their operational costs but
also capital expenditures.

"Thus, the intended reductions of quasi-fiscal activities by the
monetary authorities should not negatively affect Net*One at all," said
Kangai.

Analysts however said Gono might not meet next January's deadline that
brings an end to the bank's involvement in quasi-fiscal activities despite
promising an end to the supra-ministerial interventions.

Analysts said delays in forming an inclusive government and the
absence of a national could force Gono to perpetuate quasi fiscal activities
aimed at bailing out the heavily indebted government.

Expressing sceptism in Gono's remarks, University of Zimbabwe
political science professor Eldred Masunungure said the Reserve Bank could
continue with its "ill-advised policies".

"He should not have undertaken the policies in the first place,"
Masunungure said. "In my view those were outside his jurisdiction. The fact
that he is abandoning them is however salutary bearing in mind that he
should have started carrying out the policies."

"It will be extremely difficult to stop those activities given the
ongoing delays in forming an inclusive government and the absence of a
national budget. I do not see the talks being concluded in January.

I think that will be very optimistic and in the absence of a budget
the Reserve Bank may be compelled by default to intervene," he said.

BY JESILYN DENDERE


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Cholera Halts Work On Beitbridge 'World Cup' Hotel

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 18:27
WORK on Rainbow Tourism's new Beitbridge hotel ended earlier than
planned in 2008, due to seven artisans working on the civils phase of
construction contracting cholera.

With under 18 months to the 2010 World Cup soccer tournament kick-off
in South Africa, progress on the luxury 120-bedroom hotel by the Limpopo,
planned to open in time to accommodate football fans, was halted, due to
cholera hitting the workers, shortages of fuel at the border town and
complications arising from dollarisation of Zimbabwe's economy.

The life-threatening water-borne cholera epidemic hit the labour camp
of Costain Zimbabwe, main contractors on the project. With seven workers
already infected, the site was shut and remaining craftsmen sent home early
for Christmas.

Civil works (building of service roads, pathways and installation of
utilities) on the hotel, planned to sleep up to 300 guests, were due to be
completed before the local building industry closed mid-December for a
month, a traditional year-end holiday.

But this early preparatory phase of construction wasn't completed by
deadline date, as work was totally stopped.

South African World Cup officials asked Zimbabwe to supply 2 000 hotel
rooms to cater for a projected overspill and accommodation shortage in South
Africa during, immediately before and after the premier football event.

A spokesman for the builders said, following the "informal
dollarisation" of Zimbabwe's economy, suppliers were demanding payment for
inputs either in local cash: almost impossible to adequately source, or in
scarce United States dollars.

"The economy has virtually dollarised and very little can be bought in
Zimbabwe dollars, particularly if it is not cash. This is a fundamental
issue to be resolved and agreed upon for the project to successfully
proceed," said Costain's spokesman.

Meanwhile in Harare, RTG operations chief, Lewis Chasakara, said early
closing of the site was disappointing but the hotel group was confident of
getting the project back on schedule. He said RTG fully intended to open in
good time to benefit from World Cup spill-over demand for rooms.

When complete, the new hotel is expected to cost the equivalent of
US$12 million.  NSSA's pension fund will finance and own the structure.

BY DUSTY MILLER


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Tsvangirai Should Take Up The Challenge

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 17:15
PEOPLE say the opposition is holding out on the Global Political
Agreement, not agreeing to anything more, "waiting for government to
collapse", so that they can take over.

Apart from the fact that the 18 km-long diamond fields of Chiadzwa
provide unimaginable riches permitting the regime to retain its control for
many, many years to come, my question is -- at what point exactly does a
government collapse?

I submit that when its currency is no longer generally accepted within
its borders, it has collapsed.  When basic service infrastructure no longer
functions -- water, electricity, telephone, sewerage -- it has collapsed.

When its banking system is paralysed, it has collapsed.  When its
health and education systems no longer function, it has collapsed.  When a
large portion of its population is dependent on food provided from outside
the country, it has collapsed.

When its people are suffering a massive health epidemic as a result of
its total neglect of infrastructure and service provision, it has collapsed.

When one of the three arms of government, parliament, is not
functioning, it has collapsed -- or mutated into an undemocratic state.
When another of its arms, the judiciary, cannot or will not respond to
lawyers' demands to protect and enforce human rights, it has indeed mutated
into a dictator state, whose stay in power will end the instant its people
regain their control over the government they supposedly elected into power.

Indeed, when its claim on power is a generally unrecognised
presidential election result following massive intimidation, violence,
murder and displacement of whole villages so they could not vote, and the
withdrawal of the only other candidate for these very reasons, such a
"government" cannot be a legitimate government at all -- so it does not even
need to collapse to lose its legitimacy.

The fact is that government's collapse is evident all around us.  What
we need is a leader who recognises this, and takes up the reins of power to
guide the floundering state onto a better course to safety, recovery and
prosperity.

Imagine for a moment that even Zanu-PF recognises that they have
collapsed.  What is the process for this official collapse, and at what
point can a new leader take over?  Will they announce in the Government
Gazette: "We have collapsed" and call for a new government?   In democratic
countries, the governing party is forced, by its sense of shame if nothing
else, to resign.

In some dispensations, the president or head of state would flee the
country, leaving a public vacuum to be filled.   But where you have a head
of state refusing to see reality, there is no such vacuum.  We cannot
imagine Robert Mugabe knocking on Morgan Tsvangirai's door and saying:
"Sorry, shamwari, I've messed up, so now I'm handing over to you."

What we should be able to imagine, and what should in fact be
happening -- it should have happened long ago! -- is Morgan Tsvangirai
knocking on Robert Mugabe's door and saying: "Sorry, shamwari, you've messed
up, so now I'm taking over from you."

Indeed, the Sadc leaders anointed him Prime Minister on  September 15,
in accordance with the Global Political Agreement.  He should have taken
that as a cue and proceeded to act the part, as far as he was able.  There
is much he could have done, and could still do, before being officially
sworn in.

Surely, it is patently obvious to everyone that this government has
collapsed?  There is no need to wait any longer -- what we need is
leadership and action.  Not action in the sense of getting people onto the
streets or a general strike or whatever, but action in the sense of taking
control of the situation and stopping the slide into total chaos, to save
the nation of Zimbabwe.

Tsvangirai has the goodwill of practically the entire world on his
side.  He does not need to wait even another day for this government to
collapse -- it has already collapsed.  The danger is that, in waiting, the
riches of Chiadzwa will embolden the regime without solving any of our
problems.  We are waiting for Tsvangirai, or maybe someone else, to put on
his or her leader's shoes and lead our nation out of the collapse we are in.

