HARARE - Finance
Minister Tendai Biti has proposed a 2010 budget of $1.44 bln, which he said
would be largely focused on reconstruction.
He said the 2010
budget was a "difficult budget to craft because of limited fiscus space against
huge demands and high expectations from Zimbabweans."
He predicted a
"positive economic growth" of 7% in 2010. Meanwhile 2009 projection has been
revised to 4.7% from 3.7% previously projected at mid
year.
Inflation was
projected to end the year at -5.5% and to reach 5.1% in 2010.
Biti noted the
improved performance in agriculture up 10%, mining up 2% anchored by 14.6% gold
output, manufacturing 8% and tourism 6.5%.
In agriculture
tobacco had realised 56 mln kg of which 42 mln kgs were the actual harvest in
2009 with the rest being carryovers from last harvest. Maize production was at
1.2 mln tonnes.
In manufacturing
capacity utilisation had grown to average 30%-80% from about 10%. 80% capacity
utilisation was achieved in drinks and tobacco, 35% foodstuffs, textile and
clothing 45%, paper manufacturing 32%, chemical 50% and non metalic
50%.
Banking sector
had seen an increase in deposits up to $1 bln in October with long term deposits
at $15.8 mln. Advanced loans were at $501mln as at October giving a loans to
deposit ratio of 50% against the generally accepted ratio of 80%.
The country's
debt remains unsustainable at $5.7 bln.
On fiscal
developments Biti said revenue collected was $685 mln against a target revenue
of $789.8 mln and expenditure was $640.8 mln. Of the $685 mln collected VAT
accounted for 39% or $268.9 mln, Customs duty 26% or $179.2 mln, PAYE 15% $104.4
mln, Corporate tax 4.4% or $25.6 mln and Excise 7% or $44.6
mln.
Of the 5% capex
$20 mln was spent on vehicles and furniture while capital projects accounted for
less than $10 mln.
Of the
cumulative expenditure of $640.8 mln the bulk (63%) went to employment costs.
Civil service 43%, pensions 12% and other salaries 1%. Capital expenditure
accounted for only 5%, vote of credits 2%, Zimra retentions at $41 mln was 7% of
the budget. About $28 mln was used on foreign travel as a
government.
Biti also
projected a 40% improvement in mining, 10% in agriculture in 2010.
In the 2010
budget line ministries government departments and parastatals had demanded a
total of $12 bln against the projected revenue of $1.44
bln.
He also noted
the vote of credit in 2009 was large because of pledges and the $210 mln from
the SDRs.
Infrastructure
Power - About
$380 mln is needed to restore normal power supply but Biti allocated $52.6 mln
for regeneration and transmission infrastructure for Zesa. $5.5 mln for rural
electrification and $500 000 for solar projects.
Transport -
$26.3 mln has been allocated for road network of which $9.745 mln dualisation of
sections of major highways. $16.65 mln for truck
roads.
Railway -
$16.745 mln for rail network
Aviation - $14.4
mln allocated for Harare International, $4.1 mln for Joshua Mqabuko and $1 mln
for Buffalo Range upgrading.
Information
Communication Technology - $5 mln allocated for the fibre optic project. About
$10 mln is needed for this project but the private sector had come
in.
Water - $38.5
mln allocated for water and sanitation in cities. $12.6 mln allocated to Zinwa
for water sanitation in small towns. Total amount allocated for water $109
mln.
Construction
Industry - $26 mln allocated for the Housing Guarantee
Fund.
Youth and Women
uplifting - $23 mln for SMEs and youth projects. 50% of the 423 mln lending for
women.
Constituency
Development Fund - $8 mln to be shared among the country's constituencies which
translates to $50 000 per constituency.
RBZ
Capitalisation - $10 mln allocated.
Health - $285.4
mln for procurement of drugs
Education -
$13.8 mln for teaching material, $28.15 mln for cooperating partners (to be
administered by Unicef), $1.32 mln for vehicles for education
inspectors.
Social
Protection Programmes - $23 mln for social programmes, $25 mln BEAM
Agriculture -
Finalise land reform, tenure and audit $31 mln has been provided and a further
$80 mln will be provided for agriculture extension services. In the 2010/2011
agriculture season an ambitious figure of 200 mln kg of tobacco is
projected
Employment costs
- $600 mln has been set for wage bill which has also been decompressed to
include pensions to come up with a total of $800 mln for employment
costs.
Parliament and
Judiciary had been delinked from the Executive.
Operations and
maintenance - $257.8 mln the bulk will go to social protection programmes like
agriculture colleges etc. $31 mln for outstanding debts to utilities and $27.1
mln for foreign mission.
Multiple
currency regime - No changes
External debt -
A debt management and clearance office will be set in the ministry of
Finance.
ZSE - levies
rationalised to international standards. Investor protection levy to be run by a
Trust Fund with representatives from ZSE and the Securities Exchange
Commission.
NSSA -
Contributions to NSSA to be adjusted with effect from January
2010.
Revenue
·
Mining royalties up to 3.5%
from 3%. Financial institutions to collect gold royalties.
·
Corporate tax down to 25%
from 30% and projected to contribute 10% to revenue from 4%.
·
Customs duty on basic
commodities still suspended until July 31 2010. Also suspended duty on inputs
used in manufacturing of basic commodities.
·
Excise duty on spirits
increased to 40% from 20% with effect from January.
·
Electronic tax register
introduced for collection of VAT with effect from April 1 2010. VAT payment
date moved from the 5th to the 10th of next month.
·
Presumptive tax extended
to bottle stores and restaurants from January of $300 a quarter.
·
PAYE - tax free
threshhold increased to $160 from $150. Highest taxable income down to 35% from
37.5%. Bonus tax free threshold from $400. Retirement packages tax free now $15
000 from $5 000.
·
Customs duty on half
tonne trucks reduced to 25% from 40%. Small passenger vehicles down to 25% from
40%.
