NEW YORK -(Dow
Jones)- Leaders of Zimbabwe's sole democratic opposition
party, the Movement
for Democratic Change, decided to expel their president
over the weekend,
deepening an internal split, The New York Times reports in
its Monday
edition.
The president, Morgan Tsvangirai, was removed Saturday by the
disciplinary
committee of the Movement for Democratic Change, which is
largely controlled
by Tsvangirai's critics within the party, the Times said.
However,
Tsvangirai's spokesman, William Bango, told news services that the
expulsion
was illegal and would be ignored.
(END) Dow Jones
Newswires
12-26-050234ET
Copyright (c) 2005 Dow Jones & Company,
Inc.
SABC
December 26,
2005, 16:15
Zambia has shut its largest power plant after it was damaged
by a mud slide,
an official said today. Rhodnie Sisala, the managing
director of state power
utility Zesco, said the southern African country,
which normally exports
power to some of its neighbours, would now have to
import 300 megawatts of
power from South Africa and Zimbabwe.
"We
have shut down the Kafue Gorge station to protect it after heavy rains
caused mud, trees, water and rocks to gush into the power station," he said.
He did not say how long it will be shut.
The Kafue Gorge station
generates 900 megawatts of power which mainly
supplies the country's large
copper mines, Zambia's economic mainstay.
Sisala said the mines were still
getting adequate power, but households were
being rationed. - Reuters
Christmas Eve – and a very
special Vigil. We had a bright, mild day but the Strand was surprisingly
tranquil, given the supposed shopping frenzy. We were pleased to see a big
colour photo of the Vigil on the front page of the latest edition of The
Zimbabwean . It showed dozens of Santas who visited us last week – we had a few
more calling by this week to sign our petitions. The others were presumably
busy on their official duties.
Despite the demands of the festive
season we had a good turnout of supporters – certainly enough to see off the
Caribbean “Why are you against Mugabe, saviour of Africa? Do you want Ian
Smith? Africa for the Africans”. It was heartening to have a more open-minded
Big Issue salesman coming to play our drums and give us financial support. When
you are really down you know who your friends are! A penny from the poor is of
course a million dollars to us. We certainly got our message through to the
Embassy – not least through the Christmas carol singing outside the Embassy on
Thursday.
We wish everyone reading this to remain hopeful and believe
that there will be happy Christmases to come.
FOR THE RECORD: 26
supporters plus the Vigil dog came today – all very cheerful but at this
Christmas time all missing people back home and waiting for the day they can be
reunited.
FOR YOUR DIARY: Monday, 9th January 2005, 7.30 pm, first
Zimbabwe Forum of the new year. ADVANCE NOTICE: Monday, 16th January 2006,
7.30 pm, MDC Central London Branch Assembly meeting in place of the usual Monday
Forum. All card carrying members of Central London Branch are invited to
attend. Both meetings will be upstairs at the Theodore Bullfrog pub, 28 John
Adam Street, London WC2 (cross the Strand from the Zimbabwe Embassy, go down a
passageway to John Adam Street, turn right and you will see the pub – nearest
stations: Charing Cross and Embankment).
Vigil co-ordinator
The
Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place every
Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of human rights
by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in October 2002 will
continue until internationally-monitored, free and fair elections are held in
Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk
Zim Standard
By our staff
ARTISTES
and music lovers who attended the Zimbabwe Music Awards (ZIMA) on
Thursday
were alarmed at the preponderance of Zanu-PF officials at the
event.
They felt the presence of ministers, senators and other senior
government
officials was an indication that the ruling party had muscled its
way into
yet another musical event.
Already, the government sponsors five
musical galas, namely the
Independence, Umdala Wethu, Heroes Splash, Mzee
Bira and Unity galas. The
Chimoio solidarity gala, held in Mozambique last
year, had also been
scheduled as an annual event, but it has since been
cancelled.
In a move which angered music lovers who paid between $250 000
and $500 000
to witness the presentation of the awards, Webster Shamu, the
Minister of
State for Policy Implementation, chronicled how radio was used
during the
liberation war.
"Radio pachayo chaiva chombo
chinokosha.yayitsigira mashoko ayifamba ehondo
yorusununguko. (radio was a
key weapon during the struggle, spreading
messages of the liberation),"
Shamu said.
Revellers booed him when he started praising President Robert
Mugabe,
claiming the 81-year-old leader contributed greatly to the
improvement of
the music industry.
Earlier during the proceedings,
William Nhara, principal director in the
Ministry of Public and Interactive
Affairs, had also told fans about the
government's commitment to developing
the music industry. Nhara's department
sponsored a number of awards in the
Silver Jubilee categories.
Musicians felt the heavy presence of
politicians at the event was uncalled
for.
"This was not a gala, it
was an awards-giving ceremony," said one musician.
"We are not against
the idea of government supporting music and the arts in
general, but it is
also not good for them to use these events for
politicking," he
fumed.
Over the past few years, Zanu-PF has made inroads into the music
industry,
using musical shows to influence public opinion, particularly in
urban
areas, which comprise predominantly opposition supporters. Some
government
officials have gone to the extent of taking to the stage
themselves. Among
these is Elliot Manyika, a minister without portfolio, who
released Nora a
few years ago.
Meanwhile, gospel diva Shingisai
Siluma walked a way with two awards, after
winning in the Best Gospel
(female) category and the Best Female artiste for
2005. In the Gospel
category, she beat Kudzai Sevenzo and Rebecca Malope
copycat, Mercy
Mutsvene.
Tongai Moyo also received two awards for the Best Male Artist
and for Best
Sungura Artist.
In the Silver Jubilee categories, mbira
queen Stella Chiweshe, who is based
in Germany, received two awards in the
best mbira category and for the most
outstanding contribution to the music
industry over the past 25 years. In
both cases, she had equal votes with
Mbira Dzenharira and Busi Ncube
respectively.
