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grip on defence forces main problem in power talks
By KITSEPILE NYATHI,
NATION CorrespondentPosted Sunday, December 20 2009 at
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's refusal to let go the Joint
Command (JOC), a state security organisation that is only
accountable to the
veteran ruler, has emerged as the single biggest threat
to Harare's shaky
JOC is made up of army
commanders, Central Intelligence Organisation
directors, police and prison
commissioners - most of them veterans of
Zimbabwe's war of
Last year, they were accused of spearheading President
fight back after he lost the first round of the
presidential election to
then arch rival and now Prime Minister Morgan
The 85 year old leader eventually won the presidential runoff
June 27 after Mr Tsvangirai was forced to pull out citing the
displacement of his supporters during the violence engineered by
But the result was rejected throughout the world
forcing Mr Mugabe to form a
unity government with Mr Tsvangirai and
Professor Arthur Mutambara of the
smaller Movement for Democratic Change
Despite the formation of the unity government, the
service chiefs have
refused to salute Mr Tsvangirai as the Prime Minister
claiming that he is a
surrogate of Western powers seeking to recolonise
Zimbabwe Defence Forces commander General Costantine Chiwenga,
Commissioner General Augustine Chihuri and Commissioner of Prisons
Major General Paradzai Zimondi have alled refused to salute the PM
did not participate in the war of liberation.
refusal to dismantle JOC, which under the Global Political
Agreement Zanu PF
signed with the MDC formations leading to the formation of
government, must be replaced by the National Security Council
(NSC), is now
one of the few sticky outstanding issues in the ongoing inter
On Monday the three principals in the coalition are scheduled to
announcement on progress in the talks but this is unlikely to
agreement on the security forces and Mr Mugabe's unilateral
his cronies to head the central bank and the attorney
The outstanding issues would be referred to the
Southern African Development
Community (SADC) - the guarantors of the
President Mugabe's resolve to hold on to the notorious JOC was
emboldened by resolutions of Zanu PF's congress, which directed the
negotiators not to compromise on the issue of the central bank
AG and the security forces.
"Security forces are a
product of the national liberation struggle, belong
to the people and are
mandated to defend the country's territorial
integrity, independence and
sovereignty," the resolutions read in part.
"Zanu PF as the party of
revolution and the people's vanguard shall not
allow the security forces to
be the subject of any negotiation for a
so-called security sector reform
that is based on patent misrepresentations
of Zimbabwe's heroic history and
for the mere purpose of weakening the state
so that it can be easily
MDC negotiators told a team of facilitators appointed by
President Jacob Zuma to speed up negotiations between the
that they want JOC dismantled because the NSC was now in
place. "Zanu PF
expressed the contrary view that JOC only dealt with
whilst the National Security Council dealt with policy
facilitators said in the report submitted to President Zuma
"The MDC also raised, on the subject of security reform, the
existence of a
formalised and legitimised intelligence agency."
new cholera cases recorded in Zim
by Own Correspondent Monday 21 December
HARARE - Zimbabwe has recorded 146 new cases of cholera that
have led to
five deaths, according to a report by the Ministry of Health and
Health Organisation (WHO).
According to the latest
epidemiological report compiled by the ministry and
the WHO, the new cases
were detected in nine out of the country's more than
50 districts with
report adding that there has been a decline in the number
of affected areas
compared to the same period last year.
"146 cumulative cholera cases and
5 deaths were reported by 13th December
2009 to the World Health
Organization (WHO) through the Ministry of Health
and Child Welfare's
national health information unit," the report that was
made available to
ZimOnline at the weekend.
The crude case fatality rate since the outbreak
started stands at 3.4
percent. By week 50 last year, 17 908 cumulative cases
and 877 deaths had
been reported, with a crude case fatality rate of 4.9
percent, the report
A cholera epidemic that coincided with a
doctors strike killed 4 288 people
out of 98 592 infections between August
2008 and July 2009.
Health experts have warned that Zimbabwe's
humanitarian situation remains
precarious and that the same problems that
helped drive the last cholera
epidemic remained unresolved, with six million
people or half of the country's
total population of 12 million people with
little or no access to safe water
Aid agencies last
month said that they were on standby to respond to an
expected surge in
cholera cases this year with the cash-strapped
power-sharing government of
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and President
Robert Mugabe seen struggling
to cope in the event of a major outbreak.
The new Harare government has
promised to rebuild the economy and restore
basic services such as water
supplies, health and education that had
virtually collapsed after years of
neglect and under-funding.
But the administration has found it hard to
undertake any meaningful
reconstruction work after failing to get financial
support from rich Western
nations that insist they want to see more
political reforms before they can
loosen the purse strings. - ZimOnline
queues resurface in Harare
by Own Correspondent Monday 21 December
HARARE - Long queues for cash have resurfaced in Harare as most
institutions were caught napping by the huge numbers of people
thronged banking halls over the past few days to withdraw money to
for the festive season.
On Friday night, some clients could
be seen sleeping outside the First
Street branch of Central African Building
Society (CABS), while long winding
queues were again observed at the same
branch on Saturday morning.
The liquidity crunch also hit hard Beverly
Building Society along Samora
Machel avenue. Even commercial banks such as
Kingdom and Stanbic were also
affected with long winding queues at the city
In a statement, central bank chief Gideon Gono said the Reserve
Zimbabwe was not responsible for the queues and blamed lack of
Gono said most of the banks did not have
enough notes to cover demand
associated with the festive period. He said the
central bank could no longer
perform its core function since it "was acutely
under funded by treasury,
leaving the institution with no capacity to
independently perform the lender
of last resort function, let alone to
import currency for banks".
Finance Minister Tendai Biti, availed in his
2010 national budget statement
US$10 million to the central bank to cover
Cash shortages were last experienced following the
dumping of the
inflation-ravaged local currency in preference for other
currencies such as
the United States dollar, British pound and South African
Rand earlier this
year as banks struggled to pay public workers in hard
But the cash shortages soon disappeared after the International
Fund offered technical support to improve Zimbabwe's payments
enable banks to disburse foreign currency allowances to thousands
servants more efficiently.
This Christmas is the first in many
years that Zimbabweans are going to be
able to enjoy after a unity
government between sworn enemies President
Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai formed last February
managed to end political tensions and
halt a sever recession that had
ravaged the country for the past decade. -
Army forced Mugabe to stay on-
Zanu PF founding member and former cabinet minister, Enos
Nkala claims President Robert Mugabe was ready to quit after
the party's electoral setback in the March 2008 general elections but was forced
to stay on by the army. Nkala who quit government in 1989 after being caught up
in the Willowgate scandal dismisses allegations he was involved in the 1980s
Gukurahundi massacres and says those responsible should be prosecuted. He spoke
to SW Radio Africa's Violet Gonda for the programme Hot Seat.