Stevenson writes from Harare.

BY TRUDY STEVENSON


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Zimbabwe Diasporans Destiny Self-determined

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 11 December 2008 21:17
ZIMBABWEANS in the diaspora, particularly in neighbouring South
Africa, are toying with a plethora of opportunities that could bring an end
to the struggles of many nationals battling to survive in Zimbabwe.

It has been difficult to appeal to the emotions of Zimbabweans in the
diaspora. Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono tried to appease Zimbabweans
through the Homelink project but came out with lukewarm results.

This is because Zimbabweans in the diaspora simply do not trust each
other, are suspicious of each other, are jealous of each other, are envious
of each other and thus have no culture of collaboration.

A curable malady has ravaged many diasporans who focus selfishly on
immediate individual benefits.

Whatever happened to teamwork? Whatever happened to unity of purpose
or to progressive development? Never before has the adage "divided we fall"
been so manifest as it presently is among cynical Zimbabweans.

Even in the midst of xenophobic attacks earlier this year the
diasporans failed to come together to assist the affected, instead looking
to the South African public and NGOs to come to their aid. Golf games and
pretentiousness continued in the midst of this tragedy.

Typical diasporans are divided into groups of "pure migrants", those
people who in the eighties came from the West of the country and went on to
work after a couple of years in Botswana and later migrated to South Africa
or Bantustans.

This group has no emotional attachment whatsoever to Zimbabwe. Then
you have those who migrated prior to 1994, many of who have become citizens.
This group has some modicum of interest in what happens in Zimbabwe.

The third group is those transferred as professionals to South Africa,
but lately opportunities for this group have fizzled away due to black
economic empowerment programmes for which they do not qualify. This group
tends to be residents and citizens.

Their attachment to Zimbabwe is ambivalent at best, quick to
dissociate themselves from Zimbabwe and criticise it.

The last group consists of those on various work permits, recent
immigrants who tend to be professionals and small business owners (traders).
They have a significant attachment to Zimbabwe but are suspicious of any
organisation which they quickly label as a Zanu PF agent.

These are a very politically charged lot.

In this bleak and bleary system of things for the Zimbabweans, a small
group of Zimbabweans in the diaspora has unveiled what could be the best
answer to overcoming the misery that has engulfed a nation whose citizens
are now dogged by their own disunity, mistrust and disrespect. "God helps
those who help themselves".

This group is arranging an investment mission in Zimbabwe once the GNU
is in place, to empower Zimbabweans in South Africa via various activities
that include creation of jobs for diasporans through Zimbabwean-run SMEs.

In a whisper, this is the bone and marrow of Batanai Bambanani
Zimbabwe Association (BBZA), a non-profit, non-political registered
organisation which promotes the interests of Zimbabweans in South Africa
through business, professional, social and legal activities.

BBZA wants to create a value system based on selflessness, tolerance,
respect, honesty, hard work and unity of purpose that endure over time by
assisting to create a business friendly climate for Zimbabweans in the
diaspora and at home.

There might not be any success stories to tell or an enormous database
to boast of at the moment but there are a number of initiatives BBZA can do
for any Zimbabwean who becomes a member.

Imagine duty free exports of vehicles to Zimbabwe for members or local
currency rates in hotels in Zimbabwe or changing driver regulations when one
brings his or her vehicle to Zimbabwe and as a member of BBZA is allowed to
let his or her friends and relatives assist in driving his South African
registered vehicle in Zimbabwe!

If we are inspired by such wonderful prospects, we should be motivated
and moved to join and be involved in the activities that BBZA can offer. The
association's business activities promote the interests of business members
through lobbying and propositions to governments and other institutions.
This means creating strong business linkages with Zimbabwean businesses and
creating a diasporan economy by assisting with business opportunities and
investments.

On the professional front, BBZA's well-oiled pledges aim to improve
professionalism through educational programmes that span insights on
immigration and immigration laws.

This will in turn promote self-reliance through mentorship programmes
that will provide Zimbabweans in the diaspora with a distinct and
sustainable advantage in South Africa and the world. An association such as
BBZA could easily encourage and propagate the participation of diasporan
professionals in playing their part in revamping the Zimbabwean economy.

One way in which the professionals could play their crucial role is on
the provision of legal advice, advice on immigration services and laws and
advice on immigration requirements specific to Zimbabweans in order for them
to carry out their business ventures with almost no legal impediments.

This legal branch could well ensure that the activities of BBZA are in
accordance with the constitution of the host countries and hence ensure the
smooth flow of businesses run by Zimbabweans in the diaspora.

Vukani Madoda writes from South Africa.


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Candid Comment: Storm Brewing Around Mugabe

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 17:50
AS 2008 draws to a close Zimbabweans are once again confronted with
the reality of yet another bleak year ahead. A rougher and more turbulent
year lies in front of us and it will be a long haul before relief.

There is no light at the end of this particular tunnel. As they say
the only light which might be flickering is that of an oncoming train - so
be warned!

After Christmas and New Year holidays which will be predictably
miserable, it is clear 2009 will bring an avalanche of worse problems so
long as President Robert Mugabe remains ensconced in power without even a
veneer of legitimacy and acceptance by voters and the international
community.

Mugabe has finally come round to subtly admitting that he has no
legitimacy after his June 27 charade. That is why he is now calling for
another election when he has not yet even finished a year into his new term.

The real deal for long-suffering Zimbabweans would be Mugabe's quick
departure, preferably through a negotiated exit, not talks or elections and
such other pursuits which won't resolve this deep crisis.

Elections are an important democratic mechanism to elect leaders and
governments, but not in this sort of an environment. Another election under
the current conditions would only succeed in visiting a brutal campaign of
terror upon already traumatised voters.

Talks remain the only viable option on the table so far but the
trouble is they may soon end up being overtaken by events.

The current seismic political and economic situation may rapidly shift
and trigger different dynamics that could render talks and negotiating
parties somewhat irrelevant.

This is more likely next year largely because Mugabe is cultivating an
explosive situation, a deadly political powder keg. He however does not seem
sufficiently aware of the volatile storm brewing around him.

The coming year is likely to prove a defining moment for Zimbabwe. If
nothing is done to stop this decline, it would be a year of upheaval. The
warning signs are there for all to see. Political events between March, when
Mugabe first suffered electoral defeat, and the recent riots by soldiers
clearly show things are fast changing.