Oliver Mtukudzi and
US-based Lovemore Majaivana were awarded for being
outstanding male
contributors to the music industry over the past 25 years.
Zim Standard
By a
correspondent
BRUSSELS - Zimbabwe's poor human rights record and the
deteriorating
political situation have rendered the country ineligible for
developmental
aid from the European Union (EU), a top official has
said.
Amadeu Altafaj, the spokesperson for Louis Michel, the commissioner
in
charge of development and humanitarian aid, said until the economic and
political situation in Zimbabwe improves the 25-member bloc would not fund
any development projects.
Addressing journalists from African, Caribbean
and Pacific (ACP) countries
who attended an EU conference on Combating
Extreme Poverty and HIV/Aids,
Alfataj said they would however continue
funding humanitarian aid projects,
administered through non-governmental
organisations.
Altafaj said: "We discuss developmental projects with
governments. With the
current political situation in Zimbabwe, we can't fund
any of these
projects."
He said there were differences among EU
member states on policies relating
to the Zimbabwean situation. "Africa is
lagging behind in the race to meet
the Millennium Developmental Goals, hence
the need to accelerate development
in the health and education sector,"
Alfataj said.
Plans were also underway, Alfataj said, to improve road
networks and
telecommunications systems in order to build efficient regional
markets.
Recently, the General Affairs and External Relations Council
endorsed the EU
Strategy for Africa hailed as a milestone in EU-Africa
relations expected to
boost Africa's sustainable development. Discussions
have started on turning
this strategy into concrete projects, to increase
stability, boost economic
growth and reduce poverty.
Zim Standard
By Foster Dongozi
and Godfrey Mutimba
ITS official - security guards, who have for long
been denigrated by some
sections of society, are now earning better salaries
than soldiers and
policemen.
Soldiers and members of the police have
become a rag-tag outfit with most of
them seen clad in faded and worn out
uniforms and shoes.
Their earnings have seriously been eroded by inflation
amid reports of very
low morale in the camps.
A new recruit at
established security companies takes home over $3 million
while junior
soldiers and their counterparts in the police force take home
just over $2
million.
Recently, The Standard carried an expose about how soldiers and
policemen
had resorted to nefarious activities, including theft and armed
robberies,
to make ends meet.
Soldiers who spoke to The Standard this
week revealed that they were now
being served beans at their camps as the
economic situation continues to
deteriorate.
In the past, soldiers
and police details enjoyed "sumptuous meals" at their
camps.
A
soldier who spoke on condition he was not named said: "The army can not
afford to buy meat for us. We are made to eat beans day in and day out, a
situation which is different from several years ago when we enjoyed a
variety of meat dishes.
"Life in the camps has become difficult for
us because it is very hard to
eat the same type of food every day. The
situation is likely to affect our
health. We need variety but the government
can not afford that anymore.''
However, it is reported that the defence
forces are now offering lengthy
periods of off-days to soldiers staying in
the camps in a bid to limit the
cost of feeding its members.
"While
we are struggling to survive on our poor salaries, senior officers
are
getting hefty salaries and allowances. They drive expensive cars while
our
colleagues who stay out of camps are struggling to pay rent."
The
soldiers and police officers say they are between a rock and hard
place.
Uniformed forces that live among civilians have to contend with
hostile
neighbours who regard them as the government's instruments of
oppression.
The army and police have in the past been used to suppress
demonstrations by
critics of President Mugabe's government.
A police
officer, who lives in a residential suburb in Harare, said
landlords were
"punishing" them by regularly raising their rentals.
"Urban areas are MDC
strongholds. Unfortunately, most landlords assume that
all uniformed
officers are Zanu PF supporters and they exact their revenge
by charging
exorbitant rentals," he said.
He said despite their low salaries, some
police details were paying monthly
rentals as high as $5 million.
"As
a result, very little police work is being done as members of the force
try
to find other means of raising money. The situation is so pathetic that
members have to borrow money just to buy a bundle of
vegetables."
Aggrey Ushe, the ZNA spokesperson, dismissed the allegations
saying soldiers
were trying to make an issue out of nothing.
"That is
not true, Kana vanhu vakadya beans kamwe kana kaviri votoiita
issue. We are
getting our normal rations of food and that issue of beans
happened once or
twice not on a daily basis,'' Ushe said.
On soldiers' poor salaries, Ushe
said these salaries would be reviewed in
January as is the
practice.
"Every year in January our salaries are increased and therefore
we are
hoping to get a reasonable increment next January, which is only next
month.
As for the days off, soldiers normally get long offs,'' he
said.
Two months ago, Police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri told a
parliamentary
committee that the police were under-funded, a situation that
tempted some
officers to indulge in corrupt activities.
Zim Standard
By Nqobani
Ndlovu
BULAWAYO - The Zanu-PF Central Committee wants the political grant
it
receives from the government to be reviewed upwards despite having
secured
$3.4 billion from taxpayers this year.
The ruling party says
it feels betrayed by its members who failed to
contribute towards a targeted
$26.4 billion during 2005. Only $2.5 billion
was raised from the sale of
membership cards and subscriptions.
