Its report found that the price of a loaf of bread rose by 1,157% throughout the year to 44,000 Zimbabwean dollars (55 US cents; 32p). Milk rose 1,718%. The runaway prices have caused living standards to plummet, especially since unemployment has risen to 80%. The Zimbabwean government's own figures put the inflation rate at 502%. Yet this figure is calculated on a broader selection of goods and services, some items of which have recorded smaller price hikes than essential food products. Land seizures Zimbabwe's economy has now been in sharp decline for six years, with severe fuel and food shortages contributing to the sky-high inflation. While the United Nations says this is because of mismanagement by the government, Mr Mugabe instead puts the blame on sanctions imposed by Western nations following his controversial seizure of white-owned farms. More recently, the UN and Western nations have attacked the demolition of thousands of homes and market stalls, a move strongly defended by the government as an urban renewal drive. The Consumer Council's end-of-year report said 2005 had been an "agonising" year for Zimbabwean consumers. Aid agencies estimate that 70% of Zimbabwe's 12 million population now survive on one meal or less a day, while the UN World Food Programme expects to feed some three million Zimbabweans next month. The Consumer Council is now urging people to shop around for the best price and engage in "lawful informal trade, small-scale business and other income-generating activities". |
Newsday
After "cleaning" of
illegal homes, vendors in Zimbabwe six months ago,
thousands remain
displaced
BY XAN RICE
SPECIAL TO NEWSDAY
December 29,
2005
CHITUNGWIZA, Zimbabwe - As he inched his pickup truck through
the
rubbish-strewn streets here one recent afternoon, Misheck Shoko slowly
shook
his head. Rubble lay all around the modest houses, broken chunks of
bricks
and concrete that make Zimbabwe's largest black-only settlement look
like a
disaster zone.
"You would think there had been an earthquake
here," said Shoko, 45, the
burly mayor of Chitungwiza, home to more than a
million people and a
45-minute drive from the capital,
Harare.
The force that swept through Zimbabwe six months ago was no
act of nature.
Spearheaded by police units equipped with bulldozers,
Operation
Murambatsvina (Clean the Filth) was billed by the government as an
urban
beautification campaign. Illegal housing was to be stamped out and
street
vendors, blamed for fueling the black market, removed.
Chris
Maroleng, Zimbabwe analyst with the Institute for Security Studies,
based in
South Africa, said the demolitions actually were designed to punish
and
disperse the urban poor, who supported the opposition in the March
parliamentary election.
By Shoko's estimate, 40 percent of the
dwellings here - mainly small houses
built alongside larger family homes -
were razed. A July report by UN
special envoy Anna Tibaijuka said the
"disastrous venture" cost 700,000
people their homes, livelihoods or both -
an astonishing number for a
country of just 12.7 million people.
If
the scars of the two-month operation are plain to see, the fate of the
victims is not. After the demolitions, thousands of displaced people were
taken to makeshift camps outside major towns. The government promised a huge
building drive to provide what it considered new, official housing for them,
and formal markets for the hawkers and traders.
But the camps were
disbanded and today there are few significant
concentrations of displaced
people anywhere in the country. Ask Zimbabweans
like Shoko, who fought
during the war for independence, where the victims
are now and they will say
"everywhere."
Many have returned to the rural areas where they grew up.
Some have slipped
over the border into South Africa or Botswana, following
millions of their
countrymen who already had fled the economic
hardship.
Others squeezed into neighbors' houses that were left standing
in the
high-density suburbs. "We are now sleeping four in a tiny room," a
young man
said earlier this month as he tried to sell a bag of oranges late
at night
in Harare. He asked to be identified as "Michael," not wanting his
real name
used for fear of retribution by the police. "Where else can we
go?" he
asked.
President Robert Mugabe has described claims of mass
homelessness as
"nonsense."
"Where are the thousands?" he said in a
television interview last month.
"You go there now and see whether the
thousands are there."
He is right: The vast majority of the displaced
people are - of necessity -
invisible. They have to be. "These people have
had to find somewhere else to
live; otherwise, they will be picked up, fined
and have their shelters
destroyed again," said David Chinombe, an activist
for the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change party in the southern
Masvingo province. "So
they are not homeless on the streets, but they do not
really have homes."
Maroleng, the analyst, said the government worsened
the existing
socio-economic crisis when it forced people back to rural areas
or to double
up in the towns.
"Instead of affecting 700,000 people
directly, it has affected millions,
because these displaced people are now
dependent on others," Maroleng said.
The shock of the destruction is
still being felt nationwide. Near Chivu, a
small town south of Harare, a man
who gave his name only as "Edward" was
thumbing a lift late last month. Out
of work since 1997, his only income
came from renting out the small house he
had built on his father's property
in Chitungwiza.
"When I heard my
house was destroyed, I was paralyzed," said Edward, 37, who
is married and
has two children. "That was my investment for the future."
Farther south,
in Sese on the road that leads to South Africa, the famed
Shona sculptors
and carvers have sold their wares to tourists for decades.
The only
reminders of that life are piles of broken bricks and mortar - the
sorry
remains of stalls they built years ago, only to have them burnt down
by the
police in July.
Some vendors still place a few crafts next to the road -
an illegal act now
that informal trading is banned. They say they have
little choice; like tens
of thousands of vendors, gold panners and hawkers,
they must break the law
simply to earn a basic living.
"Why did they
do this to us?" asked Pambaniso, a young carver. "Our parents
sent us to
school with the money from tourists."
Across the road is one of the few
signs that the government's Operation
Garikai/Hlalani Kuhle (Live Well) -
meant to mitigate the effects of the
destruction - even exists. About 20
concrete booths are being built for the
150 vendors who used to work from
here - a move the government says will
make the trade legitimate. But the
stalls are too few and too small, the
carvers say. There is no word on when
they will be ready.
Progress on the housing program is even more glacial.
Jan Egeland, the UN
humanitarian relief coordinator who visited Zimbabwe
early this month, said
it would take decades at the current pace for the
government to provide
permanent housing for the displaced.