However, Mugabe is precariously out of touch with reality.

Evidence that Mugabe is a denialist who is completely out of touch was
provided by Heidi Holland in her book, Dinner with Mugabe, published this
year. Asked how he would like to be remembered when he is gone, Mugabe said:
"Just as the son of a peasant family who, alongside others, felt he
had responsibility to fight for his country. And did so to the best of his
ability. And was grateful for the honour given him to lead a country and be
remembered as one who was most grateful for the honour that people gave him
in leading them to victory over British imperialism. Yes, for that I want to
be remembered."

There you have it. Mugabe only wants to be remembered for his role
during the liberation struggle.

For him history starts and ends with the struggle. No one should
measure him by what he has done or not done since 1980. His acts of
commission and omission must not be part of his life history, just his
heroics during the struggle which, by the way, Edgar Tekere has called into
question.

The connection between this and 2009 and beyond is that Zimbabwe is
heading for a catastrophe as long as Mugabe is still in the picture, hanging
around in the corridors of power.

Holland concludes whatever Mugabe says, he will be remembered by most
as a tyrant -- his place in the hall of infamy is guaranteed -- but by
others as a sad figure who suffered and sacrificed.

This is an apt conclusion.

Given the dramatic events of 2008, particularly his defeat in the
March presidential election first round and vicious fight back through a
brutal campaign of violence and murder, Mugabe would undoubtedly be
remembered by far too many civilised Zimbabweans as a dictator who wreaked
havoc across the land for a whole generation in a bid to seize and keep
power at all costs.

Some of course would remember him as a freedom fighter who lost his
revolutionary path or a leader of a revolution that lost its way.

But even then his negative contributions evidently far outweigh the
positive.

The verdict would not be unanimous, but there would be a broad
consensus that he presided over a corrupt and incompetent regime which
ruined the economy and crushed dissent via vicious repression.

If any further evidence is needed to prove Zanu PF's repression, the
current wave of abductions does it.
It is very difficult to imagine what kind of a country Zimbabwe would
be in 2009.

As long as Zanu PF is in power, the coming year will bring horror. The
economic meltdown will intensify, inflation will scale billions, company
closures and capital flight get worse, unemployment and poverty will be
ubiquitous, starvation rampant and survival very tough.

This is the harsh reality we face as we cross over into a potentially
explosive 2009.

BY DUMISANI MULEYA


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Comment: Time For A Reality Check

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 17:47
ON December 4 last year President Mugabe gave a state-of-the-nation
address which when viewed today, 12 months later, provides an apt
illustration of a wasted year due to leadership failure. Mugabe last year -
as he will perhaps do this year - wished us a happy and prosperous new year.
But that is all he can do - wish.

The fundamentals on the ground point to an even more difficult 2009 as
long as the country continues to lack direction as a result of poor
leadership and dated demagoguery practised in pursuit of legitimacy.

This has been the most difficult year in the post-Independence history
of this country notwithstanding Mugabe's promises last year that "government
will continue to do all in its power to make life bearable in the face of
existing difficulties".

Last year, he thanked the people for their "stoic resilience in the
face of these challenges". But the stoicism is fast wearing off.

Mugabe said: "Government, in conjunction with key stakeholders, has
pursued measures to bring about a sustained turnaround of the economy."
There was more positive talk of the narrowing of political differences
between political parties to establish a broad consensus around national
interests.

Then there was the usual fiction about economic recovery underpinned
by growth in agriculture, tourism and mining. There was even special
reference to the Marange diamonds as underpinning the revival of the mining
sector. The chaos that obtained in Marange this year is emblematic of the
state of affairs in governance across the country.

To address the situation in the fuel sub-sector, Mugabe said
government had embarked on projects to revive petrol blending with ethanol,
and the production of biodiesel from jatropha.

He also spoke of the problem of limited water supplies in urban areas.
As part of measures to redress this situation, he said government would
drill boreholes in the affected areas to augment existing water supplies.

None of this was achieved. As this year draws to a weary close, we
look back at Mugabe's promises with disgust and disappointment. It is time
our leaders had a reality check.

Apart from pointing accusing fingers at the West and phony saboteurs
at home, the Zanu PF regime has this year demonstrated in spectacular style
that it has gone off the rails. It can no longer be trusted with fixing this
economy and healing a society that has become restive due to gnawing
poverty.

We deserve better but we continue to live in a divided society due to
political intolerance and fear by our rulers of losing power. Each passing
day this year was an excruciating grind for families with no food, water or
electricity.

Basic health care has ceased to exist because government hospitals
have become shells where people go to die. Government schools and colleges
offered no tuition for the greater part of the year due to a year-long
strike by educators.

Business lost many productive hours as workers spent half the day
queuing for cash at banks or moonlighting to make ends meet. The year is
closing as the country is grappling to control a medieval disease in the
form of cholera.  How low can we sink as a nation?

But we have not reached rock-bottom yet. There is more suffering to
come in the New Year for Zimbabweans as long as the political leadership in
this country fails to put human dignity ahead of parochial political
entrenchments.

The ingredients of greater poverty, political strife - even
degenerating into outright anarchy and attendant economic collapse - are
manifest. There is no properly formed government in place and no economic
recovery and we are close to a year in this parlous state. There is no
affordable food in the shops.

There is renewed political tension due to abductions and accusations
by Zanu PF that the MDC is training bandits to cause unrest in the country.

The economic collapse has escalated in December with the crash of the
local currency against the US dollar. This, coming at a time when the whole
economy has virtually dollarised, paints a gloomy picture in the New Year.

There is real possibility that most manufacturers closing their plants
for the Christmas break will not reopen due to viability challenges. As a
country, we are inching closer to the tipping point because of the tension
which has been building up.

There are two clear choices here: either the leadership works quickly
to find a workable political settlement or allows the situation to
degenerate into absolute chaos. The latter choice is too ghastly to
contemplate but it is a real prospect.

In the next few days, or perhaps at the Zanu PF conference in Bindura
this weekend, President Mugabe will once again wish us a Merry Christmas and
a prosperous 2009.

This time we hope that he does not make the pronouncements he made
last year for the sake of ceremony. We hope to experience real prosperity in
2009 under a caring leadership that can free us from hunger and disease.

That certainly won't come from Zanu PF.


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Eric Bloch: Money-mania Reigns Supreme

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 16:55
ONE of the many actions of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) which
provoked pronounced resentment amongst the Zimbabwean populace was the
imposition of limits upon amounts of cash withdrawals.