Wednesday, 2 December 2009
|
Zimbabwe's first budget since its unity government began sharing power 10 months ago predicts a healthy economic future for the country. Finance minister Tendai Biti said the economy would grow by 7% next year, after 10 years of sharp contraction. He said growth would come from key sectors such as agriculture and mining. Zimbabwe's biggest economic problem, stratospheric inflation, has been all but halted since hard currencies, such as the US dollar, were allowed. Turnaround Finance Minister Mr Biti said there was no return in sight for the Zimbawean dollar - despite calls from President Mugabe and the central bank for its return. He said he could not see it coming back before 2012. Mr Biti said government revenues were improving from about $4m in March to $90m in June. Despite the improvement, total revenues for the March-to-October period were $685m, below the government's estimate of $789.8m. Some think the government's estimate of 7% growth next year is way too optimistic. "We still expect a slight contraction and next year's number will be highly dependent on the political developments," said Christie Viljoen, an economist at NKC Independent Economists. The International Monetary Fund however predicts an expansion of 6%. This would be in sharp contrast to the rest of this decade's performance. The International Monetary Fund estimated that during the years of President Robert Mugabe's policy of reallocating land at the start of the decade, the economy shrank by more than 40%. 'Difficult life' For many living in the country, life has improved dramatically. Inflation, which was out of control at the start of the year, is forecast to be in single figures this year and next. Last year, it was barely possible to find anything in the shops, let alone have the millions of Zimbabwean dollars needed to pay for any basic goods. As one shopper in the capital Harare told the BBC: "Life was difficult last year. Everything was too expensive for us. Now, the shops are full and a loaf costs 85 cents." The power sharing agreement, between President Mugabe and his arch rival Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, is not an easy one. Mr Biti is from the prime minister's Movement for Democratic Change party, while the central bank governor, Gideon Gono, is a Zanu-PF supporter. As Nyasha Chasakara, a Harare-based economic analyst put it: "A lot depends on whether the unity government holds and continues to maintain the political stability needed to continue restoring confidence in the economy." |
http://www1.voanews.com
President
Jacob Zuma's three-person team of mediators meet with top players
in
Zimbabwe's power-sharing government
Peta Thornycroft | Harare 01 December
2009
South African President Jacob Zuma's three-person team
of mediators has
completed a heavy schedule of closed-door meetings with top
players in
Zimbabwe's power-sharing government. The mediators were sent to
Zimbabwe to
try to ease tensions and resolve outstanding issues of the
14-month-old
political agreement that gave birth to the inclusive unity
government in
February.
The South African team headed by former home
affairs minister Charles
Ngakula, met several people involved in or
concerned with the past 10 years
of political crisis in
Zimbabwe.
A source close to the mediators said the closed-door
meetings, beginning
with President Robert Mugabe, went well.
On the
first full day of meetings Monday, the pro-ZANU-PF Herald daily
newspaper
carried a report saying Movement for Democratic Change leader
Morgan
Tsvangirai had admitted he called for so-called U.S. and European
Union
sanctions against Zimbabwe. Mr. Tsvangirai has said repeatedly he did
not
call for any sanctions against Zimbabwe.
Mr. Mugabe cites the sanctions
as the main cause behind Zimbabwe's economic
collapse and they are on his
list of unresolved issues of the political
agreement. ZANU-PF wants Mr.
Tsvangirai to campaign for the restrictions to
be lifted.
The
restrictions on Zimbabwe mostly limit international travel for Mr.
Mugabe,
200 other ZANU-PF officials and a few of their companies. The U.S.
and EU
restrictions do not extend to the World Bank and the International
Monetary
Fund.
The World Bank and the IMF say they cut off assistance to Zimbabwe
in 1999
because it had not serviced its debt to either
organization.
South African President Jacob Zuma's team is trying to
establish a framework
for ZANU-PF and the MDC to negotiate the outstanding
issues from the
political agreement. A December 6 deadline was set by the
Southern African
Development Community.
Mr. Mugabe's ZANU-PF is also
preparing for its congress that takes place
every five years to appoint a
new party leadership.
All ZANU-PF's provinces have agreed Mr. Mugabe
should remain as party
president, many say the 85-year-old leader should
remain party president for
the rest of his life.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona Sibanda
3
December 2009
South Africa will launch new efforts to push ZANU PF and
the MDC to finalize
terms signed by all the three parties in the Global
Political Agreement,
according to a source in Johannesburg.
This
follows a visit to Harare by a South African facilitation team that met
the
three principals and the six negotiators from ZANU PF and the MDC. The
team,
which was in Harare since Sunday, flew back home on Tuesday to brief
President Jacob Zuma, SADC's new facilitator on Zimbabwe. The reports that
stated that Zuma himself would be flying to Harare, turned out to be
inaccurate.
The source told SW Radio Africa that the South African
government is
expected to step up its diplomatic push to urge the parties to
the GPA to
finalize their long-drawn talks.
'Pushing for the full
implementation of the GPA is an absolute priority of
SADC and the present
stalemate by the parties in Zimbabwe only serves to
alienate the country
from the region and the international world,' the
source told
us.
Finance Minister Tendai Biti highlighted this in his budget speech on
Wednesday. He said the political impasse caused by the delays in finalising
the talks was derailing the growth of the economy.
Charles Nqakula,
Zuma's political advisor and leader of the facilitation
team, told
journalists in South Africa that his team held 'candid and
positive' talks
in Harare with Robert Mugabe, Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur
Mutambara.
Zuma is on record saying Western aid won't be forthcoming
until the
outstanding issues were resolved. His ruling African National
Congress (ANC)
in August said it expected him to curb 'deviant behaviour' in
Mugabe camp
ahead.
During his two-day visit to Harare in August, Zuma
said the inclusive
government had the responsibility to fully implement the
GPA and thus create
confidence in the process.
The facilitation team
reportedly told the three principals in Harare that
Zuma was determined to
facilitate a truly comprehensive unity deal in
Zimbabwe.
Direct
negotiations between ZANU PF and the MDC, mediated by South Africa
and
centred on the non-compliance of the GPA, were held on Monday and
Tuesday in
Harare. But there has been no public sign from the South Africans
that
Mugabe has or will agree to implement the remaining issues in the
GPA.