An angry
Mugabe, who had met with Egeland, called the envoy "a damned
hypocrite and a
liar" for criticizing Zimbabwe's failure to let the United
Nations help the
displaced. He also saw a plot by Britain, the former
colonial occupier he
accuses of trying to oust him.
"I am going to tell the [UN] secretary
general not to send us men and women
who are not his own but agents of the
British," Mugabe said.
From The Saturday Argus (SA), 24 December
When you've been living in Harare long enough, you
learn to look on the
bright side of this city's descent into darkness. There
was no electricity
at Harare's international airport one day last week. That
was a relief. "We
can't scan passports today," said a grinning immigration
officer. His
scanner is linked to a government data bank of passport
information of all
arrivals and departures. A few days earlier President
Robert Mugabe's
officials had begun withdrawing passports from "enemies of
the state" -
publisher Trevor Ncube, opposition politician Paul Themba
Nyathi, and trade
unionist Raymond Majongwe. Unusually, the Central
Intelligence Organisation
operative otherwise permanently stationed at the
entrance to the immigration
hall to scrutinise passports wasn't at his post.
So that afternoon
travellers had a relaxed passage through the airport as
clouds gathered
outside ahead of the daily summer thunderstorm. Scanning
equipment was
installed at the airport three months ago after Mugabe signed
a
constitutional amendment which allows him to cancel passports or refuse to
issue them to citizens he doesn't like. Zimbabwe passports record the
holder's "profession" and journalist is written there, on the bottom left
hand corner of mine so it was pleasant to get through departure formalities
without worrying that I might be penalised.
A few days earlier
the electricity went off during Mugabe's annual state of
the nation address.
That was also a relief. The power cut meant neither
state radio nor
television could cover it and so we were all spared the
grating and tedious
delivery of yet another political sermon. Mugabe has a
stock of
international conspiracies he scapegoats for the state of the
economy which
he has trashed and the millions whose lives he has destroyed.
Rain fell in
sheets that afternoon and kept the city dark through the night.
The Zimbabwe
Electricity Supply Authority, Zesa, not so long ago the
best-run power
utility in Africa, is now so broke it cannot keep the lights
on in central
Harare, or in the leafy suburbs, or in the ghettoes. As I
drove west across
the city for a United Nations press conference that
evening, Harare looked
desolate. No street lights, dark shop windows. And
certainly no Christmas
lights! The only glow came from a few sparks
scattered by the rain from
pavement fires which had been burning rubbish.
Harare's garbage was rarely
collected in 2005.
Harare's flesh is rotting off its classy bone
structure. The once- glorious
avenues of flowering trees are dying of
neglect, sidewalks and bicycle
tracks are composting back to earth. Dust to
dust. Driving past Mugabe's
official residence in bright sunlight the next
morning, I was struck by the
extraordinary contrast between his world and
that of his people. There are
no potholes on that stretch of road. Banks of
shrubs and neatly-clipped
lawns edge the high walls around his residence and
a series of boreholes
powered by a generator keep the sprinklers twitching
merrily in the midday
heat and the grass green. Maybe he doesn't see the
decay through the tinted
windows of his armour-plated stretched limo. Or
maybe he just thinks; "B...
you Jack, I'm alright."
Zim Online
Fri 30 December 2005
HARARE - President Robert
Mugabe has ordered Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
(RBZ) officials to seek approval
from his office first before investigating
senior government and ruling ZANU
PF party officials accused of corruption.
The directive also
requires the central bank, which has spearheaded a
crackdown on corruption
against Mugabe's ministers, to consult with the
government's intelligence
ministry before embarking on any other "sensitive"
investigations, according
to a memo sent to the RBZ.
"Investigations that could involve
senior government officials should
first be reported to the President's
Office for direction. Senior government
officials include Cabinet Ministers,
permanent secretaries and directors.
"The Ministry of State
Security should always be fully briefed on any
matters that might be deemed
sensitive to the State," read part of the terse
memo.
Sources said the directive comes as the
RBZ planned to launch a
massive blitz on Mugabe's ministers and senior ZANU
PF officials who are
accused of dealing in foreign currency through their
hunting, game safaris
and tourism interests.
The RBZ under
Gideon Gono, has spearheaded a massive campaign against
corruption by
Mugabe's ministers and senior business leaders often with
embarassing
returns.
The memo, dated December 19, was copied to the head of the
RBZ's
Financial Intelligence Inspectorate and Evaluation Division, Mirirai
Chiremba.
Mugabe's spokesman George Charamba could not be
reached for comment on
the matter last night while State Security Minister
Didymus Mutasa refused
to take questions from ZimOnline, saying: "Issues
relating to the state
security ministry are not for the public domain
anywhere in this world."
Several of Mugabe's ministers and senior
ZANU PF officials have been
arrested over the past two years for corruption
and violating the country's
foreign exchange regulations. Former finance
minister Chris Kuruneri spent
more than a year in remand prison after he was
accused of externalising huge
sums of foreign currency.
A
senior ZANU PF official and former parliamentarian, James Makamba,
also
spent some months in remand prison after he was accused of breaching
the
exchange regulations. He has since fled to the United Kingdom.
But
several other cases in which top officials of Mugabe's government
were also
accused of corruption have in the past been quietly swept under
the
carpet.
Sources at the RBZ said the move by Mugabe to force the
central bank
to seek approval first before investigating cases of corruption
was intended
to block the bank from carrying out investigations that could
touch a raw
nerve.
"Mugabe should have got unnerved by some of
the investigations because
they became too close for comfort. The cricket
saga was one such
investigation as it emerged that some money in foreign
currency had been
paid to Mugabe as tokens.
"A new wave of
investigations were also planned on several high
ranking figures and Mugabe
wants to ensure that only those he wants to go
are netted," said a
source.
Mugabe is a long-standing patron of Zimbabwe Cricket whose
two bosses
were embroiled in a messy standoff with senior Zimbabwe cricket
players who
accused the duo of gross mismanagement and
corruption.