As hyperinflation progressively, and very rapidly, eroded the
purchasing power of money, the RBZ constraints upon cash withdrawals from
banks resulted in the intensifying fury of the hundreds of thousands who
queued for endless hours daily to withdraw their permitted pittances from
banks and building societies, demand increased exponentially, and with
surging resonance, that RBZ discontinue the restraints upon cash
withdrawals.

RBZ at no time concealed that the regulation of quantum of cash
withdrawals was being pursued most unwillingly and reluctantly, but was
necessitated by force of circumstances. Diverse reasons were given for the
regretted containment of cash withdrawal levels.

First and foremost was that  the imposition by the European Union of
general economic sanctions upon Zimbabwe, as distinct from the previously
prevailing (very merited) sanctions targeted against only certain
individuals within, or associated with, the ruling political hierarchy, had
had some grievous repercussions, to the prejudice of the population in
general.

These included that  not only  was RBZ no longer able to procure the
security paper necessary for the production  of Zimbabwean currency bank
notes, but that a considerable consignment of such paper, fully paid, for
had been impounded in Germany.

In consequence, RBZ simply did not have the resource required to
produce a sufficiency of currency to serve national needs, and especially so
as the extent of those needs was soaring upwards daily as a consequence of
extreme inflation.

Thus RBZ had no alternative but to apply what was tantamount to a
rationing system to the issue of currency, irrespective of consequential
hardships, but the efficacy of the system was gravely impaired by numerous
RBZ and commercial bank personnel circumventing the constraints in order to
advance personal gain, to the disadvantage of the greater majority of the
populace.

Concurrently, there is little doubt that the Reserve Bank's actions
were also motivated by a desire to curb the endless, monolithic rise in
inflation. This has not been stated by RBZ, but logically it must have been
part of the rationale for wishing to limit the amount of currency in
circulation.

On the one hand, the lesser the availability of currency, the lesser
will be consumer demand, and when demand levels decline in relation to
supply levels, sellers are driven to stimulate greater sales volumes by
containing price escalations.

On the other hand, for like reasons, minimisation of currency
availability restricts demands for foreign currencies within the black
markets, with resultant exchange rate stabilisation to a greater extent than
when demand is on the increase.

As rising foreign currency costs automatically impact upon the costs
of imported goods (which are a direct or indirect element of almost every
business) such exchange rate movements are highly inflationary.

Therefore, whilst only very minimally effective, it must be assumed
that the restrictions upon cash withdrawals imposed by RBZ were in  part
pursued in an attempt to contain, at least to a  minimal extent, the
endlessly upward rise in prices, as evidenced by the horrific, never before
experienced, inflation of more that two billion per cent per month.

But no matter how valid may have been the reasons for RBZ's
containment of cash withdrawals, the oppressed population was deeply
resentful, and wholly disregarded such reasons.

The harsh fact was that the average Zimbabwean could not access a
sufficiency of cash to fund the absolute bare essentials of daily living for
himself, his family, and dependents.

Permitted withdrawal levels did not suffice to meet basic requirements
for accommodation, utilities, transport, food, education, health care, and
the like.

And the insufficiency of cash was grievously worsened by the
unjustified and uncaring demand by almost all parastatals, local
authorities, and businesses, not to accept cheques, but to receive cash
payments.

Such demands were justified on the two-fold basis that such entities
also have cash needs, and that value payments by cheques is very
considerably eroded by the impacts of inflation during the inordinately long
periods of effecting cheque clearances.

But parastatals and local authorities are supposedly "owned" by the
people, and exist to serve the people, and yet they are very substantially
worsening the circumstances of the people, and instead of fulfilling their
service and caring obligations, are compounding the hardships of the
community.

When,  over the  last two  weeks, RBZ was able to effect a meaningful
increase in cash withdrawal limits (although not to the extent demanded by
the populace, being the removal of all restrictions), money mania
immediately set in.

Overnight rates of exchange in the unlawful "alternative" foreign
exchange markets burgeoned upwards, rising by more than 1000 % in less than
24 hours.

The foreign  currency dealers,  in total disregard for the devastating
economic  repercussions, and with equally  great disregard  for the fact
that inevitably they would eventually  be victims of those repercussions  to
as great an extent as would be most Zimbabweans, allowed  avarice  and greed
to override all else.

That contemptuous  lack of concern  for the negative  impacts upon an
already  almost wholly emaciated economy,  and upon an appallingly
impoverished  populace, and with equally great lack  of concern that those
adverse  impacts would, in time affect all Zimbabweans, including
themselves, was driven by the grasping, money-grubbing, rapacious desire to
achieve immediate enrichment (driven by conviction that other opportunities
would arise to ensure maintenance and growth of wealth, notwithstanding the
further economic  collapse being triggered by them).

Concurrently, vast numbers of shopkeepers realised that the somewhat
increase availability of cash would not only increase costs, as a result of
the exchange rate movements, but would also increase consumer demand.

Therefore, when the increase in cash withdrawal levels became
effective last Thursday, innumerable shops closed their doors, pretending
that they were doing so for purposes of stocktaking, but actually in order
to radically adjust their selling prices.

They had total disregard for the cost of goods as had been sustained
by them, and for a fair and reasonable  profit margin  thereon, and instead
were driven by their wild  "guesstimates"  of replacement  costs, and  by
anxiety  to exploit opportunities of maximized profits.

Money mania reigned supreme, with no concern as to possible
consequences. No thought was had to the inevitable boomerang effects of yet
cataclysmically greater inflation being triggered by them, which would
repercuss upon the gravely distraught economy to a gargantuan extent, to the
intense prejudice of all.

The RBZ needs, as expeditiously as possible, to discontinue all cash
withdrawal constraints, but concurrently all facets of the economic society,
including the milliard of unofficial  currency traders, and all in commerce,
as well as the banking sector, need to pursue a responsible,
sociologically-conscious drive to contain inflation, instead of fuelling it.
National economic responsibility must override avarice, greed, and money
mania, not only driven by communal obligation, but also self-interest.

l Many  have urged me to respond to Chido Makunike's attack in last
week's issue of the Zimbabwe Independent,  upon me and my prior week's
article  on land reform.

Makunike is entitled to his opinion (even if a wrong one), but is
neither entitled to misrepresent, distort or misconstrue that which I have
written, nor to libelously accuse me of dishonesty and racism.