Reports now say that President Zuma will be due in Harare over the
weekend
for talks with Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara on the sticking
points.
Political commentator Sox Chikohwero said we are beginning to see
a
departure from the quiet diplomacy practiced by the former mediator Thabo
Mbeki.
'As mediator Mbeki was reluctant to carry out checks and
balances of the
GPA. But Zuma has been on this job for less than a month and
already we've
seen a lot of movement on Zimbabwe from his camp. This shows
us he has the
muscles to push these two sides to a compromise for the sake
of the country,'
Chikohwero said.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
02
December 2009
External radio service Voice of America, which hosts Studio
7, has lashed
out at the government’s complaints about ‘pirate’ radio
stations, calling
them inaccurate and without truth.
The group’s
special broadcast, Studio 7, broadcasts from Botswana into
Zimbabwe and,
like SW Radio Africa, has come under fire for being a ‘pirate’
station that
broadcasts ‘hate messages’ into the country. The Herald
newspaper is now
reporting that the government will make a formal complaint
to Botswana over
its hosting of Studio 7.
The newspaper reported on Wednesday that the
complaint was being filed over
the hosting of ‘pirate’ radio stations
“beaming hate messages into the
country in violation of the Global Political
Agreement and threatening the
survival of the inclusive Government.” The
newspaper quotes the Secretary
for Foreign Affairs Ambassador Joey Bimha
saying that the government had
already made a formal complaint last year
through the SADC Organ on
Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation and
“they would soon raise the
matter with Gaborone.”
“We made a
complaint and the Organ said the issues should be addressed
bilaterally
through the Committee on Defence and Security and the Joint
Permanent
Commission,” he said.
VOA’s Director of Africa Broadcasting, Gwen
Dillard, told SW Radio Africa on
Wednesday that the complaints are
completely inaccurate and without truth,
saying she is ‘disappointed’ by the
government’s position. Dillard explained
VOA’s government-to-government
broadcast agreement with Botswana, continuing
that there is “nothing illegal
or pirate about our operations.”
The continued existence of external
radio stations, which are the only
source of independent and accurate news
in Zimbabwe, has been a thorn in
ZANU PF’s side for many years. It is not
surprising then that the broadcasts
feature so highly on ZANU PF’s list of
outstanding issues affecting the
Global Political Agreement (GPA), and
analysts have argued it is merely a
smokescreen to mask the real issues in
the country. VOA’s Dillard argued
that the government is “missing the larger
point” by its focus on seeking
the closure of external radio
stations.
“The government needs to open its tight regulations for
independent and free
media,” Dillard said. “If the government liberalised
the media space, there
wouldn’t be any need for us.”
Other analysts
quoted by the Herald have condemned Botswana and Madagascar’s
continued
hosting of the radio stations saying this “flew in the face of all
SADC
principles.” Madagascar plays host to Voice of the People (Radio VOP).
The
newspaper quotes notorious media ‘hangman’ Jonathan Moyo as saying
Botswana
was ‘spiting’ both SADC and the African Union “as guarantors of the
GPA.”
“This issue should be brought to the notice of SADC because the
regional
organ should not allow its members to undermine the same GPA it
guaranteed,”
Moyo said.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Zimbabwe
Mail
Wednesday, 02 December 2009 06:50
Harare - The Movement for
Democtratic Change, the MDC has targeted vacant
diplomatic posts in South
Africa and Brussels, amid serious resistance from
Zanu PF, according to
state media reports
The fresh dispute has emerged in the inclusive Government
over the
appointment of new ambassadors to South Africa and Brussels,
Belgium, with
MDC-T and the matter has been included in the current ongoing
discussions as
tensions rise over the key positions.
The Brussels post --
which covers the European Union, Belgium, the
Netherlands and Luxembourg --
fell vacant when Ambassador Hurudza Punungwe
died in October this
year.
The diplomatic posting in Pretoria is likely to fall vacant in January
2010
when the incumbent, Ambassador Simon Khaya Moyo, is expected to return
home
to take over Zanu-PF's national chairmanship, which is a full-time job.
Khaya Moyo is set to leave South Africa once his nomination is endorsed by
congress this month.
MDC-T has targeted these posts and is understood to
be facing stiff
resistance from the rogue elements in the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs backed
by Zanu PF leaders on the flimsy reasons that these
are senior missions and
should not be apportioned on political lines, yet
previous appointments were
politically motivated.
Zanu PF officials in
the Foreign Affairs Ministry have said it would not be
proper to appoint
ambassadors to these countries on a partisan basis and
these should instead
go to career diplomats, but MDC has pointed to the fact
that Simon Khaya
Moyo was not a career diplomat when he was appointed
ammbassador to South
Africa.
MDC-T spokesperson Mr Nelson Chamisa has confirmed that his party was
eyeing
both diplomatic posts and they have already identified potential
candidates.
"Ours is an inclusive arrangement premised on the principle of
sharing of
authority and responsibilities. "As such, the matter you are
referring to is
part of the ongoing (inter-party) discussions with view to
locating common
understanding of sharing and inclusivity," he said. Asked to
if was true
that MDC-T wanted both Pretoria and Brussels, Mr Chamisa said:
"Yes, sharing
has to be total. But these are matters under discussion and I
cannot divulge
details."
http://www.herald.co.zw
Wednesday,
December 02, 2009
Herald
Reporter
There is likely to be an increase in power cuts over the next
three days
with Zesa Holdings yesterday revealing they had lost supplies
from the
Mozambique electricity grid due to a technical fault on that
country's
network.
The power utility's spokesperson Mr Fullard
Gwasira said Zimbabwe's national
grid had lost 160 megawatts that were being
imported from Mozambique.
"Zesa Holdings would like to advise all its
valued customers that there is a
possible increase in load shedding
countrywide due to a technical fault on
the Mozambican network which has
adversely affected power imports," he said.
He said Zesa would alleviate
the situation through a possible increase in
generation, with an additional
unit at Hwange Power Station returning to
service.