GONDA: Let's start with getting your thoughts on the present political
situation in the country.
NKALA: Yes - the present political
situation is very fluid; I think I must underline that word fluid. No-one knows
what will happen next year or the following year. If I'm talking in respect of
Zanu-PF - Zanu-PF was formed in my house in 1963. We were the agitators of the
formation of Zanu-PF from Zapu because we felt Zapu could not give us direction
for the things we wanted. And what we were concerned about at that time when the
split from Zapu came was the liberation of this country and everyone knows the
performance of Zanu-PF as a guerrilla movement and what it did in the liberation
of Zimbabwe. Its present standing is very (inaudible). You cannot pin it down to
one thing because the people who are now controlling Zanu-PF. a lot of them are
opportunist, men who came yesterday, men who are self-seekers, men who are not
grounded in politics or even the economic administration of this country.
Robert (Mugabe) himself the leader with whom we started Zanu-PF has
grown very old. 85 - he should be resting, playing with young children like some
of us do with our nephews but he persists. I happen to know that he doesn't want
to continue; he's being forced because the crowd of opportunists that now
control Zanu-PF consist of different factions. There're two major factions - one
controlled by I think Solomon Mujuru, the other controlled by Emmerson
Mnangagwa. And each of these groups have assembled a number of opportunists
around them - money seekers who are not concerned about the survival of the
party - all they're concerned about is the existence of Zanu so that they can
get whatever they can get. A lot of them are looters.
You know the
country is on the floor; the economy of the country has so badly gone down that
we have no industry, we have no agriculture, and we have no commerce. If we do
have commercial shops, they are filled with goods from South Africa - we are no
longer able to fill them with goods produced within this country because the
economy has collapsed. I know no country in history, which has so collapsed that
it has no currency of its own.
The lie that is being peddled by the
leadership that it's because of sanctions - that's a lie. Cuba is under
sanctions, there are many countries that are under sanctions - they've survived
many years like Cuba, many years of sanctions - they still have their money,
they still have their industry, their economy is intact, everything is in place,
but Zimbabwe - nothing is in place. So Zanu-PF is no longer the Zanu-PF that I
knew, that we organised, that we used to liberate this country.
is on deathbed, it is in intensive care, Robert Mugabe has grown up, he is old,
and I believe he is sick like I am sick - I am old. A lot of them - John Nkomo
has just been appointed Vice President - he is old, he is sick, anything can
happen to him. How do we expect sick people to attend to massive economic
GONDA: That's what I wanted to ask you Mr Nkala, earlier on
you said Mugabe doesn't want to continue but he's being forced. By who exactly?
Why is it they keep nominating him for the presidency? He's been Zanu-PF leader
since 1975, he's 85 years old now and if he is to stand for elections if they're
held in five years time, he'll be 90 years old. So you mentioned the two
factions, you mentioned Solomon Mujuru and Emmerson Mnangagwa but who exactly
wields real power in Zanu-PF?
NKALA: (laughs) . No-one. When we have
factions within the party there is no-one who wields the real power. When Mugabe
lost initially, when he received 43% of the total vote, and Tsvangirai about 48,
Tsvangirai had received more, of course he was deceived. His votes were stolen.
Mugabe wanted, the information I have from within, wanted to resign, had
prepared his speech, was ready to go - it was the army officers who intervened
who said; 'You can't go. You remember the Gukurahundi issue?' There are many
issues that are outstanding for which some of them can be tried so they said you
can't leave us. If the information I collected is correct and I believe it is
correct because it was given to me by people, some of whom are closer to those
army officers, they said you can go to Malaysia, you can go to China but where
can we go to? So that's where it was offered that the army should intervene on
his behalf and organise the election, the re-run election and you know what
happened. You know why Tsvangirai had to go and run and hide, you know that he
remained with nobody contesting him. He didn't win that.
I know in
Matabeleland less that 6000 people voted and I don't know who they voted for
because people were fed up, Zanu-PF no longer exists here in Matabeleland. If
Mugabe himself came here and stood as a candidate in any place he would never
win. If Mugabe himself stood in Harare our capital city, he will never win.
People do not like him, I think you know about that and so he was kind of
politically forced to continue. Even now, this re-election (at ZANU PF congress)
is a false one. It's because there is no-one to replace him and who can sustain
Zanu as Zanu because if Mugabe goes, Zanu goes with him. So if he dies tomorrow,
Zanu will die with him because Zanu as I know it now is in intensive care, is on
the sick bed, it can die anytime.
GONDA: But what about the army, is
the army aligned to any of the factions you've mentioned?
ha, ha, ha, you know that there were a lot of problems in the army during the
time when there was no food, no money and when inflation was going up almost
every hour. You know that some army details were arrested for demonstrating or
doing something, which they shouldn't do. We happened to know that the army
consists, mind you don't forget, of Zipra, Zanla, former Rhodesian army and so
on, it's not real weld together but those at the top are using it to support
Zanu-PF. Now I don't believe that any one of the leaders of the two factions do
actually control the army, the army has its own sentiments. There was a time
during the re-run and after when the army officers were running this country and
I believe they are still running this country because Zanu leadership spends
most of the time in factional quarrels and so forth. It is no longer the Zanu
that I know.
GONDA: What do you think will bring Mugabe and his
Zanu-PF down eventually because the way you've explained things, you'd think
that the party is really down on its knees but they're still standing? What is
the most effective strategy to defeat Robert Mugabe?
NKALA: Well as
an old man who has done so much for the country, both its destruction and
survival during the guerrilla warfare, he's able to sustain one-legged
sustenance of the party. And SADC, don't forget that SADC consists of former
combatants, they support him, they sustain him, they've been raising money for
him and everything, they are calling for removal of targeted sanctions and the
sanctions that are being talked about are not really sanctions, are targeted
sanctions, they're not economic sanctions, it's all a lie, it's all falsehood
that is being said to the population that is unable to know things on its own.
So wait and see what happens as we go on.