The two cricket bosses, Ozias Bvute and Peter Chingoka,
who were
arrested last month for allegedly externalising huge sums of
foreign
currency and breaching the country's exchange regulations, were
recently set
free after the Attorney General's office declined to prosecute
the duo
citing lack of evidence. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Fri 30 December 2005
HARARE - Five-year old Edwin
Tarusarira stands knee-deep in a pool of
sewage in Harare's poor suburb of
Kuwadzana.
For Tarusarira, the "new pool" opened up new forms of
recreation for
him and his small circle of friends despite the serious
dangers of
water-borne diseases that lurk in the dirty waters.
In contrast to the bright Christmas lights in Harare's First Street
Mall,
residents here say it was the pungent smell from the raw sewage
flowing
freely in the streets that literally extinguished the Christmas
spirit.
"It is difficult to convince these children that this
is dirty water
and that they may contract diseases," said 26-year old Mutsa
Tarusarira,
wiping off a thick cake of dirt from her son.
"What
this means is that I have to keep an eye on him for the whole
day or else he
will swim in this dirty water. I wish the council could fix
these problems
for once and let us enjoy the festive season in peace," she
said.
Tarusarira's neighbour, Agnes Gahada, said she had to
take her son to
her sister's house in Avondale, a middle-class suburb in
Harare, for the
Christmas holiday where conditions are better.
"I was forced to take my son elsewhere because of this looming health
time
bomb. The burst sewer pipes are a recurrent problem here. We have
reported
this problem to council several times but nothing has been done,"
she
said.
Social services, like all sectors of Zimbabwe's economy, have
crumbled
after years of gross mismanagement and under-funding. President
Robert
Mugabe's government, battling a severe five-year economic recession,
has
also failed to maintain infrastructure in cities and towns because there
is
no hard cash to buy spares.
Zimbabwe is battling a severe
foreign currency crisis after Mugabe
disrupted the country's key
agricultural sector - the country's biggest
foreign currency earner -
through his often violent seizure of white-owned
land for redistribution to
landless blacks five years ago.
Most suburbs in Harare have gone
for weeks without running water,
forcing residents to fetch water in
unprotected wells. Rubbish bins have
also not been collected for months
because of the crippling fuel shortage
gripping the country. Traffic lights
in the city have been vandalised with
no sign that anything was being done
to repair them.
The main opposition Movement for Democratic Change
party and civic
groups blame the crisis in the cities on mismanagement by
Mugabe's
government in power since independence from Britain 25 years
ago.
An opposition-led council running the city was last year
kicked out by
the government and was replaced by a commission headed by
Sekesai
Makwavarara. But the problems in the city have continued
unabated.
While Harare commission gloats over its endless
turn-around strategies
to restore order, the city is literally suffocating
under a plethora of
problems ranging from burst sewer pipes to mounds of
uncollected rubbish.
The burst sewerage problems are a microcosm of
Zimbabwe's failed
economy. Residents in Kuwadzana say the problems are also
symptomatic of the
collapse of the country's economy under Mugabe's
tutelage.
For Gift Kondowe, the burst sewer pipes really spoiled
his holiday as
he had to grapple with stinking raw sewage right on his
doorstep in addition
to the "usual" problems of shortages of basic
foodstuffs like bread and
cooking oil.
"Our house was like an
island surrounded by this vast pool of sewege.
The stench is unbearable and
mosquitoes feast on us at night. We are at
great risk," he said. -
ZimOnline
IN DEPTH:
TITLE: Report on housing and tenure security for farm workers in
newly
resettled areas
AUTHOR: Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Land
and Agriculture
CATEGORY: Zimbabwe
DATE: 10/16/2005
SOURCE: Farm
Community Trust of Zimbabwe, SARPN
SOURCE WEBSITE: http://www.sarpn.org.za
SUMMARY &
COMMENT: Little attention has been paid to the land needs of those
who have
been working and living on the commercial farms o Zimbabwe. Loss of
employment means loss of right to reside on the farm. This local NGO (Farm
Community Trust of Zimbabwe FCTZ) workshop addresses the issue of tenure
security and proposes ten policy
options.
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Report
on housing and tenure security for farm workers in newly resettled
areas
http://www.sarpn.org.za/documents/d0001750/index.php
Executive
Summary
Farm Community Trust of Zimbabwe (FCTZ) is a registered local
non-governmental organization PVO number 3/99. FCTZ major objective is to
improve the quality of life of vulnerable groups in former large-scale
commercial farming areas and rural informal settlements. The organisation is
operational in the four provinces of Mashonaland East, West, Central and
Manicaland.
FCTZ promotes the livelihoods of vulnerable people living
in former
large-scale commercial farming areas and rural informal
settlements through
facilitation of community development, communication,
and advocacy and
lobbying those who can facilitate change. To achieve this
goal, FCTZ
implements several programmes including: Research, Advocacy and
Lobby;
Sustainable Livelihoods; Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC);
Health;
HIV and AIDS; Basic Education; Gender and Microfinance.
Since
its inception, FCTZ has seen Advocacy and Lobby as central in
achieving its
main objective of improving the welfare of vulnerable groups
in former
large-scale commercial farming communities. The objective of the
FCTZ
Advocacy and Lobby programme is to raise awareness on vulnerable groups
in
target areas in particular to sensitize policy makers, local authorities
and
other stakeholders who in turn influence favorable policies on
vulnerable
groups.
FCTZ has identified Parliamentary Committees as critical to the
attainment
of its objectives. The organisation has in the past worked
closely with, the
Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Public Service Labour
and Social
Welfare and has engaged its members through farm tours, workshops
and
meetings. In October 2005, FCTZ engaged the Parliamentary Portfolio
Committee on Lands and Agriculture on issues of access to housing and
security of tenure for vulnerable groups in former large-scale commercial
farming areas.
The central issue in Zimbabwe since independence has
been the resolution of
the land question. At independence the land question
had three major
components:
unequal and inequitable land
distribution:
insecurity of tenure, and
unsustainable and sub optimal land
use. (Government of Zimbabwe 1998)
While the benefits of land reform in
terms of a more equitable distribution
of land and an easing on pressures on
communal areas have been discussed at
length, relatively little attention
has been paid to the land needs of those
who have been working and living on
the commercial farms. Farm workers live
with pronounced insecurity about
their future. By reason of their origin and
biography most have little
access to extended family, "safety nets" and have
no claim to land in the
communal areas.1 They have been extremely dependent
upon their employers to
satisfy their basic needs, to an extent unlike any
other group of employees
in Zimbabwe.