Mr Gwasira said
scheduled maintenance work at Hwange was at an advanced
stage and the power
station would soon be able to produce about 920
megawatts to alleviate the
situation.
"The restoration of power imports is expected within 72 hours,
during which
period repair works are scheduled to be completed. Zesa
Holdings encourages
all its customers to continue using the available power
very sparingly
during this period to minimise the effects of load-shedding
and treat all
equipment as live to avoid risk of electrocution," he said. Mr
Gwasira said
incidences of faults had drastically increased with the advent
of the rain
season.
"Customers are advised to report tree overhangs
and all faults to their
nearest fault centres countrywide," said Mr
Gwasira.
Recently, Zesa Holdings said increased load shedding being
experienced
across Zimbabwe was due to reduced electricity imports, low
generation
capacity and heightened vandalism that had left many areas
without power.
Many parts of Zimbabwe - particularly urban areas - have
in the past few
weeks experienced unscheduled power cuts with some areas
going for more than
12 hours without electricity.
The Southern Africa
region has suffered from power generation deficits and
Zimbabwe's
traditional suppliers have been providing only half of what they
normally
did as they battle to meet their own domestic demand.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=25535
December 1, 2009
By Owen
Chikari
MASVINGO – Three MDC-T activists including Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai’s
body guard were on Tuesday, December 1, jailed for 18 months
for public
violence committed during the run up to the 2005 parliamentary
elections.
Peter Chigaba who is the Prime Minister’s body guard, former
Masvingo
councillor Francisca Sheya and Ackim Chigarire were sentenced to 26
months
each in jail of which 8 months each were conditionally suspended for
five
years bringing the total effective sentence to 18 months.
Former
Masvingo central legislator Silas Mangono and four others, who were
jointly
charged with the convicts, were acquitted on similar charges when
they
appeared before Masvingo senior Magistrate Timeon Makunde.
The court
heard that on November 18, 2005, there was an MDC rally at the
Masvingo
Civic Centre where aspiring candidate Tongai Matutu was addressing.
The
accused persons who were by then aligned to Silas Mangono the former MP
of
the area arrived at the scene and demanded entry.
However they were
denied entry and violent clashes erupted. At least one
person was injured
and several windows in the civic centre building were
shattered as rival
factions of the then MDC candidates clashed during the
run up to then 2005
parliamentary polls.
Magistrate Makunde described public violence
especially that of a political
nature as a serious offence and ruled that no
punishment was suitable for
the MDC activists other than a custodial
sentence.
However, Tongai Matutu who replaced Rodney Makausi as the
lawyer for the
convicts successfully appealed against both conviction and
sentence which
was granted by Magistrate Makunde.
The state did not
oppose the bail pending appeal application and the
convicts were ordered to
deposit US40 each with the clerk of court and
reside at their respective
residential address.
Makunde said during the course of the trial he
discovered that the former
legislator Silas Mangono and four others among
them current Masvingo
councillor Misheck Gapare did not participate in the
clashes but ruled that
Chigaba, Sheya, and Chigarire committed the
offence.
MDC President Morgan Tsvangirai attended the rally at the Civic
Centre where
the clashes occurred.
The convicted men wanted to
gate-crash the meeting where Tsvangirayi was
bolstering support for the MDC
official candidate Tongai Matutu.
The activists who were against Matutu’s
candidature stormed the venue
demanding entry.
Violent clashes
erupted after they were denied entry. Ironically, the man
they were
fighting against successfully represented them in court on
Tuesday. They
were released following their successful application for bail,
pending
appeal.
http://www.zimeye.org/?p=10802
By Moses Muchemwa
for
ZimEye.org
Published: December 1, 2009
Lupane – The
three former Members of Parliament who were expelled by the MDC
led by
Professor Arthur Mutambara (pictured) have joined the formation led
by Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, the ZimEye can reveal.
The trio announced
that they have now joined the Tsvangirai-led MDC at a
rally organised in
Lupane on Sunday.
The rally was organised by Njabuliso Mguni, the former
legislator for Lupane
East.
The former MP for Bulilima East Norman
Mpofu officially made the first
public announcement that they had now
formally joined the Tsvangirai-led
MDC.
Speaking at the rally, Hwange
Central MP, Brian Tshuma of the MDC-T called
on all party members to now
unite and form a strong MDC party.
Mpofu, Mguni and Abednico Bhebhe
(Nkayi South) and other officials were
expelled from Arthur Mutambara’s MDC
for allegedly bringing the party into
disrepute.
http://www1.voanews.com
Studio 7
But the
nongovernmental organization noted resistance in some rural areas to
the new
political dispensation in Harare where the former ruling party and
opposition now share power
Patience Rusere | Washington 01 December
2009
The Zimbabwe Peace Project has issued a new report noting a
significant
decline in human rights violations in the country in August, the
most recent
period it has documented, though the group noted resistance in
some rural
areas to the new political dispensation of a power-sharing
government.
The project said reported violations eased from 1,335 in July
to 527 in
August, with a notable decline in incidents of severe violence.
But it said
discrimination in food distribution for political reasons
persists in some
areas.
The Peace Project also reported the
disruption of meetings on the national
constitutional revision process, with
participants coming under heavy
pressure to accept the so-called Kariba
Draft as the basis for the revised
constitution.
The former ruling
ZANU-PF party of President Robert Mugabe wants the Kariba
draft to be
substantially incorporated into the new constitution, whereas
both
formations of the former opposition Movement for Democratic Change say
it
should be just one source of language for the new documents.
Peace
Project board member Okay Machisa noted in an interview with VOA
Studio 7
reporter Patience Rusere that violence flared recently when the MDC
formation led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai disengaged from the unity
government from October 16 to November 5 in protest of alleged ZANU-PF
violations of the Global Political Agreement underpinning the power-sharing
government.
http://www.radiovop.com
Harare,
December 02, 2009 -Obsolete weather forecast equipment is affecting
accurate
weather predictions in Zimbabwe, affecting economic planning and
subsistence
farming, senior meteorological officer, Tirivanhu Muwhati told
parliamentarians attending a climate change workshop in Harare on
Wednesday.