If he called for an election
tomorrow, he would lose again and someone will have to intervene and sustain him
or sustain Zanu-PF in power. Zanu-PF is no longer capable of sustaining itself
as a political party. You know it lost the election, they had to steal the
elections, they're not the legitimate party that should be ruling. Tsvangirai
should be ruling but because he doesn't control the army and I think the army is
frightened of him that he might bring trial to some of them - so they will do
everything to prevent him. As to when Zanu-PF will collapse should be left to
speculation and time but Zanu-PF is no longer the party that is ruling this
country. Because if there was no inclusive government, shops would be completely
empty, we would be hungry, we were hungry before the inclusive government, our
own money was incapable of buying anything. Now we are using other peoples'
foreign currency and so forth and the little strength that is there now is
because of the inclusive government, without the inclusive government, Zanu-PF
on its own cannot stand, would collapse as I see it, from within
GONDA: Now Mr Nkala you were part of this party that some have
described as having been historically evil, since independence. If this is the
case what do you consider to be the worst evil Mugabe and Zanu-PF inflicted on
NKALA: (laughs) Well I think the worst evil apart from
Gukurahundi and other things that took place is the destruction of the economy.
A lot of our people are not in this country, they're where you are, they're in
South Africa, they are all over, they are in total dispersion and a lot of
frustration, our people do not know where they are going. So I think the worst
evil is destroying the economy and causing the departure of young people. Mind
you, don't forget that people who were born in 1980 are now 30 years, they don't
know about the war, Zanu-PF continues to talk about the war, talk about the
victories of the past, we should be talking about the victories of today, not of
the past. You cannot put on your table the victory of 1980, people have no food,
people are suffering. I think that's the worst kind of evil - hunger is not
something anyone can be proud of. Economic collapse is not anything that anyone
can be proud of so I think that is the worst evil that Mugabe has committed
together with those who work with him.
GONDA: What about on the issue
of rights abuses, if you were to use a scale on abuse of human rights when was
it worse, in Matabeleland, the Midlands in the '80s or on MDC from
NKALA: Well it was worse in Matabeleland and in the Midlands
but it is now widespread. You know the re-run, during the re-run, many people
were killed in Mashonaland, homes burnt down, people whose hands were cut and so
forth - in order to enable Mugabe to continue to rule. So the evil has not only
been in Matabeleland, it has also been in Mashonaland. You know that during the
Congress of Zanu-PF, the Manicaland chairman of Zanu-PF resigned in protest
because what they expected to get they did not get. I hear even Masvingo they
are very unhappy. There are very strong tribal sentiments now in Zanu-PF than in
any other party or during the life of Zanu-PF when we were fighting for this
GONDA: Right, if we may talk a bit about what happened in the
80s with the Gukurahundi massacres, you actually served as the Minister of
Defence around that time and you were involved in the notorious Gukurahundi
NKALA: Ha ha ha, my dear, have your history put straight. I
left the Ministry of Finance in 1983 and was in Ministry of Supplies, National
Supplies up to 1985. And after 1985 I was appointed Minister of Home Affairs and
I did a lot to alleviate the massacre of my people. That's why I'm here in
Matabeleland, no-one has ever come to me and said you massacred us because they
know the truth and then I was appointed Minister of Defence after the Unity
Accord - get that straight. And then the Gukurahundi issue had been solved when
I was appointed Minister of Defence. I know there are many people who go round
saying I was Minister of Defence during the massacres, that's a lie, a massive
lie, an unfortunate lie.
GONDA: OK so you were the Minister of Home
Affairs during that period?
NKALA: Yes - up to '85. You know the
Gukurahundi issue started in 1982 right up to '85. 1985 we had elections, after
those elections I was appointed Minister of Home Affairs. It was during this
time that through my influence in Cabinet we made many attempts to stop what was
happening, so the deployment of Gukurahundi and what instructions were given to
them I was not involved in that. You better ask Mugabe, Mnangagwa and someone
else. I was not involved in that.
GONDA: But who.
You can ask me from 1985 and it was me who went around removing the
GONDA: But before we go there, who planned this and why? Why
was the Fifth Brigade formed in the first place?
NKALA: Well you
better ask Mugabe.
GONDA: What was your
NKALA: I was not part of the formation of the
Gukurahundi. The Gukurahundi was trained and armed by the Koreans; I was not
involved in that. You know defence people are not reported in Cabinet. It's the
Minister of Defence, and the man in charge of the whole army Robert Mugabe. If
there was to be a commission of enquiry involving the issue you are asking, then
I would state my case quite clearly. I'm not frightened of anything, I am not
the author and finisher of Gukurahundi. That question must be put to Mugabe and
Emmerson Mnangagwa who was in charge of CIO and the late, what his name who was
the Minister of State, I've forgotten his name - he's dead now. So I was not
involved either in the massacre or in the instruction to carry out the
GONDA: But surely Mr Nkala as having been Home Affairs
Minister and Defence Minister. (interrupted)
NKALA: Defence my
GONDA: I'm not saying around that time, can I just finish the
question? Since you were Home Affairs Minister and Defence Minister even after
the massacre, surely you could have enquired as to why it was planned and why it
happened and who was behind it because 20 000 innocent people from Matabeleland
and the Midlands were slaughtered. What was your understanding of why this
NKALA: Well we used to ask my dear! This is why Mugabe
himself after, when I was in Home Affairs, appointed me to lead a team of
Ministers to go and remove curfew and remove all the bitter things that were
taking place. This was because I had been challenging him as to why it was
happening because rumours were coming to me. I was not in the field to see what
was going on but people used to come and tell me of what was going on and I
would discuss this with Mugabe himself. So you better put that question to
Mugabe whether I was involved in the massacre of my own people.
You know I've been talking to several journalists who covered these disturbances
during that period and I'm told that you, at one time, threatened Zapu at a
rally in Stanley Square.
GONDA: At Stanley
Square and you are accused as having said that Zapu must be eclipsed and gave
Zanla forces instructions on how to carry out that plan, and apparently this led
to the Entumbane fights (the first disturbances that led to the Gukurahundi
massacres). What can you say about that?
NKALA: Eh my dear, you
better ask those journalists to give you the script. There are a lot of words
that were put in my mouth which were not true. So what you are now asking me
about is something that I am unaware of. I did talk at a meeting because I knew
that there was a lot of conflict between former combatants of Zanu and Zapu,
that should stop, the nonsense of those former combatants should stop and so on.
But Zapu felt provoked and they were the first to attack Zanu-PF camps. I didn't
command them to attack Zanu-PF camps. That's a lie that is being
GONDA: So you were not involved in plans to destroy
NKALA: Political destruction yes but not military destruction.