According to a Central Committee report
tabled at the recent Annual National
Conference held in Esigodini, the
ruling party received $3.380 billion this
year from State coffers, compared
to $306 million the previous year.Under
the Political Parties Finance Act,
parties that retain a specific number of
parliamentary representatives are
entitled to government grants. The ruling
party and opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) have been the
beneficiaries under provisions of the
Act.The Central Committee report in
possession of The Standard reveals that
the ruling party had a staggering
$100 billion budget this year for running
its day-to-day activities and
hosting various political party events.The
report reads in part: "The party
received a government grant which is
accessed through the Political Parties
(Finances) Act. This year alone, the
party received its portion of $3.380
billion while in 2004 the party was
allocated $306 million. Given the
inflationary spiral experienced, it is
recommended that the government
consider increasing its grant."The
recommendation, likely to be effected
early next year, comes at a time when
the party has not even exhausted half
of the grant, according to the Central
Committee report. The report says
that only $47 billion had been used for
various activities. It does not
include the billions gobbled up by the
recent Zanu PF annual people's
conference.The report shows that Zanu PF
members who are not buying
membership cards or paying subscription fees
continue to dishearten the
Central Committee.According to the report,
hundreds of party members have
this year alone deprived the party of close
to $24 billion in subscription
fees.The Central Committee report reveals
that Zanu PF was looking at
realising $26.4 billion had all the cards been
bought and subscriptions paid
by 30 October. Reads part of the report:
"Despite the increases in the
revenue, the (party finance) department is
disheartened by the rates at
which membership cards are selling since the
launch in October."The total
revenue received from all stands at $2.5
billion out of the expected $26.4
billion had all cards been bought and
fully subscribed for by 30 October
2005."Contacted for comment, David
Karimanzira, the party's Secretary for
Finance, refused to comment saying
the report was confidential and not for
public consumption."I can't comment
on that. It is a confidential document
and its contents are not for public
consumption," Karimanzira said.
National University of Science and
Technology (NUST) economist, Oscar
Chiwira said the demands for a review of
the grant by Zanu PF were draining
government coffers.
Chiwira said:
"For Zanu PF to be asking for money when we are advocating for
fiscal
discipline does not help the economy at all. The money will be used
for
consumption and political expenditure at the expense of capital
expenditure.
There are many priority sectors that need more money than
political
parties."
Economic commentator, Eric Bloch said: "It is a cost to the
fiscus. Of
course, the law allows political parties to get grants in
proportion to
their members in Parliament but it is all a cost to
expenditure that is paid
by taxpayers' money."
Zim Standard
By
Gibbs Dube
BULAWAYO - A war veteran has slammed the government for
failing to provide
agricultural inputs to resettled farmers in occupied
farms in Chief Sigola's
area saying the land reforms were not being properly
implemented, resulting
in reduced food production in Zimbabwe.
The
ex-Zipra combatant, John Hungwe-Magwaza - representing more than 40
families
who forcibly occupied the once productive Spring and Alder farms,
about 22
kilometres north-east of Bulawayo - said the government had made
empty
promises during the past five years leading to low crop production in
the
area.
"We have no agricultural implements to till the land and to make
matters
worse we have not yet received seed maize to start planting our
crops. It is
pathetic that some regions like Mashonaland West are getting
all the inputs
while we are failing to access the same state facilities,"
said
Hungwe-Magwaza.
He said that when they occupied the two farms
they believed that it was a
genuine cause meant to empower the less
privileged black majority but they
were concerned that they were unable to
access agricultural inputs for crop
production and livestock
rearing.
"This is the major reason why food stocks have diminished. We
have failed to
till the land because of the government's empty promises on
agricultural
inputs," he said.
Hungwe-Magwaza, who stays at the
Spring Farm House after forcing the then
white owner to leave in 2000, said
occupants of the two farms were surprised
that tractors from the District
Development Fund (DDF) allocated to them had
not materialised.
He
said although lack of fuel could have contributed to the shortage of
draught
power, the government should have "at least hired tractors from
various
companies in and around Bulawayo for us to till the land".
He noted that
most settlers at the two farms were no longer engaged in
animal and crop
production, opting to venture into gold panning and brewing
illicit beer in
order to make ends meet.
His attack on the government comes at a time
when the ruling party recently
admitted at its annual conference held in
Esigodini that farmers are
struggling to access agricultural inputs
resulting in lack of meaningful
production on occupied farms.
A
detailed report on Land and Land Reform presented at the conference by
President Robert Mugabe indicates that the land reform programme had been
crippled by lack of agricultural inputs, multiple farm ownership, the
depletion of natural resources on occupied farms and rampant vandalism of
farm implements by new farmers.
The land audit report - conducted on
1 174 farms by the Ministry of Lands,
Land Reform and Resettlement - raised
questions about the authenticity of
the land reform programme which started
in 2000 and was spearheaded by war
veterans and supporters of the ruling
party.
Zim Standard
By our
staff
THE Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU) has petitioned the
European
Union (EU) to include the names of MDC pro-Senate faction leaders
on its
travel sanctions list, claiming that they are working in cahoots with
Zanu
PF to destroy the opposition.
The EU has slapped sanctions on
several government and Zanu PF officials
accused of undermining democracy in
Zimbabwe. Prominent among these is
President Robert Mugabe who has been
banned from travelling to Europe.
In a letter written to, Tony Blair, the
British Prime Minister, whose
country holds the EU Presidency, the studentsí
union demanded an immediate
inclusion of Professor Welshman Ncube, the party
secretary general, vice
president Gibson Sibanda, Gift Chimanikire, Paul
Themba-Nyathi, Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga, Fletcher Dulini-Ncube and
Getrude Stevenson.
The letter was copied to South Africa President Thabo
Mbeki, African Union
chairperson and Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo
and the SADC
chairperson, Festus Mogae, who is the President of
Botswana.
The students accuse the pro-Senate faction of working with
Mugabe's regime
to derail a process aimed at removing Zanu PF from the
government.
Themba-Nyathi yesterday dismissed the move by ZINASU as utter
rubbish and an
act of immaturity.
He said: "What do you expect from
misguided and immature youths who don't
know the enemy of the party? It is
up to the EU to decide who to put on
their list. Actually they will laugh at
them. The EU cannot include us on
the list for the sole reason that we
participated in the elections. It will
then mean all the MDC MPs and mayors
will also be included because they
participated in previous
elections."
The students body claimed that the pro-Senate faction was
becoming a threat
to opposition politics and democracy in the
country.
"These misguided opposition members are now behaving in the same
way with
the government and Zanu PF officials. They are now using the
State's
oppressive institutions like the partisan courts, where judges are
appointed
by none other than Mugabe himself to win their cases, not against
their
party leader Morgan Tsvangirai but against the people of Zimbabwe",
reads
the petition.