A senior meteorological officer, Tirivanhu Muhwati,
told parliamentarians
attending a climate change workshop in Harare on
Wednesday that his
department was faced with a serious problem of acquiring
new weather
forecast equipment, a situation which is affecting accurate
results.
"We are faced with a critical shortage of equipment
because the ones we are
having are old.This is affecting weather results,
which has an adverse
effect on economic planning and subsistence farming,"
he said. "We have 66
weather stations of which 60, which are functioning
are in a sorry state.
This is because most of the equipment is
imported."
He urged parliamentarians to lobby for the procurement of
new weather
forecast equipment so that the weather department can produce
accurate and
credible results.
The weather forecast equipment
currently used by the Meteorological
department is manufactured in Germany
and the United Kingdom.
The climate change workshop was organised
by Environment Africa with the
help of the Swedish International Development
Cooperation Agency (SIDA) and
Zimbabwe Environmental Lawyers Association
(ZELA) with the aim of
encouraging legislators to lobby for the formulation
of a comprehensive
climate change legal frame work.
http://www.radiovop.com
Chimanimani, December
2, 2009, Political violence incidences are on the
rise in Chimanimani with
recent reports that a nine year old son of an
Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) activist was abducted but later found
dumped in the bush as pressure
to force the parents to join Zanu PF.
"We had just retired for
bed when a group of Zanu (PF) supporters led by
Colert Mutimwa, a security
guard at Joshua Sako, the Zanu (PF) Secretary for
External Affairs in the
Youth League broke our hut while we were sleeping
with my children and my
wife. Mutimwa grabbed my son by the hand and said
they were going to return
him on condition that I renounce my MDCZanu (PF),"
said Sibonile
Marwirana.
Marwirana said he and his wife followed the abductees and they
discovered
their son abandoned in the middle of the bush after the parents
started
making noise alerting other villagers.
Marwirana said he
reported the incident to Chimanimani police station but no
arrests were
made.
The MDC Chimanimani coordinator, Pardon Maguta confirmed the
incident. "Mr
Marwirana and his wife visited our district offices last
seeking assistance
and advice from the party on the alleged abduction of
their son .The couple
also complained about new wave of political violence
in the area which is
dominated by Zanu (PF) supporters.
"The problem
with Machongwe is that the area is a resettlement area and it
is dominated
by Zanu (PF) supporters. Under the circumstances it is very
easy to identify
and harass MDC supporters," said Maguta.
Last month an MDC Isuzu truck
ferrying party supporters from Ndima was
ambushed and attacked in the area.
One of the MDC activist Watson Miyocha
was seriously injured in the attack
and was rushed to Chimanimani Hospital.
The truck which belonged to the
Mutare MDC provincial offices had also its
window screen shattered in the
attack which happened a few metres away from
Sako's farm.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Sebastian Nyamhangambiri Wednesday
02 December 2009
HARARE – The German embassy has written to
Zimbabwe’s government to stop the
seizure of a farm owned by a German
national in line with an investment
protection agreement between Harare and
Berlin.
In a letter dated November 26, the embassy protested that
property rights of
German investors in Zimbabwe continued to be violated
despite promises by
high-ranking members of the Harare government to honour
a bilateral
investment promotion and protection agreement between the two
nations.
The embassy wrote the Foreign Affairs Ministry following an
attempt by two
Zimbabwean men, Maclean Bhala and Thabani Ndlovu, to seize
Doublevale Farm
in Matabeleland South that is owned by a German family only
identified as
the Androliakos family. ?
“Once again, the German
embassy notes with great concern that property
rights of German nationals
and their investments in Zimbabwe are put under
threat, which is a clear
violation of international law,” the embassy said.
“Despite repeated
confirmations of high ranking representatives of the
Zimbabwean government
about the latter’s intention to honour the BIPPA
(Bi-lateral Investment
Promotion and Protection Agreement) in full, the
development on the ground
so far shows few commitment to these clear
announcements.”
Foreign
Affairs Minister Simbarashe Mumbengwegwi confirmed receiving the
embassy
letter. “We are going to look at the concerns of the letter and
communicate
with the Germans,” he said, without giving much detail as to
what action he
planned to take.
The embassy also sent another protest note to
Mumbengegwi last October after
a German national lost US$1.5 million worth
of investment in a farm that was
invaded by a top army officer.
Top
security commanders and senior members of President Robert Mugabe’s ZANU
PF
party have stepped up farm seizures since the February formation of a
unity
government by the Zimbabwean leader and his former foe and now Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
The coalition government has promised to
carry out a land audit to establish
who owns which farm in the country,
followed by an orderly programme to
allocate land to those who may need
it.
But the administration is yet to undertake the audit, with Lands
Minister
and Mugabe ally Herbert Murerwa suggesting recently that the audit
may never
take place because of a shortage of funds to pay for the
exercise.
Continued seizure of privately owned farms including those
covered under
bilateral agreements has raised questions about the new
administration’s
commitment to uphold property rights as well as agreements
entered with
other countries. – ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Chenai Maramba Wednesday 02 December
2009
HARARE - Zimbabwe has suspended wildlife hunting licences in
what sources
said was part of efforts to curb poaching that has been on the
rise since
the start of the year.
The Department of National Parks
and Wildlife, in charge of national parks
in the country, flighted adverts
in the press on Monday warning permit
holders currently on hunting sessions
to stop hunting with immediate effect.
''National Parks and Wildlife
Authority would like to warn the public that
all current hunting permits
have been suspended with immediate effect to
verify them," the advert said,
adding; "All current permit holders are
advised to approach the Parks
Authority to verify validity of their
permits.''
National Parks
director general Morris Mutsambiwa could not be reached for
comment.
However, a senior official with a local non-governmental
organisation (NGO)
that campaigns against poaching said suspension of
permits was aimed at
curbing poaching and abuse of hunting permits that has
seen the country
losing thousands of dollars in potential earnings from
trophy hunting.