I wouldn't be living here in Matabeleland if that, if what you are saying is
true. I am working with Zapu people here, I am working with former combatants of
Zapu here, they are always at my place, and we talk. Why are they not attacking
me? Why is that lie being peddled by white journalists?
GONDA: No I
didn't say anything about white journalists. Actually they are black Zimbabwean
journalists that I've been talking to, researching for this interview. What
about the Dumbutshena Commission, Mr Nkala?
NKALA: Why don't you ask him?
What happened to the Dumbutshena Commission of Enquiry into the Entumbane
NKALA: (laughs) I didn't see it. I know there.
GONDA: Why wasn't it made public?
a minute. I know there was a report about it, I didn't see it and Mugabe didn't
publish it. Why didn't he publish it if he was free, if I was responsible for
it? Why doesn't he publish it even now? That question should be put to Robert
Mugabe. If there was any evil committed it was committed by Robert Mugabe. He
knows, how about this issue of killing people for elections? That he wins
elections by burning homes, in Mashonaland this time, Tsvangirai going to hide
and so on, was it me? I think that what you are asking me my dear, it's a total
lie. I'm prepared to stand anywhere.
GONDA: So you never said in Kezi,
mocking Ndebeles saying that 'we can stop drought relief from coming to
Matabeleland South. Lizabona. Lizakudhla UbuNdebele?' (You will see, you will
eat your being Ndebele).
NKALA: Ha, ha, ha, ha, ha my dear! Get that
tape if it is there and repeat it to me.
GONDA: Do you have any
NKALA: I have no regrets because I have nothing to
GONDA: Now Mr Nkala you claim to have written a book
chronicling all that has happened in Zanu-PF since its inception.
NKALA: No, no, no let's leave the
GONDA: No but. (interrupted)
NKALA: Let's talk about
what you want to talk about.
GONDA: No I just wanted to find out - is
there a book, is there going to be a book? Are you writing a book about
NKALA: Ha ha ha. Why should I sing songs about it? Why does it
concern anyone? Why should I be cross-questioned as if I am in court? Let me do
my own things in my own way.
GONDA: We just wanted to find out if it
is true that you are writing a book about what happened.
leave it. Many have been phoning me because what they want, those people who
want that book - is that I should write and say Mugabe did this, Mugabe killed
so and so or I killed so and so, or so and so killed so and so, that's not what
I am writing about, it's all nonsensical. I would be mad to write that
GONDA: So what are you writing about, just
NKALA: Eh no, that's not for public debate.
OK, there were some people who were saying that you have said the book would be
published when you die. Is this true though?
NKALA: When I first
announced that I was doing something in that area I said the publication will
come after my death. I did say that.
GONDA: Are you scared for your
NKALA: No, no, no. Ha, ha if I was scared I would not be
talking the way I am talking to you about Robert Mugabe. I don't fear anyone. I
fear God. I am a Christian, I'm a born-again Christian. I don't fear Robert
Mugabe, I don't fear anyone on earth, I fear God and that finishes the
GONDA: Right but why would the book be released after your
death though? Because it's pretty strange and some people will say you may be
scared for your life or it's part of an insurance-thing just for your
NKALA: No. It's for reasons best for me, they don't have to
be known to the general public, there are a lot of things I know, I have lived
longer than you and longer than some of those people who want me to publish it
now. I've known many things, I have gone through many difficult situations -
that's for me, and it's not for public consumption. If the public wants to
consume it, it will consume it when it is revealed.
GONDA: Right, and
if you had a chance to talk to Mugabe today, what would you say to
NKALA: Why should I talk to Mugabe? I don't like him. Why should
I talk to him? He's not my boss, he doesn't run my life, why should I bother
talking to him? We have talked sometimes, he has called me to talk, we talk, and
we know each other. I know his strengths, he knows my strengths, he knows what I
like, and he knows what I don't like. Why, why, who is Mugabe? What is he to me?
I was ten years in detention with him, living closely. I was with him in
government, close on to ten years. I know him. I know what many people don't
know about him. Why should I go talking about him? Why? I wouldn't consider ever
doing that. If it meant death I would die without saying a word about him. But I
don't like him. I don't like the way he administers things, I don't like his
politics, and I am among the three who put him in that position when we removed
Ndabaningi Sithole. Myself, Maurice Nyagumbo, Edgar Tekere - we put him there,
he's a very eloquent man and he is very deceptive if you are not careful and so
on but I don't like to go into his personal life, that's not my
GONDA: And finally Mr Nkala can you give us your thoughts on how
this whole land reform programme has been handled by Zanu-PF?
Well I think it was the worst kind of thing any human being could do. We are the
only country that has done what Mugabe did - taking away people's properties
without compensation, some of them were killed. A lot of them used to come here
to appeal to me to intervene. I addressed 500 of them, reassuring them that not
every former fighter is in agreement with the way the farms were taken and the
farms were taken in a funny way, using primitive former combatants. Some of them
were not combatants like this man, what's his name? - Chinotimba. He never
fought any war - he's just, we don't know where he came from but he makes
himself a combatant.
So if it had been me redistributing the land, I
would not have gone the way Mugabe went. That one is a madman exercise, no
mature and Christian person would condone that. So it's a Mugabe way of doing
things and I think if he dies and Zanu-PF goes out of power, there must be
another redistribution of land and compensation to those who lost their land
because they had worked on them for many years. Now we have no food, we are no
longer as productive as we were and sanctions, so-called sanctions, targeted
sanctions have been imposed on him. And I support that they should not lift
sanctions because I happen to know that the Treasury had a lot of gold, a lot of
money, our currency was very strong. Once I left and he was able to run that
Ministry through his appointees, things disappeared. We hear some of the gold is
in Malaysia, somewhere else and so forth.
And I support the prosecution
of Robert Mugabe, both for Gukurahundi, if I did do anything I would be happy to
be prosecuted but Mugabe must be prosecuted with some because I know the facts
of what happened and I was not given any farm, I don't need it, I don't want
stolen land to be given to me, I am a Christian. I'm a born-again Christian, I
don't want it. If I have no food, I will eat leaves.
GONDA: Oh you're
not a beneficiary because we had, there were reports saying that you now live on
your farm. So you bought that farm?
NKALA: Ha, ha, ha, ha. You know
220 acres cannot be described as a farm. I bought it when I was in government
with my own money. That's the only farm I have, I don't live in the farm, I am
in town. I go there to do one or two things, I am a cattle rancher, so if anyone
tells you that I have a farm, please check on his intentions to because there
are a lot of people just go about peddling lies which they can't prove. I have
GONDA: All right, thank you very much Mr Enos Nkala for
talking on the programme Hot Seat.