If Makunike would remove the chip from his shoulder, he would have a
more balanced perception. Accordingly, I dismiss his attack upon me with the
contempt it deserves, and will not belittle myself to replying to his
spurious contentions.

BY ERIC BLOCH


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Muckraker: Gono's Fast-track Online Doctorate

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 16:50
SINCE the launch of his book, Casino Economy, last week RBZ Governor
Gideon Gono has been all over the media boasting about his education and
claiming to have a PhD in Strategic Management from Atlantic International
University.

It is important to note that Atlantic International University is not
accredited by the US Department of Education. What this means is that its
credentials are open to question.

Muckraker refers anyone seeking further information on the night
school doctoral programme to webpage: http://www.aiu.edu/Accreditation.html.
Lack of accreditation in the US means the qualifications offered by that
institution are not recognised by employers and other reputable
institutions.

The university on its website says that it "offers distance learning
degree programmes for adult learners".

It says "as a nontraditional university, with self-paced programmes
taken online, by correspondence or home study, AIU lifts the obstacles that
keep professional adults from completing their educational goals".
"Fast track affordable degree programmes allow adult students to
finish college, earn a degree, and advance their careers."

It is good to see Gono improve his education. But why didn't he enroll
at a university that has a recognised profile and which is endorsed by the
US Department of Education? Why this strange little outfit that nobody has
heard of?

'Botswana has availed its territory, material and logistical support
to MDC-T for the recruitment and military training of youths for the
eventual destabilisation of the country with a view to effecting illegal
regime change," Patrick Chinamasa claimed in a statement published on
Monday. "Compelling evidence has already been proffered and the matter is
now in the hands of the (Sadc) Troika."

Needless to say, Chinamasa was unable or unwilling to provide a scrap
of "compelling evidence" to support these ludicrous charges. And it is good
to see South African president Kgalema Motlanthe saying he doesn't believe
Zimbabwe's claims. But expect to see MDC-T youths paraded on the ZTV news
any night now, all confessing to the charges Chinamasa has brought against
them.

Haven't we all been here before? Does anybody recall the Cain Nkala
case when President Mugabe, speaking in Bulawayo, accused the MDC of
"terrorism"?

Botswana has rendered itself "a surrogate of Western imperial powers;
it is acting contrary to its past role as a Frontline State," Chinamasa
said.

This is laughable although the Botswana authorities may not find it so
amusing. Since when has a country's decision to "act contrary to its past
role" been grounds for public abuse?

The Front Line states disappeared in 1994. The organisation no longer
exists. Botswana has adapted its foreign policy to the needs of a new era.
It has moved on. That is why it is a stable  and prosperous state. Nobody
takes Zimbabwe's archaic mantras seriously, including its closest friends.

And the region certainly won't be impressed by Chinamasa's threats.

"It is for them (Botswana) to realise that they have put themselves on
a course that is bound to bring a lot of suffering on Zimbabweans and the
region, including the population of Botswana," he warned.

Zimbabweans are already suffering without Botswana's intervention,
thanks to Zanu PF.

"The MDC-T had negotiated in bad faith and has engaged in dialogue as
a ploy to string us along," Chinamasa claimed.

"Since the cholera outbreak began in August," he claimed," Britain and
the United States along with several African askaris like Kenyan opposition
leader Raila Odinga have called for an invasion of Zimbabwe.We can look our
people in the eye and say 'enough is enough'. Our backs are now to the wall
and a day may soon come when each and every one of us may be called to
defend our revolutionary gains and our sovereignty," he said.

Now what do you call that language if not warlike? Since when has
Britain or the US advocated the invasion of Zimbabwe? Yes, they called for
Mugabe to go. But most Zimbabweans are saying the same thing. That doesn't
require an invasion. And can you imagine any self-respecting government
calling the prime minister of another African state an "askari"?

This is childish abuse of the sort you would expect from certain
columnists in the Herald, not a whole government.

Perhaps we shouldn't expect too much. After all, this is a regime
where the president calls the leader of the opposition a prostitute. And
then can't understand why nobody wants to join him in government.
This is not the way to get respect. Nor is abducting one's opponents.
Isn't that bad faith of the worst kind?

How can Chinamasa talk of bad faith when people are being made to
disappear?

If the state behaves like a South American dictatorship of the 1970s
it will get the reputation it deserves. The whole world is following the
Justina Mukoko case, quite rightly regarding it as emblematic of Zimbabwe's
cruel misrule.

Then of course there is the small matter of making arbitrary changes
to provisions in draft legislation without telling the people you are
negotiating with!

The Government of Botswana meanwhile has called for an end to
sabre-rattling. It urged "all those calling for military action against
Zimbabwe to desist from doing so as such action can only prolong and bring
more suffering to the people of Zimbabwe who have already suffered enough at
the hands of the authorities in that country.

Furthermore, those calls can only give credence to claims we now hear
emanating from Zimbabwe of a plot to invade the country.  The claim of an
invasion in our view is nothing more than a desperate attempt to gather
support and sympathy from within and outside Zimbabwe
in order to distract attention from the real problem."
Indeed!

Government spin doctors can be excused when they accuse Western news
agencies of misreporting or distorting President Mugabe's remarks. But we
had on Thursday the extraordinary case of presidential spokesman George
Charamba excoriating the BBC and France 24 for reporting accurately.

The two broadcasters had quoted Mugabe saying at Heroes Acre that: "I
am happy to say our doctors, assisted by others and the WHO, have now
arrested cholera. So now there is no case for war anymore."
It was good to hear cholera has been arrested rather than abducted.
But the president was being sarcastic, Charamba pointed out.

"President Mugabe clinched his argument through sarcasm," he said,
noting that now efforts deployed so far towards containing the outbreak were
beginning to yield positive results, could the West now call off the war
they had declared?"

Their reporting was a "wilful distortion of a clear statement", he
said.

In fact it was a straight-forward piece of reporting what the
president said. Is it seriously suggested networks should broadcast what the
president wished he has said or meant to say?

Then we had Sikhanyiso Ndlovu providing the following gem.

"The foreign governments calling for President Mugabe to resign are
'malicious' and 'racist'," he told RFI last Tuesday.  "Those countries can
say this to a black government. Why don't they call on John Major (sic) to
step down because there is a failed economy in England?"

Ndlovu has been touting a very old theory that the Rhodesians were
responsible for spreading anthrax. Now he has embellished the story to
include cholera.

"They seeded cholera around Harare where the new Zimbabwe government
later built large-scale housing like Budiriro, Dzivaresekwa, and Chitungwiza
so that the freedom fighters would catch the disease and die before they
could reach the city," Ndlovu declared last week.