The students say they were astonished by the
coverage the pro-Senate faction
was getting from media organisations which
favour the ruling party.
"This then stands to reason that there is no
longer any difference between
the ruling party members and these members of
MDC. Mr Chairman all what we
want is a more productive and robust political
culture that can ensure that
the interests of every Zimbabwean are served,"
said the letter.
The move by Zinasu is likely to add a new dimension to
the MDC circus. The
students body is among civic bodies that joined the
labour movement to form
the MDC. Members of the opposition like anti-Senate
spokesperson, Nelson
Chamisa, the late Learnmore Jongwe, Tendai Biti, among
others were formers
student activists.
Zim Standard
By Foster
Dongozi, recently in Montreal, Canada
ARI Ben-Menashe, the Canadian
"consultant" accused of framing MDC president,
Morgan Tsvangirai into making
treasonous statements, says he is not worried
by the US$5 million lawsuit
that the opposition leader has filed against him
in Canadian
courts.
Tsvangirai is suing Menashe after he was cleared of treason
charges in which
the Canadian was the government's star witness.
His
company, Dickens and Madsons, was at the centre of the treason trial in
which Tsvangirai was accused of making a request to have President Robert
Mugabe assassinated during a meeting which Ben-Menashe secretly filmed in
London in December 2001.
The treason charges were thrown out in 2003
after Ben-Menashe was described
as an unreliable witness.
Ben-Menashe
has been described as a former spy, retired arms dealer and
commodity
broker.
He was born in Iraq and educated in Israel.
The Standard
last week tracked Menashe to his lair in Montreal, Canada,
where he spoke to
this newspaper.
"Mr Tsvangirai can sue or do anything that he wants but I
am prepared to
defend myself," Ben-Menashe said before breaking into peals
of laughter.
Ben Menashe who "earned" huge sums of money from the MDC and
the government
during the period said: "Tsvangirai has no hope of winning
that lawsuit. I
have overwhelming evidence including the recordings I made
of him in London.
I am ready for him."
The first contacts between the
MDC and Ben-Menashe were made through Renson
Gasela and subsequently
Professor Welshman Ncube, before Tsvangirai came
into the picture.
On
allegations made by members of the Tsvangirai camp that he was hired to
destroy the MDC president's credibility, Ben-Menashe again burst out in
laughter.
"No, no, no. That is ridiculous; that is not true. The MDC
leadership
through Renson Gasela approached me to do consultancy work for
them through
Rupert Johnson, a colleague. "There was never anything said
about destroying
Tsvangirai's credibility," Ben-Menashe said.
"I know
that is what some people are saying in Zimbabwe but that is not
true," said
the hard-to-believe Ben-Menashe.
Gasela confirmed making the first
overtures towards Johnson but said
Tsvangirai had attended subsequent
meetings with Ben-Menashe alone.
Ben-Menashe said: "I initially refused
to do work for the MDC because we had
done work for the Zimbabwean
government but they said that did not present
problems."
He accused
the opposition party of lacking sound leaders.
"The MDC is not a loyal
party; a loyal party should be loyal to its
country."
Ncube said:
"One would have to be particularly dumb to believe that we would
have to go
through a treason trial in order to have Tsvangirai trapped. In
any case,
all the evidence was ventilated in court and the sum total is that
we were
all conned by Ben-Menashe."
Ben-Menashe, who has been accused of conning
governments in Africa and other
parts of the world, flatly denied
suggestions he was a conman.
"That is absolute nonsense, that is not
true, no please, please no,"
Ben-Menashe said before terminating the
interview.
In Canada Ben-Menashe is back in controversy.
Albury
Grain Sales, where he is the chief operating officer, is accused of
promising to ship soya beans to Uzbekistan after being paid a deposit of
US$336 000.
The beans never materialized, but Ben-Menashe accused the
country of
defaulting on its payments.
Zim Standard
LONDON - A
Zimbabwean traditional healer and spirit medium who refused to
provide a
blood specimen for testing after being suspected of drink-driving
faces jail
after having an acquittal reversed by the British High Court.
In what was
described as a bizarre case, Nyararia Mukandiwa, from Dalton,
Huddersfield,
had earlier escaped conviction at a magistrates' court after
saying he could
not give blood for spiritual reasons.
He was described in court as a licensed
traditional healer from Zimbabwe,
registered with the Zimbabwe National
Traditional Healers Association, known
as Zinatha.
He also said he
was a spirit medium, known as a Mhondoro, and considered
himself possessed
by spirits, and therefore had to avoid situations that
unexpectedly drove
him into a trance.
Professor Richard Werbner, of African Anthropology at
Manchester University,
had given expert evidence on behalf of the
33-year-old at Huddersfield
Magistrates' Court that the sight of a corpse,
extreme anger and the
spilling of blood could all send him into a trance
that could result in
violence to himself or the police.
District
Judge Bennett ruled in September 2004 while sitting at Dewsbury
Magistrates'
Court that Mukandiwa's spirit medium role meant there could be
a risk to
health if required to give blood.
That was a reasonable excuse for him
not providing a blood sample under the
1988 Road Traffic Act, said the
judge, and refused to convict him.
Justice Bennett said: "I was satisfied
that this man's fear of giving blood
related to his going into a trance and
the consequences for the police, who
would not know how to respond to the
situation, with which they would be
totally unfamiliar".
But in
November, the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) appealed to the
High
Court, and two senior judges ruled there were "fatal flaws" in Justice
Bennett's decision and Mukandiwa must be convicted.
During the
two-hour hearing, Lord Justice Scott Baker, sitting with Justice
Newman,
observed: "The district judge seems to have got mesmerised in this
case."
The alleged risk of blood causing a trance could easily have
been avoided by
Mukandiwa shutting his eyes or looking away, said the Lord
Justice Baker.
The evidence was that it was the spilling of blood which
was the problem and
might cause a risk to health. There was no finding that
the sight of it was
a problem.