Victim of political violence battles for life
Victim of political intolerance Nqobani Moyo
By Mxolisi Ncube
JOHANNESBURG - An eight-year-old boy is still battling for his life in
Johannesburg, 10 months after he sustained extensive burns in a fire that killed
his mother and brother during politically motivated violence in the western
regions of Zimbabwe.
Nqobani Moyo (8) was the only survivor out of three family members who were
the occupants of a thatched hut when it was set on fire in the Seshanke area of
Nkayi in Matabeleland North in an attack allegedly launched by members of
President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party.
The boy's deceased mother - Bohle Ncube (36), was a known active supporter of
the mainstream Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in the district, according
to MDC members who are now taking care of the boy in Johannesburg.
Nqobani is still undergoing treatment after he was smuggled out of Zimbabwe
by some members of the MDC's Johannesburg district committee last week.
A neighbour in Seshanke, who had been taking care of the child since the
attack on the Moyo family, says the family was attacked by known Zanu-PF
members, some of them war veterans, in January this year, after several threats
on Ncube for her unwavering support for the MDC.
"The mother told me that the three were sitting in their bedroom at around
7pm on January 9, 2009, when they heard a blast," said the neighbour.
"She left her children and went outside to investigate what was happening,
but had to rush back when she heard her children screaming. When she got back,
the whole house was on fire and when she got in, trying to rescue her children,
the door closed behind her and she could not open it."
It took neighbours more than 30 minutes to chop down the door, which is said
to have been secured from outside with wire.
"When we finally opened the door, we dragged out the three, who had already
sustained horrific burns. Nothing could be salvaged from the house."
Ncube and her three children were ferried in donkey-drawn carts to the nearby
Nesigwe Clinic. On the following day they were transferred to Bulawayo's Mpilo
hospital in a car owned by a local pastor. He apparently demanded a cow upfront
as payment for his service.
The elder child, Mehleli, who was 11 years old, died on the way to Bulawayo,
while the mother died four days later after admission to Mpilo.
The surviving boy was, however, prematurely discharged allegedly due to a
shortage of medicine in the hospital. Nqobani's burns deteriorated due to lack
of proper medical care back in Nkayi.
"We had no other option but to treat him with traditional medicine, which is
not suitable for such extensive burns," said the neighbour.
The chairman of the MDC's Johannesburg district, Remember Moyo, told The
Zimbabwe Times that his committee took action last week after they were informed
of the plight of the boy by one of their activists, who is a cross-border
"We then met as a committee and raised money that we used to transport the
boy and this lady (the neighbour) here, so that he can undergo treatment," said
Moyo, himself an exiled victim of brutality.
"We were shocked to see him and are now contributing towards his medical fees
and well-being here. We do not have enough and would like to appeal to the
public to assist us save this innocent soul and bring his life back to
Nqobani's burns are so severe that his bare skull is visible in some parts of
"Bohle was a very active MDC member and taking care of her child is the
little we can do for her as one of our heroes. We want him to say one day that,
'My mother and brother died for the struggle, I was injured alongside them, but
the party took care of me,' instead of suffering for the rest of his life as was
about to happen.
"We want him to recover from both the wounds and the trauma and be able to
play and pursue his dreams like any other child."
The boy's father, who was self-employed in neighbouring Botswana when his
family was attacked, is now said to be mentally disturbed, after he was
traumatized by the incident, while relatives are said to be shunning the boy
after they were threatened by Zanu-PF supporters.
Seshanke is said to be one of the most politically volatile areas in Nkayi
Moyo said that the MDC's Johannesburg district had plans to open a trust to
fundraise for Nqobani's treatment, general welfare and educational
villagers defy pending eviction
December 21, 2009
MUTARE - The villagers of Chiadzwa, who face immediate
filled an urgent chamber application in the High Court to
government and companies operating in the area from evicting them
homes close to the diamond fields.In papers filed last week in
Court by lawyer George Gapu, of Scanlen and Holderness, the
Community Development Trust argues that the issue of compensation
has to be
negotiated and agreed to before any relocation takes
The villagers, who are led by the trust's chairman Newman
arguing that the whole relocation process is not being handled
transparent manner and that the companies that were granted licenses to
the diamonds in Chiadzwa have not conducted any environmental impact
Mbada Mining Private Limited and Canadile Miners Private
companies controversially awarded licenses to mine diamonds in
cited as first and second respondents respectively. Other
the Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation, Obert Mpofu,
the Minister of
Mines and Mining Development and Ignatius Chombo, the
Minister of Local
Government, Urban and Rural Development.
government has announced it wants to relocate up to 1800 families from
Chiadzwa to pave the way for full-scale diamond mining
"This is an urgent chamber application for an interdict
seeking to stop the
respondents from evicting and relocating any individuals
from the Chiadzwa
Communal area until compensation payable to the affected
been agreed and paid. Furthermore, the affected individuals
should not be
evicted until the 1st , 2nd and 3rd respondents have conducted
Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) in terms of Section 97 of the
Environmental Management Act (Chapter 20:27). In the same vein the 1st, 2nd
and 3rd respondents should not conduct mining operations until they have
been granted EIA licenses by the competent authority."
Mining Development Corporation is the 3rd respondent. The Trust
says it is
clear the respondents have "jumped the gun by rushing to arrange
transportation of the affected families from Chiadzwa". They argue that
information about the impending evictions has been haphazardly disseminated
with villagers knowing it only through soldiers and police details manning
the diamond fields.
"As the eviction of the affected families looms,
there is no information
about compensation they will receive, how it will be
calculated and whether
houses and other amenities will be provided for them
at their destinations.
These are matters that should be agreed before any
contemplated or effected," said the villagers in the
They argued the affected families should not be derived of
and the interest they have in their communal land, which they
have used for
subsistence purposes over many years, without agreements on
compensation and compliance with the law.
and affected families stand to suffer irreparable harm if
the interdict is
not granted because they will lose their property in
Chiadzwa which they
will be forced to abandon," said the Trust.
Gapu said all the respondents
had not filed any opposing papers by the end
of day on Thursday.
also want the High Court to declare that Mbada Mining, Canadile Miners
the Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation are operating illegally
environmental impact assessment has not been conducted according to
Environmental Management Act (Chapter 20:27).