The absence of tenure security meant that the right to
residency on a farm
was tied to the employment status of the individual.
Loss of employment
would automatically mean loss of right to reside on the
farm. FCTZ believes
that as we now enter into the consolidation and
productive phase of the land
reform programme, it is imperative that we
address the issue of tenure
security for the farm worker community. It is
against this background that
FCTZ held a workshop to discuss the various
policy options to address the
issue of housing and security of tenure for
farm worker communities in newly
resettled areas between 14 and 156 0ctober
2005.
FCTZ, together with other stakeholders including farmer and farm
worker
organizations, relevant government departments, RDCs, members of the
media
and other NGOs made presentations to the Parliament Portfolio
Committee on
Lands and Agriculture during the workshop. The workshop, which
was held at
Troutebeck Inn in Nyanga came up with a number of
recommendations as a way
forward on the issue of housing and tenure security
for farm worker
communities.
The workshop concluded that farm workers
constituted communities whose
livelihoods were dependent on the commercial
farm owner prior to and after
the Land Reform Programme. The farm worker
communities were, therefore,
considered the most vulnerable group residing
in these areas. The workshop
also noted the need to address the security of
tenure of new farmers to
create an enabling environment for employment
creation.
The following is a summary of the recommendations made the by
the workshop:
1. Government should provide security of tenure for farm
workers through the
establishment of rural service centers
2. Government
should allocate land to those farm workers who want to farm
3. Government
should speed up procedures for conferring security of tenure
for
new
farmers
4. The right to residency on a farm or any form of housing should not
be
tied to
the employment status of a farm worker
5. The government
should consider using NSSA funds to launch a housing
scheme
for farm
worker communities RDCs should designate rural service centres
which
would provide residential accommodation for farm workers and other
service
providers in newly resettled areas
6. There is need to establish a
quota system for the allocation of land to
farm
worker communities
7.
Government should support new farmers to generate employment for the
already
experienced labour force
8. Each district in the country should come up with
a skills register of
farm workers
to facilitate the employment of farm
workers and link them to farmers
9. Under utilized land should be made
available for farm worker resettlement
10. There is need to carry out
educational meetings and workshops on birth
registration procedures with the
farm worker community and the Registrar
General's Office to encourage
registration of the communities.
Footnotes:
1. Research carried out by
Famine Early Warning Systems, Farm Community
Trust of Zimbabwe and the
Agriculture Labour Bureau in 1998 indicated that
only 40% of permanent (male)
farm workers maintain a rural home.
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TCMnet
[December 29, 2005]
(Comtex Energy Via Thomson Dialog NewsEdge)HARARE, Dec 29,
2005 (Xinhua via
COMTEX) --Zimbabwe is to import an extra 50
megawatts of
electricity from the neighboring Democratic Republic
of the Congo (DRC),
local newspaper The Herald reported on
Thursday.
Zesa Holdings
executive chairman Sydney Gata was quoted as
saying that this would result in
the DRC power utility Snel, which
currently supplies 100 MW to Zimbabwe,
increasing the amount by 50
percent.
In addition, Zimbabwe's power
utility Zesa Holdings has
contracted a Chinese firm to help in its expansion
program of
Hwange and Kariba power stations.
This comes at a time when
Zesa Holdings and South Africa's
Eskom have entered into an agreement with
Zambia to supply 300 MW
to the Zambia Electricity Supply Corporation
following the closure
of that country's biggest power station along Kafue
River after
damage caused by heavy rains last Saturday.
The
contractual agreement between his organization, on one hand, and Zesa
Holdings and Eskom, on the other, would see Zambia
getting 300 MW in a
move expected to minimize the impact of the
shutdown.
Gata said his
firm would embark on a massive expansion drive
from January as measures to
improve power supply in the country
continue.
Zimbabwe's power utility
has also struck strategic deals with
several regional and international
companies, which would result
in improved capacity and service.
Gata
said Zesa Holdings had held meetings with their regional
counterparts to
improve their working relationship and cooperation.
"A few days ago we
were meeting with regional power companies
just to maintain relations with
our neighbors and I am glad to say
that everything went on well with
suppliers from Zambia, Mozambique and the
DRC," he said.
Energy
supplies from the DRC would be increased next month, he
said.
Zambia
and Zimbabwe have the strongest inter-connector and
Zambia had offered to
assist in stabilizing the country's power
supply, he added.
Zimbabwe
imports 35 percent of its energy requirements from its
neighbors.
Zesa
Holdings has been struggling to meet demand for power
owing to foreign
currency shortages, resulting in the power
utility introducing intermittent
load-shedding.
Zim Daily
Thursday, December 29 2005 @ 12:04 AM GMT
Contributed by:
correspondent
The UN World Food Programme (WFP) is setting up a
logistical and
information management centre in Zimbabwe to coordinate the
movement of food
aid to at least three million people threatened by
starvation spawned by
prolonged drought and Operation
Murambatsvina.
The country office is expected to coordinate
logistical and
transport operations, intervene where local bottlenecks are
identified, and
liaise with donors and UN agencies, WFP communications
director Robert
Michelle told zimdaily from Johannesburg yesterday. The
setting up of the
office come as UN FAO is also setting up a regional
emergency coordination
office at the regional centre in Harare to look at
the sort of interventions
that FAO can take towards tackling the unfolding
crisis.
WFP and FAO warned last week that millions of people
were on the
brink of famine in Zimbabwe due to acute shortages of fuel to
move food aid
to the starving millions. Zimbabwe has faced grave food
shortages over the
whole year following three successive droughts and
President Mugabe's policy
of seizing prime land from white farmers and
redistributing it to black
peasants. Mugabe argues this is a belated writing
of colonial wrongs.