Lord Justice Baker added: "Even if he
went into a trance, the district judge
conducted no real analysis of the
likely consequences, other than concluding
Mukandiwa might be violent to
himself or others.
"It seems to me to be a far cry from the evidence
shown that to give a
sample would entail a substantial risk to Mukandiwa's
health".
The judge described how Mukandiwa was stopped by a police patrol
after his
Peugeot car strayed across a white line in February 2004 on a
Hudders field
road.
At first the police gave him the benefit of the
doubt over drink-driving
because a breath-testing kit was not
available.
But he was arrested and taken to Castlegate police station
because, as he
went to drive off, he clipped the central
reservation.
He was asked to give blood after he failed, through medical
reasons, to
complete a breath test at the station.
He replied: "I
can't give blood for spiritual reasons." He was subsequently
charged.
Allowing the DPP's appeal, Lord Justice Baker said the High
Court had also
been asked to consider whether the police should have been
obliged to
require the healer to provide a sample of urine, not
blood.
But that issue never arose in the magistrates' court and it was
too late to
raise it now -- PA
Zim Standard
By our
staff
RESPECTED economist Eric Bloch has projected that a sharp rise in
inflation
in the first six months of 2006, in what could result in more
hardships for
ordinary Zimbabweans struggling to survive under difficult
circumstances.
Bloch said he expected inflation, which hit the 500
percent mark in November
to go up by between 40 and 50 percent.
Dr Bloch
said: "We should expect a massive increase in the rate of inflation
due to
the fact that people will soon be paying newly hiked school fees for
their
children, new local authority tariffs and increased electricity
charges.
"To make matters worse, we expect a revised exchange rate to
have a
significant impact on the economy resulting in serious foreign
currency
shortages.
"Inflation will be expected to increase by
between 40 and 50 percent,
leading to the hiking of prices of basic
commodities."
He said the situation was expected to improve in the last
six months of the
year if there was a good crop harvest and controlled
government expenditure.
"A stabilised exchange rate may lead to
significant improvement in foreign
currency inflows. This may ultimately
lead to a decline in the rate of
inflation in the last six months of the
year. If this situation prevails,
foreign currency may be used for servicing
critical areas instead of
importing grain," he said.
Lovemore
Matombo, president of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU)
said life
would even be more difficult for workers next year.
"Government has no
clue, neither has it any plans to solve the situation. As
workers, we have
already put plans of exerting more pressure on government.
It would be
action, action, and more action from labour," said Matombo.
Despite this
gloomy scenario, Zimbabweans whose homes were destroyed during
"Operation
Murambatsvina" wished that the year 2006 would be a turning point
for the
country, once considered Africa's bread basket.
"I hope that most people
who were affected by 'Operation Murambatsvina' will
get the houses they were
promised by the government. Right now I stay in a
shack near Richmond
Dumpsite thinking of what life has in store for my
family. I am poor and
homeless . The government should do something for us,"
said Esnath Ngwenya,
a shack dweller at Ngozi Mine.
Ngwenya was affected by "Operation
Murambatsvina" but has since gone back to
the illegal settlement after
government failed to provide decent
accommodation for her family of
six.
For Senzeni Nyathi, a vendor, life on the streets of Bulawayo has
been tough
throughout the year as she has been playing hide and seek with
the police
and municipal security personnel.
"I hope that the
situation will improve next year with vendors allowed to
sell their wares
without being harassed by state security agents and
municipal police,"
Nyathi said.
Such sentiments were also expressed by vendors in Harare who
have been
harassed by recruits from the National Youth Service, employed by
the city
council.In areas such as Chitungwiza, Kuwadzana, Glen View,
residents wished
if the city council would address the sewage and water
crisis.
The residents have in the past few months been left with no
option but to
stay in houses with blocked sewer pipes and raw sewage flowing
through their
yards.
While many were pessimistic that their plight
will improve next year unless
a political settlement was reached Zanu PF and
the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), there were other people
who felt things might be
better next year.
The vice president of the
Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce (ZNCC),
Obert Sibanda, said although
no significant business growth was expected
next year, there were high hopes
that the government would tackle high
inflation and other related economic
ills which have bedevilled the country.
Sibanda said: "We hope that the
government will implement fiscal policies as
pronounced by the Ministry of
Finance so that they tackle inflation,
shortages of fuel, the free fall of
the Zimbabwe dollar and various economic
problems. It is important for
government to implement its ambitious fiscal
policies so that market forces
determine prices of all commodities.
"At the same time, we believe that
the country's exchange rate will also be
determined by market forces. This
will ensure that we have foreign currency
inflows that may, in the long run,
result in an improved socio-economic
environment."
Pastor Patson
Netha of Churches in Bulawayo, a non-governmental organisation
comprising
over 150 pastors in Matabeleland, said Zimbabwe's problems would
come to an
end if all stakeholders were prepared to work together and map
the way
forward in order to improve citizens' standards of living.
"Our future
lies in our hands as we cannot be seen to be fighting while
people are
suffering," Pastor Netha said.
Zim Standard
By our
staff
MORE than 100 people living with HIV and Aids and orphans in
Harare's
Sunningdale suburb had their food packs confiscated recently by
senior Zanu
PF officials and supporters.
Sunningdale falls under
Harare South Constituency.
The people living with HIV and Aids say they were
accused of being
supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change, who were
not supposed to
benefit from any government initiatives.
The incident
happened just as organisations fighting the spread of HIV and
Aids were
completing a petition to President Robert Mugabe urging him to
ensure his
government treats the HIV and Aids pandemic seriously.
The food packs
comprised maize-meal, mahewu/amahewu, peanut butter, and
other groceries
which had been sent to the area by the National Aids Council
as part of its
efforts to cushion people living with HIV and Aids.
Some of the people
who lost their food to the Zanu PF supporters include
orphans whose parents
died of HIV and Aids related diseases and some elderly
citizens.