The villagers also want the
court to rule that the respondents or their
representatives shall "not
evict or cause the eviction of any person from
Chiadzwa diamond fields and
adjacent communal areas" unless the respondents
and the affected persons
have a written agreement relating to the
compensation payable to the
The government last month said it had finished work on
260 of the 900 plots
in Odzi where the villagers from Chiadzwa are supposed
to be relocated.
The government says it has also successfully sunk 10 out
of the 18
boreholes required, while work on renovating schools and some
the area was still in progress.
The government has also
promised to carry out a proper evaluation of the
properties owned by the
affected villagers for them to be fully compensated.
The villagers have also
been assured that they will get first preference in
getting jobs created by
the discovery of the mineral.
But these offers have not fully attracted
the Chiadzwa villagers who have
vowed to stay put.
Most of the
villagers had built houses which the government now wants
example is Newman Chiadzwa, who puts the value of his house
in Chiadzwa at
$700 000 and wants full compensation before he can move out
of the diamond
He believes the villagers should be allowed to benefit from the
resources instead of being pushed out of the place.
government is expected to start relocating the families before the end
the year when investors mining in Chiadzwa avail $10 million they
for the exercise.
Zimbabwean Violence Resurfaces in South
Robin Hammond for The New York Times
Westenburg Township, at the western edge of Polokwane, South
Africa, was the scene of recent violence against Zimbabweans.
POLOKWANE, South Africa - Men in Westenburg Township went hunting
Zimbabweans. They prowled its dirt roads by the truckload as night fell
recently, brandishing clubs and throwing stones.
Robin Hammond for The New York Times
The Polokwane violence followed the killing of the son of Ronie
and Stephaina Hamilton.
The New York Times
At dawn that day, the body of Steven Hamilton, a 24-year-old local man, had
been found near a tavern. In a flash, word spread that drunken Zimbabweans had
stabbed him in the chest. By the time people returned home from work, the
township had erupted. Men shouted for the Zimbabweans to be killed, or for them
to go back where they came from.
Mike Mpofu, 34, a former high school art teacher from Zimbabwe
who sells vegetables from a shed, saw the mob coming. Charneal Carelse, a South
African teenager whose family had befriended Mr. Mpofu, happened to be walking
by. "I told her, 'There is war coming,' " he said.
Charneal said she told him to hide in her house, and he took off running.
In May 2008, South
Africa's image as a home to people of all races and nationalities took a
hard knock as xenophobic
violence leapt from city to city, victimizing poor Africans who had sought
asylum and opportunity in the region's richest country.
In the year and a half since, such attacks have flared periodically, but
recent ones against Zimbabweans here, near South Africa's northern border, and
at its southern tip have brought the problem to the fore again.
Last week, South Africa's president, Jacob
with his people to "embrace especially our African brothers and sisters, who
usually bear the brunt of ill-treatment more than foreigners from other
continents." Navi Pillay, the United
Nations high commissioner for human rights and a South African, this month
on foreigners in her homeland "gravely alarming."
The police here in the capital of Limpopo Province gathered up Zimbabweans
that terrifying night two weeks ago and took them to the old Peter Mokaba
stadium for safekeeping. About 30 are still there, hanging their laundry in the
shadow of a spectacular new stadium built for the 2010 World Cup, where South
Africa hopes to showcase itself.
Thousands more Zimbabweans - many of them migrant farm workers and their
families - were forcibly displaced from the community of De Doorns in Western
Cape Province in a violent outburst in mid-November.
South Africa had hoped the 10-month-old truce between Zimbabwe's president,
Mugabe, and the former opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai, now prime minister, would stabilize Zimbabwe and slow an exodus
in which millions have fled its poverty and repression in the past decade.
But hundreds of Zimbabweans a day still seek asylum in South Africa at the
border town of Musina,
about 130 miles north of Polokwane, and uncounted others cross into the country
illegally, United Nations officials say.
"We don't want Zimbabweans anymore," said Roy Buys, as he mourned with his
old friends Ronie and Stephaina Hamilton, parents of the young man whose murder
set off the violence. "They kill our brothers, rape our sisters, break into our
homes and take our jobs."
Over the past decade, as Zimbabwean migrants have settled in Westenburg, they
have picked up odd jobs and rented backyard hovels, working long hours at low
pay. Under apartheid, Westenburg was designated for Afrikaans-speaking mixed
race or "colored" people - considered a notch above black Africans by the former
ruling white minority - and they still predominate 15 years after apartheid
But resentments seethe beneath the surface of township life, particularly
among idle young men who see the Zimbabweans working. Their sense of grievance
deepened this year as South Africa's own already staggeringly high unemployment
rate rose further. After the killing of Mr. Hamilton, himself a young man who
his parents said had never held a regular job, the anger boiled over in
"It was a release valve for the community's frustrations," said Larry
Anderson, 64, a local ward committee member.
Eleven people were hospitalized. A dozen people were arrested for public
violence, but the charges have since been withdrawn for lack of evidence,
according to Calvin Sengani, director of community relations in the provincial
safety department. The police superintendent, Moatshe Ngoepe, declined to
comment on whether any arrests had been made, saying charges would be filed once
the investigation was complete.
Dikeledi Magadzi, the provincial safety and security minister, said in an
interview that the governing African
National Congress, to which she belongs, had moved quickly to calm the
situation in Westenburg.
But advocates for migrants contend the lack of action against those who
committed the violence was typical. Prosecutors have withdrawn 40 percent of the
cases registered after the May 2008 violence, in which 62 people died, and only
a few people have been convicted for the killings, according to Pieter du Rand,
chief director of court services in the South African Department of Justice. The
murder cases have proved difficult to prosecute because of insufficient
evidence, he said by e-mail.
The wounds of those attacked in Westenburg are healing. Tinashe Phiri, 20, a
Zimbabwean laborer who needed stitches for a gash in his head, said he ran into
a house with the mob at his heels. "I heard them tell the ladies outside, 'Give
us the keys. We want to beat your husbands,' " he said. The men broke down the
door and pummeled him.
Everson Hove, 26, who came to South Africa from Zimbabwe six months ago to
work, was assaulted when he returned to Westenburg from his construction job.
Men hit him in the mouth with a chair, loosening a front tooth, and beat him
with wooden tools.
Mr. Mpofu made it safely to 16-year-old Charneal's house. Her mother, Bebe
Carelse, 39, hid him under a mattress. She said a woman on her bus home from
work that day said the Zimbabweans should be killed because of Mr. Hamilton's
murder. "I said, 'It's not right,' you can't blame all of them,' " Ms. Carelse
said. "They're innocent."