Zimdaily heard that more than 1 million
metric tonnes of food
will need to be imported over the next three months to
meet the minimum food
needs of the population. Almost three million people
in the famine
threatened Zimbabwe need immediate emergency food assistance
of some 400 000
metric tonnes, the two agencies said. Given the gravity of
the findings by
assessment teams in a survey conducted by FAO and WFP, the
two humanitarian
agencies have called on donor governments worldwide to
respond quickly and
generously with food aid donations to "avoid widespread
hunger from
developing into a humanitarian disaster."
WFP
country spokesperson Makena Walker said despite the rains
that continue to
fall in most parts of the country, donor attention was
"still turned to the
immediate crisis and they see as we do, the grave
crisis which lies ahead in
light of acute shortage of grain." Michelle said
the WFP will ensure that
vessels are offloaded expeditiously and moved out
efficiently. WFP is trying
to increase the "discharge rate" - the amount
that can be offloaded from a
vessel a day. A "one stop shop" for customs
clearance procedures for trucks
and rail traffic between South Africa and
Zimbabwe was already being
discussed, Michelle said. He added that WFP was
also asking for special
privileges to reduce border tolls.
Zim Daily
Thursday, December 29 2005 @ 12:04 AM GMT
Contributed by: Reporter
The government of Zimbabwe through its
revenue Authority ZIMRA
is not stopping at anything in its bid to spruce up
depleted foreign
currency reserves. The authority capitalised on the festive
season visits by
Zimbabweans working in neighbouring countries to impose a
compulsory foreign
currency exchange at the congested Beitbridge Border Post
and the Plumtree
entry. ZIMRA is charging a minimum of 500 South African
rands and Botswana
Pula for exchange, failure to surrender the currency will
attract a
confiscation of goods as a penalty measure.
"We
were faced with a double trouble situation, the South
African immigration
officials were slow in attending us, on the other side
the Zimbabwe
Immigration authorities forced us to change the currency at the
border",
said Courage Simango, a Zimbabwean based in South Africa who had
visited his
parents in Chiredzi during the holiday.
Zimbabwe is bereft of
the much needed foreign currency due to
the unattractive exchange at the
official market as well as Mugabe's
'jungle' policies which have scared away
the much needed investors. Most
foreign currency dealers use the black
market because of its competetive
exchange rates. The South African Rand
fetches $14 000, US dollars
reciprocating a $92 000 whilst the Botswana Pula
invites a $17 000 on the
sprawling black market, which far beats the
recently introduced interbank
exchange mode.
Reserve Bank
Governor recently introduced a competitive
interbank market in a bid to curb
the black market. The move is proving
futile as the competitive black market
is thriving on hiking the rates
thereby luring potential
'customers'.
Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe
The
Daily Mirror Reporter
issue date :2005-Dec-29
WARREN Park D residents
in Harare have resorted to fetching water for
domestic use from the nearby
Warren Hills Cemeterey because of water
rationing introduced by the Zimbabwe
National Water Authority (Zinwa)
throughout the country.
When The Daily
Mirror crew visited the graveyard adjacent to the western
high-density
suburb yesterday, scores of residents were queuing to draw
water from taps
dotted around the graveyard.
The taps are less than 10 metres from the
graves.
The people said their suburb had now gone for two days without water,
forcing them to venture into the cemetery even at night for the precious
liquid.
"It is just water and we drink it no matter where it comes from.
What we
know is that the water is safe and as good as any from any other
tap," a
resident Thomas Chabata said, adding that people go to the cemetery
even at
around 2am to fetch water.
"We are not afraid of the graves
because they are just pillars and rocks.
"We do not know the people lying
underneath and we are not related to them,"
said one elderly man who refused
to be identified.
He said he needed the water to wash vegetables he would
later sell at a
vending mart at the nearby Pfukwa Shopping Centre.
Most
of those interviewed who were seemingly resigned to the reality of
fetching
water from the graveyard said they were not scared of fetching
water from
the cemetery at any time.
They said they found nothing amiss in drawing water
from the cemetery,
adding that because of the perennial cuts experienced,
the residents have
from several years ago resorted to the cemetery as a
source of water. "We
always fetch water from here whenever there is no
water. Even mourners
gathered in this cemetery sometimes come to fetch water
from houses close by
and there is nothing wrong with it. Sometimes we fetch
the water from nearby
plots," another resident Ngonidzashe Machingura
said.
Many Harare homes have been going for days without water following
Zinwa's
water demand management schedule meant to equitably share the scarce
resource among all residents.
By Tichaona Sibanda
29 December 2005
MDC activists based
in South Africa are outraged over reports that a
top official dealing with
Zimbabwe asylum seekers has openly declared his
sympathy towards Robert
Mugabe.
Rodgers Mudarikwa, spokesman for the Zimbabwe Action
Support Group
said a DRC national, working for the Pretoria government at
Marabastad
refugee reception office is constantly frustrating Zimbabweans
because of
his open support for the regime in Harare.
'He told
me point blank and in front of 4 witnesses that he is a great
admirer of
Robert Mugabe because he helped the DRC government from foreign
aggression,'
said Mudarikwa.
ZASG named the official is a Mr Pierre from the
DRC. He is acting
director of the refugee reception office, in the absence
of a regular
director who has been working well with Zimbabwe support
groups.
Before he was assigned to be the acting director, we used
to process
close to 20 people per week with the Home Affairs ministry in
Pretoria. But
after he came on board, the whole system is now bogged down
because of his
reluctance to process the applications.
'What
makes us angry is the fact that he has the audacity to question
the
sincerity of Zimbabwean asylum seekers. Who is he to ask us that,' said
Mudarikwa.
To add salt to the wound, the official is also a
refugee who was
granted that status when he fled the DRC. The ZASG said they
were in the
process of writing a letter to the authorities there to transfer
the
official from the refugee office.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
By Tichaona Sibanda
29 December 2005
It's reported that authorities in Harare will take over a week to
clear the
160 people who were deported from South Africa aboard a chartered
flight on
Wednesday.
Our correspondent Simon Muchemwa told us from Harare on
Thursday that
the authorities were checking whether all those returned were
not 'first and
foremost' fugitives from the country who had fled to South
Africa.