NAC
has in the past been accused of succumbing to the demands of the ruling
party in politicising AIDS funds by ensuring that they flow towards the
coffers of the ruling party.
Speaking on condition they were not
named, members of the Thembinkosi
Support Group based in Sunningdale said
the NAC was supposed to deliver food
to them.
"Officials at the NAC
offices said they did not have fuel to deliver food to
Sunningdale and urged
us to find our own transport. Senior Zanu PF officials
then went and grabbed
the food and distributed the food packs to their
supporters and used the
occasion to urge people to vote for Zanu PF
candidate, Vivian Mwashita in
the Senate election," said a resident living
with HIV and Aids in
Sunningdale. Mwashita went on to win in the 26 November
Senate
elections.
The people living with HIV and Aids said they had lodged a
complaint with
NAC, through their co-ordinator, only identified as
Chigondo.
Madeline Dube, the NAC communications manager, said: "I am not
aware of the
incident; I would need to check before I get back to
you."
Elliot Manyika, the Zanu PF national commissar said the allegations
were
mere gossip.
"Why do you listen to gossip? Does your newspaper
rely on gossip and
rumours?"
When The Standard pointed out that it
had spoken to the victims, Manyika
retorted: "That cannot happen because the
government introduced the AIDS
Levy."
Zim Standard
ZIMBABWEANS are now driven only by hope. Their dreams, right
now, are
propelled by the belief that the New Year can only hold out better
prospects
than the past six years that have witnessed a dramatic turn for
worse in the
fortunes of a nation for which the region, continent and the
world at large
held so much hope.
We are sustained by hope even
though there are increasing indications
pointing to a gradual villagisation
of our communities. Major cities of
Bulawayo, Chitungwiza and Harare offer
startling evidence of rapid decline
in service delivery - the result of
sustained neglect.
We live dreams powered by hope. Two years ago Zimbabweans
believed a winter
maize crop would provide the panacea to the nation's
dwindling capacity for
food self sufficiency. Zimbabwe's optimism infected
neighbouring states,
which despatched delegates to marvel and seek knowledge
from Zimbabwe's
fountain of ingenuity in the face of
hardships.
Today, no one talks about the project any more even though
estimates put the
number of Zimbabweans in need of food aid at between three
and five
million - only second to Malawi in the vulnerability of its
population
because of serious food shortages.
Since October 1999
Zimbabweans have been sustained by hope that the
country's fuel crisis could
not get any worse. But seven years on it is hard
to find anyone still
optimistic of a speedier resolution to the crisis.
As if to celebrate our
gullibility the government decides it has found the
final solution to the
fuel crisis; Its panacea is a shrub-like plant that
for long has been used
as a perimeter fence by many rural communities.
But we are too easily
misled. The propagation of the Jatropha plant will
require a massive
operation to produce the kind of quantities that would
provide adequate fuel
for national requirements. As things stand this can
not be an overnight
wonder. It would require enormous investment into
extraction and refining
plants scattered throughout the country. We marvel
at the employment
creation capacity, the empowerment it might create for
rural communities and
the foreign currency savings it will translate into as
Zimbabwe will no
longer require buying expensive fuel on the world market.
Yet, what we
find astonishing is that, given the sharp minds this country
has produced,
many of them in government, no one has stopped to question why
we should be
embarking on this massive investment when less than three
decades ago this
country produced ethanol, which lessened the country's
dependency on fuel
imports.
The technology and skills are still available and the plant
would require
far less investment to refurbish and bring to operating
condition instead of
a totally new investment in uncharted
waters.
Too often, the problem with this country is that people promote
projects not
necessarily because they will work, but because they will
create instant
wealth for them. It is possible that someone is already
eyeing a contract to
put up the plant. Where a foreign partner is involved
there is the prospect
of claiming commission, then there is the mass
provision of the Jatropha
seeds and contract to move the harvest to
designated plants or points.
Industry has been the major disappointment
in this country. It has not
provided the much required leadership out of the
predicament Zimbabwe finds
itself in. Rather it has tended to believe that
this is a function of the
government. The function of government should be
to provide an enabling
environment for industry to meet the nation's
requirements. Perhaps the
effect of the flight of most of Zimbabwe's
business skills is beginning to
show.
It is time those with influence
and access to government started engaging
policy makers on a serious level -
not more useless workshops - so that
Zimbabwe can reassess the course it has
chosen.
It is frightening that the government can deliberately pick a
quarrel with
the United Nations over a model house that the government
claims is
incomplete and unfit for people, when in Chinhoyi, for example,
the
government has decided to hand over uncompleted houses to
"beneficiaries" of
"Operation Garikai" so that the new owners can complete
construction using
their own resources and at their own pace.
Is it
possible that the estimated one million victims of "Operation
Murambatsvina"
would agree with the government that they should not be
handed the
UN/government model houses in preference to the hovels they now
inhabit?
For far too long we have feared to remind the government to
do the right
things, preferring political correctness. In the process we
have been
victims of our cruel master - hope.
For once in 2006 let's
have the courage to remind the government to do
what's right for the nation
and not for the few in the ruling party.
Zim Standard
weekendopinion
weekendopinion By Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem
CHIRISTMAS is
upon us again with all the attendant spirituality, religiosity
but more
pronouncedly, the banalities of blatant vulgar commercialism that
isemptying
the season of any religious or spiritual meaning.
How is it that the
celebration of the humble birth of a carpenter's son in a
tent no more
salubrious than a manger is now taken over by multi-billion
dollar consumer
industry with no more interest in your spiritual revival
than the profits
they can fleece from your pockets?
Christmas is not the only religious
occasion that has been commercialized.
The Muslim fast in the holiest of
holy months of Islam, Ramadan, that is
supposed to bring believers in the
Muslim faith closer to Allah and their
fellow human beings especially those
less well-off, has become themost
expensive month in many Muslim families
and communities and a whole month of
gratuitous consumption with an even
more ostentatious end.