For now, Mr. Mpofu is living at the stadium, but next year, when tempers
cool, he plans to return to the township and reopen the vegetable stand the
Carelses let him set up in front of their house.
"I feel I am part of this family," he said. "If there was no Bebe, I could be
injured or dead. It's very rare to find someone who respects a poor person like
Sacked academics fight back
20 December 2009
Thirteen academics who were sacked for going on strike three
years ago are
battling to be reinstated and have lodged a US$46 million
claim for unfair
dismissal against their former employer, Zimbabwe's Solusi
The lecturers' lawyer, Jacob Francis Mudenda, said his
clients had taken the
industrial action to press for better pay and working
said the labour court had since ruled in favour of his
clients but the
Seventh Day Adventist-run university last month said it
would appeal against
The judgment, seen by University
World News, said the university had flouted
Zimbabwe's labour laws. "The
very tenets of natural justice were flagrantly
breached by the applicants.
All they did defies what the Labour Act and the
principles of fairness,
equity and justice stand for," part of the judgment
by Labour Court judge
Mercy Moya-Matshanga reads.
Mudenda said the university had argued that
the lecturer strike was illegal
but his clients say they gave a two-week
notice to strike, as required by
law. Several messages left for Josphat
Tshuma, the lawyer representing
Solusi University and President of the Law
Society of Zimbabwe, were not
Each year from 2004,
lecturers at state-run and private institutions of
higher learning in
Zimbabwe embarked on long strikes against poor pay, as
inflation that at one point hit 231 million percent made their
worthless. Last year, all academics at state universities downed
the whole year.
To escape the crippling inflation, the government in
February dumped the
Zimbabwe dollar as legal tender and switched to the use
multi-currencies - the United States Dollar, the South African Rand and
Botswana Pula - a move that reduced inflation to less than
The currency changeover also saw the 13 Solusi University lecturers
the amount for damages for their sacking at US$46
Meanwhile, three university students were badly injured earlier
when they were arrested and tortured by state agents. Human
under Zimbabwe' power-sharing government are on the increase,
The Zimbabwe National Students Union
Zinasu said a National University of
Science and Technology student Joram
Chikwadze sustained a broken arm while
being tortured and was hospitalised.
Chikwadze had been arrested in court
while following a corruption case
against the university's chief financial
officer who is accused of
embezzling university funds. He had been following
the case to get
information on how students' funds had been plundered.
University student representative council president Zivanai
fellow student Godfrey Kurauone suffered injuries when state
them under house arrest and tortured them for organising
The students said they were accused of backing the
political rivals of
President Robert Mugabe.
Muzorodzi told University World News he had not
sought medical attention
because he feared the state agents would act
against any medical facility
that treated him.
Mfundo Mlilo said last week that students continued to be
the formation of an inclusive government headed by Mugabe
opponent Morgan Tsvangirai, the Movement for Democratic Change
leader who is
now Prime Minister.
Mlilo said that last year, 367 cases of rights abuses
were recorded while
this year there had been more than 400 cases. While
previously it was only
state agents who assaulted students, a worrying new
trend was emerging of
university security personnel joining in the abuse. He
blamed the violence
against students on what he termed "residual elements"
in Mugabe's ZANU-PF
who are opposed to power-sharing.
ZANU-PF passed a resolution endorsing Mugabe (85), who has
since independence from British colonial rule in 1980, to
remain as the
party's leader for the next five years - a development that
will see him
contesting 2013 presidential elections.
Analysts say Mugabe wants to die
in office to avoid being tried at The Hague
for crimes against humanity,
following years of oppressive rule and violence
against political opponents
that resulted in thousands of people being
murdered. The power-sharing
government was agreed after Tsvangirai pulled
out of last year's
presidential poll, citing the murder of more than 500 of
his supporters by
ZANU-PF members and state agents.
Not Bitter Says Activist Mukoko
By MIKE MAKOMO
Published: December 21,
By Taurainashe Manonge
Abducted and tortured activist Jestina
Mukoko, has said that the pain and
trauma she experienced in the hands of
state officials last year, has left
her Better and not
Speaking on December 17, 2009 at a meeting organised by the
rights forum to celebrate her City of Weimar Human Rights
Award, Mukoko also
director of the Zimbabwe Peace Project, said it was inner
strength and the
knowledge that people all over the world were rallying
alongside with her
that kept her going.
"I believe there was a
purpose in all this. It might have been a nasty
experience but looking at
how I now deal with people who have been tortured
I have a different
perspective to it."
Mukoko's story broke out in news media around the
world when state officials
bundled her out from her house in December last
year, blind folded her and
took her to a secret location where she was
interrogated and accused of
being a political detractor amongst other
trumped up charges.
Whilst there she endured days of systematic torture
before being moved to
Chikurubi, Zimbabwe's maximum securities
Mukoko was then absolved of any of the charges by a Supreme Court
that proved the State had violated her human rights.
many have been calling for retribution for what she went through
optimism and progressive outlook on life left many in the audience
Human rights forum meeting in awe, as she clearly showed that event
she was beaten she was not broken.
Mukoko said that as a director of an
organisation which strives for peace
and human rights in Zimbabwe sometimes
you don't get to fully understand the
magnitude of what people are going
But after having been tortured continuously for hours, also
seeing how her
own family was affected, Mukoko said she now understood that
a lot happens
to those who suffer human rights abuses and each case needs to
the attention it deserves.
Solidarity and support was a
key factor in riding the storm and for Mukoko
recognition of unsung heroes
out there whose names may never come into the
limelight was something she
learnt to appreciate during this ordeal.
Highlighting that she will not
give up in the fight for justice and peace,
Mukoko went on to share a story
of a 2-year-old boy she met at Chikurubi
"Him and his mother were shackled in cast iron, yes a 2-year-old
shackled. When he first met me he did not get my name so he called
princess. That boy gave hope to all of us in that prison
"Everyday we woke up he would say lets sing that song again- we
given another chance to Serve Him and live for Him. It made me to
and be thankful for the opportunities that God
However, given all the torturing and harrowing experiences Mukoko
insisted that she would never take a retribution stance.
have been brought up as a Christian and I don't believe in revenge or
retributive justice. I believe in forgiveness yes but more importantly in
restorative justice where we deal with the issues in a way that is
"The national healing platform and the current
constitutional process are
very key processes to ensure that there is
restorative justice. Every time I
was in prison I prayed to God and said You
know what I have said and what I
have not said, lord is my judge. I think
the outcome was nothing less than a
Mukoko added that the
work has only but just began and there is more ground
that now needs to be
covered. Having had to sing happy birthday for her son
on his 18th birthday
behind bars in a maximum security prison early this
year, Mukoko said this
years Christmas means a lot to her and her family and
it has changed her
whole outlook on the value of life and importance of
Communications and mediaCouncil of Zimbabwe Christian
2nd Floor Royal London House
22-25 Finsbury Square
Zimbabwe Vigil Diary – 19th December 2009
There was a
good turnout at one of the coldest Vigils ever. After several days of snow the
sky was clear but even singing and dancing couldn’t keep us warm as the
temperature hovered around zero.
in wishing a happy Christmas to our families and friends at home and to our
supporters everywhere. We had the privilege of meeting two of them in
London this week:
Jestina Mukoko, the human rights activist, and Ben Freeth, the farmer targeted
by Mugabe’s thugs.