'The problem is most of those deported on Wednesday do not
have travel
documents, and we are told among them there are several people
who are not
Zimbabweans, but were found using Zimbabwe travel documents,'
said Muchemwa.
The vetting process will also be delayed as a result
of the festive
break, because most officials are still on
holiday.
'This is a bureaucratic delay because the majority of
those people are
women and children. Surely they can't be classified as
fugitives. They are
people who had gone to South Africa to try and earn an
honest living,' he
said.
SW
Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe
From Pamenus
Tuso in Bulawayo
issue date :2005-Dec-29
THE number of hunting dogs in
some parts of Africa has diminished from about
500 000 at the turn of the
last century to the current 3 000, thus adversely
affecting the
ecosystem.
The disturbing scenario followed a research carried out by
Painted Dog
Conservation (PDC), an organisation based in Dete.
The
research showed that the dwindling figures meant the dogs, which hunt in
packs, faced extinction.
It also said that a great proportion of the dogs
are either in unsafe and
prey-depleted areas or in protected areas where the
low numbers do not
represent a sustainable population.
It then suggested
a review of the management policies and measures to
strengthen painted dogs'
conservation reserves in the country and improve
the methodology of the wild
canines census and forecasting.
The research noted that Zimbabwe still
remained a stronghold of the species
in the world with over 700 distributed
around the Hwange and Gonarezhou
national parks and the Zambezi
Valley.
"Road kills, direct persecution by farmers and snares take a heavy
toll on
packs that leave the protection of National Parks and impose a
severe drain
on the parks. Diseases transmitted from domestic dogs is also a
threat and
populations have been wiped out from it", read the research
report.
Lions and hyenas also posed a great danger to the continuity of wild
dogs as
the beasts devour their pups. The problem is further complicated by
the fact
that only one pair in a pack breeds annually.
Other members of
the pack assist in the feeding, protection and rearing of
the puppies. The
dogs care for their sick and injured by regurgitating food
or licking
wounds clean when necessary.
At the turn of the twentieth century, Africa had
half a million-painted dogs
in 39 countries. However, systematic bounty
hunting and road kills have
decimated the dog's population to a mere 3 000
in Zimbabwe, Tanzania,
Botswana and South Africa.
So far, PDC has
managed to relocate dog parks from sensitive farming areas
through the
development of non-invasive captive and release techniques.
BBC
By Patrick
Smith
Africa Confidential editor
The winds of
change blowing through Africa's palm trees have changed
direction this
year.
The political news out of Africa gets worse as the
economic news
improves.
After a decade of triumphs for Africa's
democrats - the ending of
apartheid in South Africa, the ousting of
Congolese tyrant Mobutu Sese Seko
and free multiparty elections in Ghana,
Kenya and Senegal - several regimes
have reverted to violent repression and
election-rigging to cling to power.
Despite this, African economies
are growing on average at 5 per cent a
year, better than they have since the
1970s, say the IMF and the World Bank.
National incomes may be rising but so
is social inequality, fuelling
political tensions.
The UN's
Human Development index says incomes per head are stagnating
and life
expectancy rates are falling.
The fruits of higher growth are not
going on social development.
Awkward questions
That
raises more awkward questions as 2005 - the year of Africa -
draws to a
close.
The campaigners in Africa and the West who called for more
aid, less
debt and fairer trade for Africa and bolstered British government
efforts to
negotiate a better deal for Africa from the rich countries' G8
club have won
important concessions.
But in most states, regime
security trumps the development imperative.
More than 30
African states have abandoned single party rule in favour
of some variety of
multiparty elections since 1990 but now the wind is
blowing
back.
After Ethiopia's disputed national elections in May,
government forces
shot more than 80 people dead and arrested 8,000 more
after clashes with
oppositionists in Addis Ababa.
In Tanzania,
the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi was accused of rigging an
election victory on
the volatile islands of Zanzibar in October.
And in neighbouring
Uganda, President Yoweri Museveni, in power for
two decades, persuaded
parliament to allow him to a third elected term, then
presided over the
arrest of leading opposition candidate Dr Kizza Besigye.
Tyrants
unchecked
This embarrasses Britain's Africa enthusiasts: Ethiopia's
Meles and
Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa were appointed to British Prime
Minister
Tony Blair's Africa Commission, and Britain is the leading aid
giver to the
Museveni regime in Uganda.
More importantly, it's
a reversion to political relativism in Africa
which tolerated the worst
tyrants and kleptocrats on the principle that
every regime has something to
hide.
The list goes on.
This year Gabon's President
Omar Bongo, in power since 1967 won
another seven-year term; Burkina Faso's
President Blaise Compaore, ally of
warlord Charles Taylor, circumvented the
constitution to get another
five-year term; Ivory Coast's Laurent Gbagbo
unilaterally postponed
elections which were to signal the end of the
country's civil war; and
Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe bludgeoned and starved the
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change into defeat.
Not all
the blame should go to the incumbents.
Many opposition movements
are weak and divided.
And Western governments' indignation is
highly selective: oil-rich
states such as Angola and Equatorial Guinea
escape censure while
resource-poor states are pilloried.
Sad
end
But the biggest tests are in Africa's own
institutions.
The African Union, set up in 2002, has been a huge
improvement on the
old Organisation for African Unity, known as the
dictator's trade union.
The AU has adopted a credible development
plan known as Nepad, and
introduced a revolutionary system of peer review
under which member states'
commitments to democracy and human rights are
measured by independent
monitors.
The AU sent 5,000 African
peacekeepers to the Darfur region where
Sudan's Islamist regime has been
accused in several high-level UN reports of
mass murder and ethnic
cleansing, as well as training and arming ethnic
militias.
Although the Sudan government failed to block
the deployment of AU
troops in Darfur, it has persuaded the AU to hold its
summit in Khartoum
next month (January) to dampen growing
criticism.
The UN Security Council has referred Darfur to the
International
Criminal Court in the Hague.
Several senior
Sudanese officials, including President Omar al-Bashir,
are under
investigation but they refuse to recognise the ICC's jurisdiction.
Allowing Khartoum to host the AU summit and President Bashir to chair
it
blatantly contradicts the AU's avowed democratic ethos, Sudan
oppositionists
and human rights campaigners say.