The Muslims seem to be trying to out do their
Christian counterparts in
trying to commodify and commercialise their Eid.It
is not just the religious
festivals alone that have been taken over by
commercialism. The temples,
Mosques, Churches and other places of worship
have not been spared.
Indeed Religion as a whole has become a terrain for
those in power and
control of society to justify their economic, political
and
ideologicalhegemony over the less privileged, the poor and the
powerless.
Just look around you and see how many religious leaders are
living in
opulence while their congregations are emaciated by poverty, want
and
disease.
The more churches and mosques we build the less Godly
our societies become.
If you look at the construction boom in many African
countries their main
catalysts are either public and private money
launderers or religious
communities building houses for God who does not
need it on the backs of
their followers who are homeless or leaving in
houses not fit for a
manger!It will seem that God only hears the prayers of
the founder or
leaders of the church not that of the groaning mass of
followers. Or are we
witnessing what Marxists call "opium of the masses"?
The late Afro beat
King, Fela Kuti popularised this in one of his more
popular songs as
"Archbishop na Miliki, Pope na enjoyment, Imam na Gbaladun"
(meaning the
Archbishop,the Pope and the Imam are enjoying themselves) while
their
congregations are "suffering and smiling". There is no place where
this
manipulation of religion is more pronounced than in our public spaces.
People in power appropriate God and organise religion to justify their rule
and misrule. People who are in office as a result of mass bribery of the
electorate and pervasive rigging say: "Its God's will".
If God wants
you as president, MP, mayor or councillor why must he do it
through rigging?
They use and abuse their public positions to
amassstupendous wealth and
claim its "God's blessings". Why is God blessing
those who are taking from
those who do not have, people who are denying the
masses drugs in their
hospitals, schools for their children and goodroads to
walk God's
earth?
Have you noticed how many "born again" Presidents and First Ladies
we have
across the continent of Africa? Yet can we say there is any
Godliness in
their behaviour in office? They are putting God to the service
of their
secular greed.Governor Alameisigha of one of Nigeria's
Oil-producing states
who recently jumped bail in London on money laundering
charges and now
impeached and awaiting trial for massive corruption in Abuja
arrived home
shamelessly proclaiming that it was by "God's miracle" that he
escaped from
London dressed as a woman! Which God was aiding him other than
the
incompetence of the British police and intelligence service who did
notsee
him escaping and the reciprocal incompetence of their Nigerian
counterparts
who did not spot him on arrival?
Too many things are put
on God because this omnipresent and omniscient Being
has no defence lawyers.
He does not talk in His own defence and hasno
instant rebuttal department.
Therefore He is open to abuse, misuse, and
subversion. For instance no
African leader will say that God told him (or
her, now that Ellen
Serlief-Johnson of Liberia will join the Club) to go to
the IMF or World
Bank or any other foreigners and foreign institutions to
whom they pawn the
national economy. However when it comes to themremaining
in office in
perpetuity they concoct conversations with Godand their
unfinished
"missions" on His behalf as excuses for not leaving power.
A courageous
priest recently reminded his congregation in Abuja during
aState House
sponsored end of year service there are things people want to
hear and there
are things God wants people to hear. He chose to give God's
message rather
than dance to the tune from those wishing President Olusegun
Obasanjo to do
a Yoweri Museveni. There were contorted facesand feigned
indifference but
the priest spoke for God in the presence of Caesar.
In this yuletide
season, amidst all the festivities and crash commercialism,
we need priests,
religious leaders and public intellectuals who are able to
speak the truth
to those in power and encourage their flocks to do the same
and stop God's
house of worship from becoming a den of thieves, charlatans,
opportunists,
exploiters and oppressors.When you attend Church services this
weekend ask
yourself a few questions: Am I here for God? Is my pastor
serving God or
serving himself/herself? Or worse still, is he putting God at
the service of
those in power? Merry Christmas!
Zim Standard
weekendopinion By
Takura Zhangazha
THE Senate election, scarcely legitimised by the
Zimbabwean population if
the 19 percent voter turn-out is anything to go by,
has now begun to have
the added misfortune of being misread both within the
ranks of the ruling
party, opposition and non-governmental
organizations.
Within the leadership wrangles of the main opposition
Movement for
Democratic Change there have been two dimensions to the
aftermath of the
debacle. The first being that the extremely low voter-turn
out is evidence
of the Zimbabwean people's recognition of the decision by
the party's
leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, to call for a boycott of the
elections. The
second, and emerging from those within the party's leadership
that actively
campaigned for a few candidates in the election and defied
their president,
regards the handful seats won especially in the south of
the country as
being indicative of the potential lack of legitimacy of their
leader and
therefore an indictment on his national leadership
credentials.
For Zanu PF on the other hand, the grumbling about the necessity
of a Senate
will be dying down now, as the latter's role in keeping its
hegemony alive
and kicking, albeit with the assistance of what are clearly
partisan
security arms of the state becomes more apparent and etches its way
into a
reluctant but complicit national consciousness.
For the
non-governmental organizations, there is evidently a strategic
quandary
about how to proceed from here, in pursuit of democratic
government. The
talk herein has been centred on the establishment of a new
"united front" or
other forms of coalitions that can take the centre stage
in establishing
"people power" in the form of "social movements" with the
issue of
constitutional reform maintaining a somewhat central role in the
accompanying political discourse. I am of the view that the issue of the
Senate elections and the furore it created within the aforementioned
components of Zimbabwean society are somewhat hazy and miss the true
dynamics of Zimbabwean politics from an essential perspective that I shall
examine in slight detail. The first being that politics and political
activity in Zimbabwe is no longer an ingrained part of Zimbabwean national
consciousness in the strict sense of the term. Politics as practiced in the
ruling party, opposition political parties and civil society has become a
separate entity from the everyday lives of Zimbabweans. It has ceased to be
interactive and as such does not address the new culture of Zimbabwean
existence that has been engendered by years of repressive rule.