Vigil members attended a meeting organised by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO
Forum addressed by Jestina (see: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/sets/72157623036066442/).
She expressed gratitude to the Vigil for our support when she was in prison
being tortured and spoke of ‘unsung heroes’. Jestina warned that the Mugabe
regime had learned nothing from her case and were continuing to perpetrate
supporters spoke to Ben Freeth at a private screening at the Foreign and
Commonwealth Office of a documentary about his persecution ‘Mugabe and the White
African’. He also expressed thanks to the Vigil for our work in continuing to
expose the absence of the rule of law in Zimbabwe. This
award-winning film will be shown all over the world and will do much to puncture
the Zanu-MDC propaganda that things are returning to normal in
will wonder, if this type of behaviour is ‘normal’, what kind of country
keeping with the season, the Vigil hopes that Christmas will bring us good news
of political progress. But we know that Santa Claus often disappoints and we
have no great expectations. In fact we were not surprised to read suggestions of
new concessions by the MDC. One report (see: http://www.theindependent.co.zw/local/24787-joc-wont-go-zanu-pf.html)
speaks of them agreeing to get SADC to approach Botswana and Madagascar to stop
relays of SW Radio
Africa and VOA, a
joint demand for the end of targeted sanctions and moves to force NGOs to
channel funds through the government – to our mind all ludicrous suggestions.
for 2010 is that the MDC resists being incorporated by Zanu-PF and that SADC
plucks up courage and orders Mugabe to implement the agreement he signed 15
months ago. But as we all know New Year wishes seldom come true.
organisation Restoration of Human Rights in Zimbabwe (ROHR) took part in two
demonstrations to mark international human rights day. The organisation’s
Secretary General, Tichanzii Gandanga, spoke to a crowd of about 1,000 people in
Bindura on 11th December. He said the coalition government had a long
way to go to achieve a genuine spirit of inclusivity. ROHR was also one of the
organisers of a meeting in Gweru the following day when singing demonstrators
marched to Town House to protest at the human rights situation (see reports on:
We will be
meeting next Saturday as usual although it’s Boxing Day. Be warned that
transport might be affected, but many supporters are determined to gather
happy to welcome again the whole of the Pedzeni family from Bedford (mother,
father and their 3 grown-up children – June, Tendai, Ashley, Ada and
from a Polish television station spent the afternoon with us filming interviews
about refugees. We explained that, despite the propaganda, Zimbabweans still
suffered under a repressive regime.
supporter gave us a harrowing account of the recent arbitrary arrest and
imprisonment of her mother. We are not at liberty to divulge any further details
in case of repercussions but we were horrified at her
birthday to faithful attender Zizi, son of Vigil co-ordinator
Tutani and his
Vigil stalwarts Gladys Mapanda and Josephine Zhuga who were there at the start,
organised the setting up of the Vigil and manned the two
For latest Vigil pictures check: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/.
FOR THE RECORD:
152 signed the
Association’s Women’s Weekly Drop-in Centre. Fridays 10.30 am
– 4 pm. Venue: The Fire Station Community and ICT Centre, 84 Mayton
Street, London N7 6QT, Tel: 020
7607 9764. Nearest underground: Finsbury
Park. For more
information contact the Zimbabwe Association 020 7549 0355 (open Tuesdays and
Internship for Zimbabweans organised by Citizens for Sanctuary
which is trying to secure work placements for qualified Zimbabweans with refugee
status or asylum seekers. For information: http://www.citizensforsanctuary.org.uk/pages/Strategic.html
or contact: email@example.com.
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe
Embassy, 429 Strand,
London, takes place every
Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of human rights
in Zimbabwe. The Vigil
which started in October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored,
free and fair elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk.
boost for Zimbabwe’s CNN hero
By SARAH NCUBE
UK based Zimbabwean professionals give back to the
The Girl Child Network, was on Thursday presented with a
donation of £1535
by ZG Club, a UK based club of Zimbabwean professionals.
Run by 2009 CNN
Hero finalist Betty Makoni, the Girl Child Network
rehabilitates girls who
are victims of domestic and sexual abuse. ZGClub, an
club that facilitates the development of commercial
generation and intellectual debate on business and
pertaining to Zimbabwe, held their second annual fund
raising dinner in
support of smaller Zimbabwe focused charities and this
year Girl Child
Network was the charity of choice.
network have already demonstrated their ability to make a
Zimbabwe by supporting vulnerable women on the ground, so they
were an ideal
candidate for our support. We believe that growing charities
and visible value in the communities they are involved and
that is why, we
as a Club took the easy decision to support Girl Child
Network this year”
said Yvonne Kuimba, a board member for ZGClub.
In early 2009, Betty
Makoni worked with Priscilla Nyathi, who volunteered to
help women who faced
domestic violence. Together they set up the Girl Child
Network Trust Fund UK
with help from international partners. The GCNTF is
fast gaining support in
the UK and around the world. Many individual women
and girls are mobilizing
in small groups to determine how best to support
funding raised by ZGClub will go some way in assisting young girls in
marginalized areas of Zimbabwe. ZGClub have shown what can be done when
group of forward looking people put their efforts together. Much more can
done by Zimbabwean professionals who are outside the country when they
The Girl Child Network donation follows on from the
Club’s donation to last
year’s selected charity, Vimba. “We realize the
donations are not much but
we hope that by targeting developing charities,
the Club is making a
diminutive but potentially big difference. We are
hoping to continue being a
source of inspiration for Zimbabwean
professionals in the Diaspora and look
forward to the day we have to stop
such donations, the day when all
Zimbabweans can give to others, when the
need for such funds is no longer
needed” said ZGClub Chair, Leslie Maruziva.