The minister is a little wide of the mark. The townships he referred
to were mostly planned and built by the Muzorewa regime in the late 1970s.
They would hardly have seeded cholera among people they regarded as their
own supporters.

As Luis Michel, EU aid commissioner, reminded us recently, "cholera is
a disease of destitution which used to be almost unknown in Zimbabwe".

Indeed it is a political disease which strikes those societies where
governments have not made sufficient investment in clean water supplies
because they are spending money on other things like mercs and huge
mansions.

Ministers who try to shift the blame for the current outbreak are
simply drawing attention to their own failure to maintain the water system
in and around Harare. Zanu PF is a party full of excuses. But they don't
seem to realise nobody believes them any more.

Meanwhile, John Major will be delighted to hear that he should step
down, 18 years after the event. Just a pity that our so-called Minister of
Information hasn't a clue who the British prime minister is. What a circus!
And have you noticed that as the multi-faceted national crisis begins
to engulf Zanu PF, so they are setting upon each other.

Which may explain certain recent events! Needless to say, they are
trying hard to link everything to
their latest plot theory but it won't wash.

What are we being asked to believe? That there is a link between an
attempt on the life of Perrance Shiri, the bombing of Harare Central police
station earlier this year, the bombing of the Manyame River road and rail
bridges, the bombing of the Harare CID HQ, and another attack on Harare
Central police station, the petrol bombing of government institutions last
year, the bombing of the Bulawayo-Harare railway line, "compelling evidence"
tying Botswana to the training of "bandits" believed to be linked to "an
alleged MDC-T plot to unconstitutionally unseat the government", and cholera
planted by the British in the 1970s?
And not a scrap of evidence produced in court to support this web of
convenient conjecture.

"The attack on Air Marshal Shiri appears to be a build up of terror
attacks targeting high-profile persons." Kembo Mohadi announced to the
gullible state press.

Who apart from Shiri has been "targeted"? We weren't told. But watch
this "plot" and its various permutations as it takes over the public
discourse for the next few months.

We have always regarded AFP quite highly as a new agency. But they
have one profound structural flaw. They allow an anti-American bias to creep
into their copy. Which they can't really help on account of being French.
They don't like Bush and they hated Blair almost as much as our own state
publicists.

One illustration of this bias will suffice. On Tuesday AFP reported
"visiting US President George W Bush on Sunday scurried for cover when a
journalist hurled his shoes at him".

Now Muckraker saw that clip several times on Sunday and Monday. Bush
didn't scurry anywhere. He ducked but he didn't scurry. In fact he showed
remarkable agility.

Later in the story AFP corrected its position somewhat. "The shoes
missed after Bush ducked." it admitted.

So where did the "scurry" come from? An editor in Paris? Or was the
report embellished at the Herald?
Whatever the case, it probably reflected the views of the Arab street.
Bush declared it was a perfect example of people being able to express
themselves freely.

The assailant described it as his "parting gift". Now don't get any
ideas!


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Editor's Memo: Sadc's Great Betrayal

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 18 December 2008 16:37
SADC has betrayed the people of Zimbabwe and killed their hopes this
year by adopting a kid-glove approach to the political crisis in the country
that has imploded into a humanitarian crisis of disastrous proportions.

Over 1 000 people are estimated to have succumbed to the cholera
epidemic since it broke out in August and five million more face starvation
due to shortage of food, but Sadc has been accommodating to President Robert
Mugabe's regime when the situation clearly required a tougher stance.

Despite the signing of a unity government pact between Mugabe and the
leaders of the two MDC formations - Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara -
on September 15, Sadc has done little to ensure fairness and equitability in
the power-sharing deal.

Since the signing of the deal, it has become evident that the majority
of Sadc leaders were less comfortable with Tsvangirai than they are with
Mugabe and have been exerting pressure on the prime minister-designate to
join an inclusive government he would be a junior partner in.

On the other hand, the regional leaders have repeatedly deferred to
the 84-year-old ruler despite his excesses.

Sadc must either shape up or ship out - if they cannot solve the
political crisis they should say so and let things be.

To continue to raise hopes and insist on the global political
agreement that is yielding nothing except disease and abductions is
tantamount to buying time for the Mugabe regime while the humanitarian
disaster is unfolding.

The political impasse has left the country without a functional
government since March and the paralysis has seen the economy continuing to
plunge and the humanitarian situation deteriorate with Sadc watching in awe!

Sadc's mediation process, which gave Zimbabweans hope, seems to be
failing and appears not to be salvageable.

The journey to the mediation began with a Sadc summit in Tanzania in
March last year following the assault on opposition leaders, among them
Tsvangirai.

This opened the door for Sadc to intervene in what Mugabe may like to
call a domestic matter.
Both Mugabe and Tsvangirai accepted then as they still do that Sadc
had a role to play in resolving the matter.

Former South African President Thabo Mbeki - Sadc's point man on
Zimbabwe - played a critical role in the pre-March elections negotiations
that led to the necessary constitutional and legal amendments. Through the
facilitation of Sadc, elections were held and the rest is history.

The current Sadc challenge is not the mere formation of an
all-inclusive government, but is broader and encompasses more issues, which
evidently the regional bloc cannot handle.

Legitimacy is still a problem and Sadc has failed to provide
direction. This is a litmus test for the regional grouping which it appears
determined to fail.

Sadc should have told Mugabe that without Tsvangirai he has no
legitimacy and should, therefore, have ceded real power-sharing to the MDC
leader.

To the extent that Mugabe and Tsvangirai do not trust each other, it
was important for Sadc to intervene in search of a common ground.

Equally, Sadc should have pronounced its opinion on the adequacy and
equitability of the current deal on the table. It appears that the agreement
is skewed in favour of Mugabe and Zanu PF.

Sadc leaders can and should stand up for the principles that they
purport to share and should subject Zimbabwe's conduct to such principles
and values.

There is a lot that Mugabe would now wish in the passage of time to
change.

Surely even Mugabe in the quietness of his time cannot be satisfied
that Zimbabwe will turn a new leaf if the kind of change that comes from the
deal is not credible. Credibility has to be tested and accompanied by
change.

Sadc must recognise that Mugabe represents the past and the future
belongs to other leaders.
It is inconceivable that anyone who values the future of Zimbabwe
would want to persist with the same disastrous course of events that we have
witnessed of late.

Mugabe cannot sustain an argument that he will alone bring change.