For many, Bashir's leadership of
the AU will resurrect the dog days of
the OAU when it elected Uganda's Idi
Amin as chairman while he organised the
massacre of thousands of his fellow
Ugandans.
A sad end to the year of Africa.
New Zimbabwe
By Cris Chinaka
Last updated: 12/30/2005
00:26:30
ZIMBABWE opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai has seen the party he
founded
split in two by bitter feuding, but analysts say he is likely to
ride out
the storm as the main challenger to President Robert
Mugabe.
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) lurched into its
deepest
crisis since it was formed in 1999 after party rebels rejected his
call to
boycott November elections for a new Senate which critics saw as
part of
Mugabe's push to consolidate his power.
Tsvangirai and his
followers stayed away from the polls but the opposing
faction took part,
leading to a rancorous dispute over who really represents
the political
opposition in Zimbabwe.
Analysts say that while the dispute has weakened
the MDC -- long seen as the
only viable challenge to Mugabe's 25-year grip
on power in Zimbabwe -- it is
too early to write Tsvangirai off.
They
say he is likely to emerge as the leader of the largest MDC faction at
a
national congress in February expected to see the formal split of the
party.
"While the MDC has suffered as a result of this feud,
Tsvangirai's image as
an opposition figure, his image as a man trying to win
power from Mugabe has
been enhanced by the attacks still coming through the
government's
propaganda machinery," said John Makumbe, a political scientist
at Harare's
University of Zimbabwe.
"The more they focus on him, they
more they are telling the people that they
see him as a threat," Makumbe, a
longtime critic of Mugabe's government,
told Reuters.
A senior
western diplomat in Harare concurred, saying Mugabe's government
still
clearly regarded Tsvangirai as its main opponent -- and that many
western
governments were also betting on the veteran politician to emerge
victorious.
"For us, he is still the leader of the opposition and we
don't think the
situation will change," he said.
Tsvangirai ordered
the boycott of the November 26 poll on the grounds that
it would lend
legitimacy to a government that he accuses of election rigging
and
increasing political repression, charges echoed by Western
governments.
His internal opponents, led by MDC Secretary General
Welshman Ncube, said
the party had to participate to remain viable and
fielded a number of
candidates, ending up winning seven of the 66 seats in
the upper chamber of
parliament.
Since the election antagonism
between the two factions has grown as each
side seeks to persuade party
members, foreign diplomats and the general
population that they represent
the party's future.
To the glee of Mugabe's governing ZANU-PF party, they
have played out their
differences in the media, trading insults, "suspending
and expelling" each
other and electing different provincial party officials
ahead of the
February congress.
"It's very clear now that these
people are not going to be able to work
together, and every day they are
demonstrating this fact," Makumbe said.
Ncube's faction has branded
Tsvangirai a dictator, saying he sought to
overrule internal democratic
processes to order the poll boycott. But its
legal appeal to get a court
endorsement of its "suspension" of Tsvangirai
was thrown out by the High
Court.
On the other hand, Tsvangirai -- backed by the leaders of the
MDC's powerful
youth and women's leagues -- labels his adversaries as
sell-outs working for
Mugabe's benefit.
Political analysts say the
feud has effectively split the MDC into two
parties, both of which are
fighting for the MDC brand name amid a deepening
economic crisis seen in
severe food, fuel and foreign currency shortages and
rising
unemployment.
Lovemore Madhuku, chairman of political pressure group
National
Constitutional Assembly, said while Tsvangirai appeared to have the
numbers
on his side, the real test would be to see who is able to capitalise
on
growing national frustration.
"The people of Zimbabwe are looking
for a leadership that is able to
articulate their views and organise with
them how they can realise their
political and economic programmes - and that
is the challenge that is here
and that is ahead," he said.
The
Harare-based diplomat said Western governments had not reached any final
public verdict on Tsvangirai and the MDC, and were waiting to see what
happens after its party congress.
"Obviously no one is saying that
they (the MDC) are what they were before
these problems. They do look weak
but at the same time no one is buying this
story that they are dead and
buried," he said - Reuters
From The Cape Times (SA), 29 December
By Janine du Plessis
Pretoria
- A group of illegal immigrants who sought refuge at Wierdabrug
police
station at the weekend, fearing they would become victims of mob
justice,
are to be deported to Zimbabwe. The group had fled their community
after
residents allegedly threatened to hunt down illegal immigrants after
the
body of a man was found in Choba, near Olievenhoutbosch, on Christmas
Day.
Residents went on the rampage on Boxing Day as news spread that the
man's
body had been found in his home with multiple stab wounds. They blamed
illegal immigrants for the murder. Police spokesman, Inspector Lucas
Sithole, said the man had apparently spent Christmas Eve in the company of
foreigners. "Later a suspect was found and it was learnt that the suspect
and the deceased stabbed each other and the suspect was hospitalised. The
community started gathering and rioting, blaming illegal immigrants from
Mozambique and Zimbabwe for the murder. They demanded that police remove
them from the informal settlement," said Sithole. The angry crowd eventually
forced an unknown number of foreigners to seek refuge at the Wierdabrug
police station in Centurion. Thirty-two of the illegal immigrants within the
group are from Zimbabwe and were taken to the Lindela repatriation centre to
be deported to their home country, said Sithole.
Olievenhoutbosch
resident Friedman Lukhele said: "Criminals told the angry
community members
they would hunt down illegal immigrants and bring them to
book. However,
they in fact used the tense circumstances to steal their
cellphones, DVDs,
electrical appliances, food, anything they could lay their
hands on. They
also ransacked kiosks and street vendors." Lukhele said the
community was
angered by the criminals' actions. On Tuesday, deputy area
police
commissioner Nick Sithole met with community leaders to encourage
them to
work with police and not take the law into their own hands. "We will
not
tolerate people making unfounded allegations and attacks. They are
innocent
until proven guilty. We spoke to them as police about their
apparent problem
with illegal immigrants to sort the matter out," said
Sithole. Meanwhile,
Zimbabwe officials detained more than 160 Zimbabweans
who were deported from
South Africa as illegal immigrants, state radio in
Zimbabwe was quoted as
saying yesterday. Regional officials estimate that up
to two million
Zimbabweans have sought economic refuge in South Africa in
the face of a
long-running political and economic crisis which President
Robert Mugabe's
critics say has forced a quarter of Zimbabwe's 12 million
people abroad.