''National Parks is reacting to numerous reports of
poaching, over-hunting
of quotas by hunters as well as abuse of permits,''
said the NGO official
who declined to be named for fear of
victimisation.
Last month National Parks officials blamed the upsurge in
poaching in the
country on a cartel of international gangsters they said
were funding
poachers to kill valuable game such as the rhino that is hunted
for its
horn.
Zimbabwe is one of four countries in the world that
still have significant
populations of rhinos. The other three all in Africa
are Kenya, Namibia and
South Africa.
Wildlife authorities in the
country have found it hard to contain poaching
in national parks especially
after landless villagers began invading - with
the government's tacit
approval - white-owned farms in 2000.
There have also been widespread
reports of illegal and uncontrolled trophy
hunting on former white-owned
conservancies now controlled by powerful
politicians from President Robert
Mugabe's ZANU PF party.
The government however denies that politicians are
illegally hunting game
and insists it still has poaching under control. -
ZimOnline
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=25552
December 1, 2009
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - The mainstream MDC has urged the coalition
government to make
anti-retrovirals (ARVs) available and affordable to
Zimbabweans.
In a statement to mark World Aids Day on December 1, the MDC
said HIV/Aids
remained one of the biggest threats to development in
Zimbabwe. The party
said high costs of drugs and food shortages over the
years had connived to
exacerbate the condition of those living with
HIV/Aids.
"The MDC urges the inclusive government to urgently address the
issue of
this menace to development through awareness programmes and by
making ARVs
available and affordable," the MDC said
"Zimbabwe is one of
the countries with the highest prevalence in the world
where about 5 000
Aids-related deaths occur every week. The country is
losing its most
productive and economic population to this pandemic. Its
most disturbing
long-term feature is its impact on life expectancy, now 34
years for women
and 37 years for men."
"While we are aware of what the inclusive
government has done to address the
collapsed health delivery system in the
country, the only option is to
prioritise and engage in preventive rather
than curative measures to prevent
further spread of the disease, to minimise
its impact and to mitigate
effects by providing a caring and compassionate
environment for those
infected through the provision of ARVs."
The
MDC said the inclusive government should face the realities of the
pandemic
head-on, and differentiate clearly between the myths and proven
practices
and knowledge that would help in mitigating the disease.
Meanwhile, the
World Federation for Mental Health (WFMH) Africa Initiative
on Mental Health
& HIV/AIDS has launched a publication focusing on
depression among
people living with HIV/AIDS and those who care for them.
The publication
was also launched on World AIDS Day, commemorated on
December 1, as part of
the WFMH's Africa Initiative on the Mental Health
Consequences of
HIV/AIDS.
The WFMH Africa initiative, based in Cape Town, South Africa,
was started in
October 2006 when the organisation adopted a position
statement on mental
health and HIV/AIDS in low-income countries.
The
publication brings together African and international research to
support a
strong call for action for governments throughout the continent to
give
greater attention and increased priority to the pressing need to
increase
the availability and quality of mental health and psychosocial
support
services for people living with HIV/AIDS.
"Being diagnosed as HIV
positive can lead to considerable psychological
stress, "said Ingrid
Daniels, chief executive officer of the Cape Mental
Health
Society.
"HIV/AIDS infection can also cause changes in the brain that may
lead to
people developing depression, and some of the medications used in
managing
HIV also have other side-effects."
While depression is a
common and potentially serious mental health problem,
it is treatable.
Unfortunately, while depression can be treated, it is often
overlooked in
people living with HIV and their caregivers, Daniels said
"More resources
and increased awareness are needed to ensure that all people
can access
effective treatment and support services when they need them,"
said
Daniels.
The publication is available for download from the WFMH web
site.
http://www.zimeye.org/?p=10786
By Moses Muchemwa
Published:
December 1, 2009
Bulawayo - The machinery used to treat cancer
patients at Mpilo Central
Hospital in Bulawayo has been grounded for the
past 16 years, putting lives
of cancer patients into danger.
The Head
of the Radiotherapy Department James Chinganga said the two
critical
machines - the Linear Accelerator and Gamma Camera broke down in
1999 and
2003 respectively.
He said cancer patients in Bulawayo are forced to seek
the specialised
treatment in Harare and neighbouring countries.
"As
you know the hospital caters for the entire Southern parts of the
country
including patients drawn from as far as Masvingo, Midlands and the
two
Matabeleland provinces and just imagine the number of people that were
affected by this.
"We do provide chemotherapy treatment but we cannot
entirely rely on that as
the disease needs to be continuously traced as to
see whether it is
spreading or not and there is no way we can see what would
be happening if
the machines are not working," he said.
The British
Embassy donated spare parts worth over US$50 000 to the
institution to
assist cancer patients.
http://www.herald.co.zw
Wednesday,
December 02, 2009
By Petros
Kausiyo
FIFA head of development for Africa Cyril Loisel is expected in
Harare today
to discuss Zimbabwe's Goal Project amid stunning revelations
that the Zifa
Village has been heavily condemned as a sub-standard facility,
unsuitable to
host a centre of excellence.
The Zifa Village, situated
in Mt Hampden, was chosen as the centre where the
association's Goal Project
would be run from.
But the Goal Project, a development programme financed
by Fifa under the
world body's financial assistance programme, has remained
largely stagnant
with Zimbabwe having just recently completed Phase
I.
A host of problems, including the failure to complete refurbishment
work and
construct a training pitch at the site, have been blamed for the
slow pace
of the Goal Project which has lagged behind other Southern African
countries
like Botswana, Swaziland, Namibia and Zambia that are on Phase
III.
Last month Zifa chief executive Henrietta Rushwaya noted that the
facility
was falling apart, less than two years after some construction work
had been
done to the lecture rooms that were officially opened by the late
Vice
President Joseph Msika.
The late vice-president Msika was also
the Zifa patron.
It has now emerged that a consultancy firm hired to
evaluate the Zifa
Village, which incorporates a commercial centre, training
facilities,
residential estate and a conference centre, produced a damning
report on the
state of the complex.