Zimbabwe needs to turn a new leaf and this can only be accomplished by
Mugabe conceding that there is a problem in the construction of the deal on
the table that leaves him in power to frustrate the wheels of progress from
moving forward.

The Sadc leaders should have been firm with Mugabe by demanding that a
resolution be found so that the work to rebuild the country begins in
earnest. And they should speak out about abductions and other human rights
abuses.

There is no need on the part of the Sadc leaders to pull punches.

The challenge for them is to tell Mugabe that the September 15 deal
demanded power-sharing not grabbing, but they ducked the challenge. They
have betrayed the people of Zimbabwe and history will remember them as the
cowards they are.

Editor's Memo with Constantine Chimakure


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Zim Independent Letters



http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com

Good land Management Is The Only Way

Thursday, 18 December 2008 17:43
I READ with great interest the report by Ian Scoons of the University
of Middlesex entitled "Myths about land reform" (Zimbabwe Independent
September 19).

It would appear as if he had collaborated with the University of the
Western Cape to seek justification for the expropriation plans in South
Africa.

In the attempt to expose the myths he revealed a grim picture of the
A1 situation in Masvingo and an even grimmer one for the A2s, but believes
that there are some grounds for optimism. He appears to be unaware of the
limitations placed on agriculture by the five differing ecological regions
of Zimbabwe.

If these are ignored there can be no hope of ever restoring
sustainability and prosperity to agriculture in Zimbabwe.

The incontestable fact of the matter is that the land grabs and
following fragmentation of prosperous farm land is the main cause of
economic meltdown and is an indirect cause of the bitter polarisation of the
nation.

That is the position on the ground unless one believes that targeted
travel bans and sudden change in weather patterns due to global warming
brought the country to bankruptcy in six years.

Before land reform, commercial agriculture provided the core business
of Zimbabwe.

When it was deliberately looted and gutted by government officials the
subsidiaries, commerce and industry, tourism and mining all staggered and
began a downward spiral which is accelerated to this day.

When government robbed the subsidiaries to prop up land reform the
company failed. In consequence the government has been voted out by the
shareholders but refuses to submit, fearing retribution for its misdeeds.

While most of the expertise which drove commercial agriculture has
gone, the models of land use pioneered by it over 100 years are there to be
resuscitated.

If all aspects are followed that is, secure tenure of the correct
sized units, low interest short and long term finance made available,
irrigation and good marketing in place, submitting all operations to the
supervision of an independent natural resources board with strong powers
such as the previous farmers willingly submitted themselves to.

Only then does turnaround become possible. The process will however be
a protracted bumpy ride over decades and will require substantial
international aid.

Des Wiggill,
Glendale.

---------
Cholera Wrecking Havoc In Bikita

Thursday, 18 December 2008 16:42
I WENT to Marecha village in Bikita district, Masvingo Province
recently where I had gone to bury my uncle who was robbed from us by what
has been confirmed to be cholera.

He had complained of a running stomach after he had attended a funeral
of one of his subjects; he was a village head.

We later received the news that he had succumbed to the disease and
had died on the way to Silveira Mission Hospital which is several kilometers
away. There is no transport service in the area and the car in which he died
en route to the hospital had been hired from Masvingo which is at least
100km away. The process to get a car from Masvingo took more than eight
hours whilst his life was ebbing.

When I went there for the funeral, I was shocked to hear that 10
deaths including my uncle's had occurred during the week and all are
suspected to have been caused by cholera. I am hereby asking for assistance
from well-wishers and the authorities to nip this problem in the bud.

The authorities may need to pronounce our area a cholera zone so that
appropriate measures are taken to combat it and also protect unsuspecting
visitors into the area.

E Maundu,
Harare.

---------
Big Step Forward

Thursday, 18 December 2008 16:33
AFTER so many disappointments and delays we should not be surprised
when we get very little response to developments that take place in the long
drawn out saga that is meant to resolve the political crisis in Zimbabwe.

  Also, because of the complexities and the secrecy that always
surrounds such developments, the media does not always pick up its
significance.

What happened last week is that the negotiators resumed discussions on
Wednesday in Harare and after two days settled on a draft of constitutional
amendment number 19.

It was then printed in the Government Gazette on Saturday and will now
face 30 days of debate at national level before going to parliament in mid
January for possible acceptance and adoption by a two thirds majority.

Few of us expected such a smooth passage of this significant and
substantive change to the constitution and it seems clear that it was
achieved only because the South African government -- at last -- grasped the
nettle and told Zanu PF to get on with the task and stop any
procrastination.

The amendments proposed are far reaching. They will restore
citizenship to many thousands who were stripped of their citizenship for
political reasons.

They make it possible to hold dual citizenship. They create the post
of Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers and make this new structure
responsible for government.

They stipulate that the president will remain head of state and in
charge of the security ministries but it also creates a National Security
Council to replace the JOC and gives the MDC a major role in the Council and
the ability to block any unlawful activity.

The amendments also provide for the president to make senior
appointments only after he has consulted and agreed on those appointments
with the prime minister.

Best of all the deal includes a specific time table to be followed in
the drafting of a new constitution that in two years time will replace the
existing one and permit the first truly free and fair democratic elections
in 30 years.

We still have a few things to get out of the way before the new
legislation can be passed into law. The MDC is demanding that these be dealt
with before the new legislation comes before parliament in January.

These are the legal basis of the National Security Council to be
agreed and drafted for consideration by parliament in January at the same
time as the constitutional amendments; the equitable allocation of
ministerial portfolios between the three parties; the rescinding of the
appointment of governors and their replacement by new appointments
representing the party that holds a majority of MPs in each province; and
the return to Zimbabwe of all diplomats and their replacement by new
appointments agreed in terms of the GPA.

These are not minor issues and we would have wanted them out of the
way first but we are quite happy to see them resolved while the main
legislation goes through the process required by the constitution. This
should not be difficult.

The MDC is already working behind the scenes to address the immediate
emergency -- it is working on food supplies, water systems and  the health
crisis and is trying to put many aspects of the stabilisation and recovery
programme into a form that will allow swift action once the new government
is in place.

I think that any country that cannot feed its population, cannot
provide basic security of person and property and cannot provide even the
most rudimentary health services or education for its children, is, by
definition, a failed state.

Not even the most ardent supporter of Zanu PF can deny that today and
they resort to blaming everyone else for our ills.

The best we saw of this syndrome was this week when the water crisis
in our cities was blamed on Ian Smith and the British who were accused of
infecting our people with cholera in a form of biological and chemical
warfare! And these guys think they should be taken seriously!