This
is evident in a number of respects. The ruling Zanu PF party has now
evidently become an organization that citizens no longer adhere to on the
basis of political principle but on the basis of patronage and the greasing
of palms or when it comes to the lower echelons of society, for the strict
purposes of survival amidst a surfeit or heinous operations such as
"Operation Murambatsvina". The buying of a Zanu PF membership cards and
attending a rally of the same can be the equivalent of buying a recharge
card for use with a mobile phone or being part of a burial society out of
fear of the phenomenal expenses that a funeral might bring one's way. No
more and no less.
In such a theatre, the singing of songs and
sloganeering is done simply to
keep within the circles of access to
necessities rather than the maintenance
of ideological positioning or
principle. Zanu PF has become external to the
people, occasionally invading
their space through repressive actions with
people recovering in order to
reposition their lives in the interests of
survival, by re-buying a Zanu PF
membership card or attempting to prove
loyal to that party in order to
prevent further calamity. Zanu PF's
"victory" in the Senate elections and
all its previous "victories" have been
devoid of the people's mandate and
are symptomatic of a population that
merely negotiates with power that is
actually beyond it.
Support for Zanu PF, where it exists, is merely a
testimony to how distinct
that party is from the people and the people are
from it. In their eyes,
Zanu PF is a party beyond them in terms of
decision-making, but where
rallies, election campaigns are held for the
people to join in for the
benefits associated with it or else ignore it
completely, while awaiting the
next catastrophe to be visited upon them in
the form of poverty-deepening
policies such as a budget announcement or the
dismissal of an elected city
council. The opposition, on the other hand has
demonstrated an increasing
incapacity to understand the nature of the
Zimbabwean political psyche
through the manner in which it is handling its
Senate election differences.
The name-calling has not stopped; neither have
the physical and legal
squabbles about a forthcoming congress. This very
public squabble, perhaps
now unavoidable as it is, leaves the public with a
sour taste in the mouth
about politics in Zimbabwe because it is projected
largely as a "them" and
"us" scenario.
It is the leadership that is
viewed as fighting, and the public is not sure
why they are doing so and the
more they fight the more they lose sight of
the national psyche. In some
sections of the populace, the MDC squabbling is
viewed as entertainment,
with people querying what the next move of such and
such a faction is. When
the people begin to view a party as entertaining it
means it is becoming
devoid of meaning to them, it is no longer a critical
part of their options
for survival. In this sense, the distinction or
separation of the MDC from
the national psyche has been created by the
failure to provide alternative
forms of resistance to a repressive state.
The opposition, in its
ascendancy, somehow got de-linked from processes of
struggle that create a
conscious populace that is willing to fight on the
basis not just of bread
and butter issues but principle and ideological
positioning.
On
paper, what the opposition promised to the people of Zimbabwe prior to
the
2000 parliamentary campaign was accepted as "progressive" in so far as
it
sought to redress at governmental level, the bad economy and the issues
of
bad governance practised by Zanu PF.
What it might have missed out on,
however, is that politics of resistance
are not constructed in a narrow
sense as being only about institutions of
power that is parliament,
government and the security services. They come
wholesale with the creation
of an alternative political culture and creation
of self-reliance in areas
where resistance is strongest. This involves the
largesse of political
scheming at the minutest levels of the party, the
narration of a much more
people centred history vis-à-vis that based on
individuals as told by Zanu
PF. But until the MDC congress (es) occurs, the
party will be losing
valuable time and continuing on the unenviable path
divergent from its
actual task of constructing a new Zimbabwe. Civil
society, in the aftermath
of the senate election as well as in the midst of
the MDC internal
disagreements has been re-focusing its activities around
issues familiar to
the common person either in the form of the
constitutional reform agenda,
labour rights and demands, gender equality and
issues around HIV and AIDS.
This "familiarity" is beginning to create a gulf
between the public and the
NGO's in the sense that the issues have been in
the public arena for a
number of years and progress seems to be minimal. And
where actions such as
demonstrations or big campaigns are undertaken, the
public allocates itself
observer status precisely because it does not quite
know how to suddenly
wake up and be a part of an action not linked to their
everyday existence or
an action that has the characteristic of bringing
short lived victories
without actually articulating an organic vision of the
purported action.
Moreover, the culture around actions tends to reproduce
the Zanu PF myth
that it is only by apparent confrontation that the struggle
can be
waged.
There is need for civil society to stop showcasing and get on with
the
actual business of creating viable alternatives of struggle. It is one
thing
to be committed and consistent; it is another to be stubborn and
couched in
a singular mindset of how the struggle should be
waged.
There is further need to de-construct the big themes around which
civil
society has been operating. Themes like "democratization", "civic
education," "home-based care", "anti-globalization", "constitutional reform"
whether spoken in local languages or as is, have not changed the manner in
which the people attempt to understand them.
These themes are
understood from the perspective of "the other", or in more
straightforward
terms, as being possible but actually irrelevant to everyday
lives. The same
can be said about the debates around how the MDC has lacked
a coherent
ideology by civil society leaders and I emphasize the point,
whatever
clearer ideology that emerges from the MDC, within the current
culture of
politics in Zimbabwe, it will remain abstract to the people
because the
issue is no longer about "themes" or "ideologies", it is now
about how to
reclaim the people's committed attention and construct new
politics of
resistance.In conclusion, I posit that there is need to re-think
the
politics of resistance in Zimbabwe, especially on the part of those, who
like myself are strongly opposed to the dictatorial manner in which the Zanu
PF government is administering the country. Our politics of resistance now
need to breathe the voice of the people more articulately and begin to think
"small" in order to achieve "big". This would entail beginning to act first
on local issues or community grievances and creating alternatives forms of
survival for the people together with engendering a new form of
self-reliance (economic, social and political) in order to de-legitimate
Zanu PF's attempts at patronage. This will serve to construct a new type of
legitimacy beyond a political rally or a demonstration held in a city
centre, legitimacy based on the inclinations of the people over and above
central committees or national councils