It is largely because of the
complaints on the frustratingly slow progress
in implementing the Goal
Project that Fifa senior development manager for
Africa, Loisel, will visit
the country accompanied by the world body's
development officer for Southern
Africa Ashford Mamelodi.
Loisel and Mamelodi are expected to meet with
the Zifa Board to table the
issue of Goal Project, the Zifa Private Limited
and the association's plans
for a development programme for next
year.
A meeting with the contractor of the project over "some unsettled
bill'' and
another indaba with the co-ordinator of the goal project Frank
Valdemarca
are also on the agenda on Fifa duo's three day working
visit.
The pair will also tour Rufaro's artificial turf that was
constructed under
Fifa's new development initiative on the continent - Win
in Africa with
Africa - in which Fifa have funded the construction of an
artificial turf in
each of the Confederation of African Football's 53 member
associations.
But it is the damning report by architects and consultancy
firm -
Afro-infrastructure Solutions Ltd - that has left a number of
questions on
the wisdom of Zifa's continued investment in the Mt Hampden
complex.
"This report gives a global state of the Zifa Village located in
the Mt
Hampden area off the Old Mazowe road about five kilometres from the
Wastegate Shopping complex.
"While the report does not focus
primarily on the project components of the
Fifa Goal Project 2, it gives
attention to the physical steps and functional
state of the existing
infrastructure at the village and the optimal steps
and/or solutions
necessary to modernise the village and make it suitable for
its intended
purpose.
"While our team cannot claim expertise in sports, it is our
understanding
that any sports retreat must be capable of motivating
participants to
perform at their maximum possible potential. In essence any
retreat/ resort
must offer to both the players and officials an environment
that is in all
aspects better than their usual residence and or training
facilities in the
broadest sense of the phrase.
"It is our objective
and sincere observation that in its current state and
location, the Zifa
village is depressing and a potentially demotivating
factor to both players
and management and therefore unsuitable as a camping
facility for our
national teams.
"We feel obliged to state that in the main we are
convinced that the
location of the village is inappropriate and the size of
the site of the
village too small for the intended purpose.
"In the
interim we wish to go beyond our current mandate and suggest that
the Zifa
board investigate the possibility of an alternative site which
could be on
state land suitable for the facility that they intend and the
nation expects
them to develop,'' reads part of the nine-page report. The
consultants also
offered alternative recommendations should Zifa eventually
fail to find new
land on which to build the village.
"In the absence of a suitable
alternative and in the full knowledge that
good money may be chasing bad
money, it is our broad recommendation that
modest architectural, structural,
landscaping and sporting facelift be given
to the existing facilities as the
village must epitomise and embrace the
aspirations and dreams of the soccer
fraternity and the nation at large.
"In view of the above it is important
that the proposed Zifa Village and
corporate office be refurbished to the
standard expected of a national
soccer nerve centre.
"The exterior
and interior of the building will need to be redesigned to
meet the public
perception and the image that management and the nation
expects and
envisions of the football association today and in the future.
"We
believe that with good supervision and management, the proposed
rehabilitation can be completed at a reasonable cost and time. The rooms
will need to be upgraded to the minimum acceptable standard preferable,
equivalent to a four star hotel.
"The solutions put forward in this
report are temporary as we believe the
site itself is not suitable for its
intended purpose. In the medium to long
term, Zifa must develop a suitable
money-generating facility in an upmarket
location. We believe Zifa can use
its relationship with the government to
secure a suitable site where at
least four training pitches can be
developed.
"The current site does
not have adequate space for even a training pitch.
The designated space is
facing east-west instead of north - south, this
implies that players will
always be facing the sun during training making it
difficult to
concentrate,'' the consultants said.
After getting an independent and
expert view of the state of the village the
Zifa board, who are expected to
tour the village with Loisel and Mamelodi,
should at the end of their indaba
with the senior Fifa development manager
get the world body's opinion on
their project.
A Paper Presented at the 27th Annual Meeting of the Association of Third World Studies, Cape Coast, Ghana, November 21-24, 2009
Author: John Hickman
Introduction
Are post-election intimidation and violence attributable to intense electoral competition? This paper presents answers to that question based on empirical findings from an analysis of the events immediately following balloting in the 2008 general election in Zimbabwe, a time period marked by thousands of incidents involving threats and physical attacks. The scholarly warrant for this research is that post-election intimidation and violence merit research as political phenomena that are important for reasons that involve both normative and practical policy-making interests and that have not been much studied. Indeed, while the published research about intimidation and violence before and during balloting comprises a small literature, the published research about post-election intimidation and violence hardly comprises a literature at all.
The general normative interest in electoral intimidation and violence is that safeguarding the right to vote without fear is that people appear to value the right to participate beyond the specific outcomes of elections (Benz 2007: 210; Guth and Weck-Hannemann 1997). The procedural utility they derive from participation in elections is an enhanced sense of personal well being from the, "feeling of being involved and having political influence" and "inclusion, identity, and self-determination" (Benz 2007: 212). These feelings fulfill innate needs for autonomy, competence and relatedness (Benz 2007: 203). That probably accounts for the determination of some voters to participate in elections despite the risk of threat or physical attack. Notwithstanding the courage of some voters, public opinion research suggests that the experience of intimidation deters some from voting both in the near term and over the long term (Bratton 2008: 626). The general normative interest in electoral intimidation and violence is independent of both the purposes sought by its perpetrators and its effectiveness. These behaviors are morally repugnant whether their purpose is simply retributive or instrumentally rational.