Mmegi, Botswana
JOEL KONOPO
Staff Writer
12/29/2005 3:36:29 PM (GMT +2)
Petroleum suppliers in the
northern part of Botswana have
experienced a boom in sales as Zimbabwe
continues to suffer fuel shortages.
"It is true that retail sites in the
north have realised increased volumes
due to fuel problems in Zimbabwe,"
Corporate Communications manager for BP
Botswana, Mahube Mpungwa
said.
"Fuel stations from Ramokgwebana to Tonota have
been realising
increased sales. We are prepared, we have the demand forecast
for such
areas," he added.
During the festive season,
fuel points in Francistown have been
frequented by long queues as a majority
of Zimbabweans resort to Botswana in
search of fuel. Most of the queues have
become a common feature and are
getting longer by the day as Zimbabweans
travelling from as far as Harare
bring huge containers to buy fuel in
bulk.
Zimbabwe's fuel scarcities are partially occasioned by
inadequate foreign currency. In addition, the government's reluctance to
increase the prices of fuel has worsened the crisis. The fuel crisis, which
has prevailed for the past two months, has paralysed Zimbambwe's transport
and manufacturing sectors. Botswana government officials say there are no
restrictions on the quantity of fuel a customer can buy.
Meanwhile, an official at BP Botswana has told Mmegi that they
are not
ordering any new stockpile of leaded petrol from South Africa. This
is meant
to comply with the move to phase out leaded fuel. "The remaining
stock pile
will be sold up to depletion. Phasing out leaded petrol is a
process. It
will take time until the depletion of super volumes," BP Project
manager,
John Mokwena said.
An official at the Department of energy,
said government is
fully prepared for the phasing out of leaded petrol. "Of
the five fuel
stations we surveyed this morning, four are prepared," said an
officer who
spoke on condition of anonymity yesterday. "For the other one,
management
told us that they have been experiencing problems with their
refineries in
South Africa as they have been operating at low capacity, so
they pleaded to
continue selling leaded petrol next year. Generally, we are
safe," she said.
© Mmegi, 2002
The Herald
(Harare)
December 29, 2005
Posted to the web December 29,
2005
Harare
GOVERNMENT has appointed an investigator to probe the
affairs of the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) following
allegations of gross
embezzlement of funds, corruption and breaches of the
umbrella labour body's
constitution against the top leadership.
The
Minister of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare, Cde Nicholas
Goche,
yesterday assigned Mr Tendai Chatsauka, an auditor by profession, to
carry
out the task.
The appointment was made in terms of the Labour Act, which
allows the
minister to have the financial affairs of registered employer
organisations
and unions investigated.
Cde Goche said the appointment
follows an inquiry held last month in which
allegations were levelled
against the labour body's general council.
According to the Labour Act,
if there is reasonable cause to believe that
property or funds of any trade
union, employer organisation or federation
are being misappropriated or
misapplied, or that the affairs are being
conducted in a manner that is
detrimental to the interests of its members,
the minister may order that
such trade union, employer organisation or
federation be
investigated.
Cde Goche said the Government had realised that there was
need to take
action against the labour body after numerous complaints from
ZCTU
affiliates.
"There were various allegations by affiliates of the
centre (ZCTU) and a
number of alleged abuses reported -- including financial
misappropriation --
and more concern on the misappropriation of ZCTU funds
and the payment of a
$15 million salary to the ZCTU president (Mr) Lovemore
Matombo contrary to
the centre's constitution," the minister
said.
Cde Goche said he had outlined to the investigator his terms of
reference
and discussed with him the vital importance of sticking to the
facts of the
matter so as to come up with true and fair findings.
"I
met with the investigator this morning (yesterday) and emphasised on the
need for him to carry out the investigations in a professional and not to
target investigations at individuals, but establish facts," he
said.
The investigator is yet to give the time needed for the
wide-ranging probe
of the labour movement's affairs.
Among other
tasks, the investigator is required to probe the operations of
the informal
sector project account, which is alleged to be not in line with
the ZCTU
constitution, and the financial administration handbook, among
other
standing rules of the body.
The investigator will also investigate the
manner in which the ZCTU bought
properties in Harare, Chinhoyi, Gweru,
Masvingo, and Bulawayo and other
alleged irregularities concerning property
purchases elsewhere.
The ZCTU leadership is accused of gross
mismanagement, corruption,
embezzlement of funds and violation of the labour
movement's constitution,
ignoring the plight of the workers and engaging in
political activities.
The probe follows the infighting that has rocked
the ZCTU.
The continuing internal conflict has culminated in the
dismissal of three of
the labour body's trustees under unclear
circumstances.
The three trustees -- Mr Charles Gumbo, Mr Benson Ndemera
and Mr Leyson
Mlambo -- had also written to the minister, saying that their
sacking from
the ZCTU was illegal.
Some disgruntled affiliates of the
ZCTU -- led by Mr Nicholas Mazarura of
the Zimbabwe Construction and Allied
Workers' Union -- had made a similar
call to the minister following the
dismissal of their leaders.
This followed the clandestine sacking of five
general council members from
the ZCTU.
Those dismissed were Mr Edmund
Ruzive and Mr Joseph Midzi, both from
Associated Mine Workers' Union of
Zimbabwe, Mr Mazarura, Mr Langton Mugeji
(Zimbabwe Leather Shoe and Allied
Workers' Union) and Mr Farai Makanda
(Transport and General Workers'
Union).
The five were sacked for allegedly bringing the name of the
labour body into
disrepute, a claim they hotly disputed.
However,
national executive members of the affected affiliates countrywide
have
reaffirmed their support for the suspended leaders.
The affiliates have
come up with proposals meant to ensure that the labour
body returns to its
founding principles.
The ZCTU leadership denies the accusations of
corruption, misappropriation
of funds and neglect of workers.