Eddie Cross,
egcross@africaonline.co.zw

---------Who is Playing God George?
Thursday, 18 December 2008 16:22
IN last week's Nathaniel Manheru column in the Herald and in ZBC news
bulletins, President Robert Mugabe's spokesperson George Charamba lamented
what he called the misrepresentation of Mugabe's "Cholera has been arrested"
speech while burying Elliot Manyika at the Heroes Acre.

One can understand Charamba's frustrations in defending and spinning
Mugabe's words, at a time when it is increasingly difficult to do so. And it
is clear Charamba has run out of spin.

ZBC then went on to play and replay Mugabe's Heroes Acre speech, which
all but confirmed what he had said, that cholera had been dealt with.

One feels pity though for  ZBC for having to defend the indefensible,
and if journalists were to quote the president it is because that is what he
said, with his own mouth in front of thousands and in front of cameras.

Charamba lamented that all he wishes for is objective reporting from
the Western media, not manipulation of facts or events.

Well said! It is interesting to note that this is the same person who
controls the state media and who has at no point asked the same media to be
objective in their reporting or coverage of the so-called enemies of the
government. Charamba wants to be treated differently from the same standard
of measurement that he applies on all others he perceives as his enemies.

He has the guts after this to threaten Zimbabwean journalists playing
god and threatening to withdraw their accreditation. In other words, he is
going to cut their means of livelihood and they will suffer because he did
not like what they wrote.

Contrary to what Manheru said, it is you then George who is playing
god, it is you who has brought chaos in the Zimbabwean media landscape by
playing god and distorting the journalism field with your stubbornly
one-sided approach.  The journalists that you now threaten have done nothing
unexpected of them; they reported what the president said. You on the other
hand, have interpreted what the president said, embellished it with your
words seeking to change the meaning of what he said.

You rightfully, as your job entails sought to defend your employer,
that is all fine but please stop playing god and stop pretending that all
journalists in Zimbabwe belong to you and that they are puppets in your
hands, who you manipulate to suit your desires.

We hope after this and in your briefings with President Mugabe, you
advise him honestly and openly about the situation in Zimbabwe. One can only
conjecture that he is not aware since he lives in Zimbabwe but not with us.
He does not suffer water and electricity shortages. He does not suffer from
lack of medical attention; he does not buy with forex in our shops; he does
not use commuter omnibuses. He relies on you George to know what Zimbabwe
looks like.

He only knows what court jesters tell him. And they tell what only
amuses him about the greatness of his kingdom and how everyone is happy and
loves the king. I hope you advise him that cholera is still very much on the
loose and taking hundreds of lives, while our hospitals are shut. We only
hope one day you will realise that you are, after all, only human like us.

Rashweat Mukundu,
Harare.

--------
Zimbabwe Independent SMS
Thursday, 18 December 2008 16:46
ROBERT Mugabe compares Zimbabwe's cholera outbreak to the pig
infection and mad cow disease in Europe. Infection to animals and human
beings. do they compare? He is not serious at all.
Tiisetso, Beitbridge.

IT'S time to say enough is enough to Robert Mugabe. If the so called
power-sharing talks fail, elections should follow since we cannot be held at
ransom by a man whom we told to go peacefully in 2002 and March 2008.
Tendai, Mutare.

ZIMBABWE will never be a colony again but we must use the US dollar
and not our Zimbabwean dollar. We do not need outsiders for help unless they
support Zanu PF.
Mike.

I LIVED in Harare before Independence and the streets were swept and
rubbish collected daily. The problem now is that cleaning streets is an
event rather than a continuous process.
Tacky.

How can the so called mediator be taken seriously when he exclusively
takes offence at Tsvangirai's "lack of respect for Sadc heads" and yet keeps
quite when Didymus Mutasa labels the same Sadc "day dreamers" for ruling in
favour of white farmers?
T Bingepinge, Harare.

I beg to differ with those who argue that Tsvangirai is pushing his
luck too far. We should learn from the Lancaster House Agreement to see the
effects of rushed or incomplete agreements. Farm invasions for instance
could have been avoided if it had fully dealt with such issues.
Wamwano, Zengeza 2.

CAN somebody tell Thabo Mbeki that he should learn to be original
because his  letter in which he blasted MDC-T sounds like something we have
been hearing for eight years now?  Mbeki should spare  us the tired lecture
which has revealed what many have always suspected, that he is not an honest
broker.
Native Intelligence.

FUNNY how the Sadc delegation were hailed for their one-day situation
assessment, a feat the Elders were told is impossible.
Observant.

THE reactions to the so-called Western led invasion of Zimbabwe are
quite interesting. But they seem to fail to understand the underlying cause
of Zimbabwe's problems; leadership failure in the Zanu PF led government and
not cholera. This failure has brought a lot of suffering which now threatens
our peaceful existence. The recent army riots are an example.
Analyst.

JORAM Nyathi's Candid column reflects objective, mature and principled
journalism. An invasion of Zimbabwe by UN or any other force is not in the
interest of Zimbabwe. Let's focus on finding a solution to the cholera and
hunger.
Mavase, Zvishavane.

JORAM Nyathi should do the right thing and just join Zanu PF and stop
acting as a political analyst. You do a very good job in selling Zanu PF
propaganda.
I Nyakudya.

JORAM Nyathi is clearly rabidly bigoted. His articles are unduly
anti-Western and are not objective. He is no different from Nathaniel
Manheru.
Idaz, Harare.

ZIMBABWEANS would prefer to suffer with no deal than accept a bad
power-sharing deal. We are sick and tired of analysts who pretend to have
the people at heart.
Taneta J.

ZANU PF propaganda continues to defy science. It does not have even a
morsel of respect for the force of gravity as it keeps on going up and up.
It is conspicuous to all and sundry that times have changed and no amount of
the same egregious proportions can alter that fact. They don't think twice
about insulting people's conscience not withstanding Muckracker has given
free lessons as to the number one rule in politics: never insult the voters.
I wish that they would learn!
Albert Ndagurwa, Mutare.

ZANU PF has been in power for 28 years destroying the economy. They
cannot purport to be bringing anything new this time around. They just must
go.
Observer.

NO sudoku for last week's edition? You have at least one less leader.
Disappointed.

THE late ambuya Mlambo left an indelible mark on the entire nation.
She moulded God-fearing, respectful and righteous youths. To many she
deserved a place at the national shrine.
Papa.

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