The general practical or policy-making interest in electoral intimidation and violence is that they constitute what liberal societies would otherwise deem to be criminal behavior (Bratton 2008: 623). Policy making about electoral intimidation and violence begins with moral outrage but then moves to consideration of he economics of crime: "the cost imposed on society by the criminal act; the benefit to the criminal of committing the act; the cost of resources used to maintain the expected punishment" (Winter 2008: 13). Where the authorities are not among the perpetrators or otherwise complicit, then a straightforward economic policy analysis may be warranted. How much effort should the state devote to preventing and punishing electoral violence and intimidation? Beyond the importance of deterring violent crime of any sort through prevention and punishment, the importance of specifically deterring electoral intimidation and violence lies in the value of deterring highly publicized violent crime that may have a demonstration effect by indicating the weakness of social restraint and in its instrumental effectiveness either by reducing voter turnout or by enhancing the chances of winning by parties and candidates whose supporters are perpetrators. Therefore, if the authorities are not among the perpetrators or otherwise complicit, and if electoral intimidation and violence are neither highly publicized nor effective, then they may not merit policing and prosecution efforts different in intensity from ordinary violent crime. However, if the electoral intimidation and violence are highly publicized and effective, and if the authorities are among the perpetrators or otherwise complicit, then straightforward economic policy analysis of crime is insufficient. In such circumstances the equality of treatment expected under the rule of law is violated, and the practical or policy-making interest therefore becomes inseparable from the normative interest. So powerful are the normative interests implicated in widespread electoral intimidation and violence by the authorities that some citizens may ignore patriotic pride and willingly endorse international investigation to expose the pathology (Gettleman November 6 2009: A6). As such it may internationalize what would normally be a national political controversy. Independent news coverage indicates that the state was complicit in the highly publicized and widespread post-election violence in Zimbabwe in 2008 (Shaw June 22, 2008).
This research is justifiable because it attempts to answer, however preliminarily, an inquiry about a contradiction between moral goods: legitimacy and contestation. Beyond the toll of emotionally traumatized, wounded or dead, post-election intimidation and violence threaten the legitimacy of immediate election outcome, and more generally of elections as a method of selecting officials. If the intensity of electoral competition is associated with post election intimidation and violence (Manning 2005: 721), then that poses a fundamental conflict in moral goods because electoral contestation is crucial if elected officials are to be responsive and accountable to citizens.
Download the full paper here
ZADHR
Zimbabwe Association of
Doctors for Human Rights
Statement on World AIDS Day - December
2009
'Universal Access and Human Rights'
World AIDS Day provides
an opportunity to remind ourselves of what has been
achieved and of the work
still to be done on HIV/AIDS. In 2009, Zimbabwe
recorded further decline in
the prevalence rate of HIV from 15.6% to 13.7%.
An indicator that progress
is being made. However only 180 000 of an
estimated 400 000 persons in
urgent need of antiretroviral therapy (ART) are
currently on treatment. It
is clear that universal access - for everyone,
everywhere - to treatment,
prevention, care and support as a fundamental
human right is far from being
realised and more concerted efforts are
required to achieve
this.
Universal access can never be achieved as long as there is
violation of the
human rights of people living with HIV/AIDS. However, PLWHA
in Zimbabwe are
still subject to stigma and discrimination; are still denied
their right to
work; and are often left in poverty that deprives them of
their dignity. The
human rights of PLWHA to universal access cannot be
fulfilled in the absence
of guarantees on availability, accessibility of
quality of treatment,
prevention, care and support. In addition to these
guarantees, a human
rights approach to HIV/AIDS must focus on eliminating
discrimination and
stigmatisation as a primary goal, guaranteeing universal
access, decreasing
vulnerability, promoting meaningful participation of
people living with
HIV/AIDS in decision making and ensuring access to
information.
It is deplorable that some ART sites are charging PLWHA an
'administration'
or 'card fee'- essentially user fees - to access free
drugs. This undermines
the intention to promote universal access and
prevents those without access
to financial resources from exercising their
right to seek medical attention
and access treatment. ZADHR calls on the
Ministry of Health and Child
Welfare to take steps to address this and
ensure that People Living with
HIV/AIDS are exempt from all health care fees
in the public health care
system and that these exemptions are enforced
despite present funding
challenges within the health
system.
Currently, there is no clear strategy in place to ensure the
realisation of
human rights for people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA) in
Zimbabwe. The
Zimbabwe HIV and AIDS National Strategic Plan (2006 - 2010)
does not use the
language of 'human rights' nor does it articulate specific
strategies to
realise it. Consequently the monitoring and evaluation plan
for the strategy
does not make any provision for tracking realisation of
rights of PLWHA.
Thus, failure to use the language of human rights and
identify specific
steps to be taken towards their fulfilment often
translates into the
inability to take the actions that the realisation of
human rights requires.
The human rights of PLWHA in Zimbabwe cannot come to
be realised unless
intentional action is taken going forward to review
existing legislation,
policies, strategies and programmes and ensure that
all future legislation,
strategies and programmes are
rights-based.
Whilst policy frameworks, such as the National HIV/AIDS
Policy make a
contribution to approaches to HIV/AIDS it is important that
the intentions
on human rights in the National HIV/AIDS Policy are made
effective by
complimentary legislation. The enactment of legislation which
specifically
protects the human rights of PLWHA is paramount. This should
include an
enforceable provision for the right to health under which
universal access
is guaranteed within the bill of rights of a new Zimbabwean
constitution.
Finally it is important to remember as this year's mantra
of 'universal
access and human rights' is chanted, that universal access to
treatment and
prevention will transform HIV/AIDS into a manageable chronic
illness which
will demand a Zimbabwean health system that can provide
life-long regular
follow-up to PLWHA. This can only be done within a
functional, equitable and
effective health system, on its own a fundamental
human right.
| ||
Broadcast: November, 27 2009
GONDA: My guest on the Hot Seat
programme today is Professor Welshman Ncube, the Minister of Industry and
Commerce and one of the negotiators from the MDC-M. Welcome on the programme
Professor Ncube.
NCUBE: Thank you.
GONDA: Now let me start with the latest
developments; you are back discussing issues that you had negotiated on before,
why is this happening again?
NCUBE: Well it's self-evident, we're
back to negotiations because there is a fair amount of unhappiness about either
the implementation of the original Agreement itself or the implementation of the
decision of the SADC Summit of 26th to 27th January this year which directly
gave birth to the inclusive government or because certain maybe unforeseen
circumstances have arisen which have affected the capacity of the parties to
continue to work together and lastly maybe, just because political parties and
their nature - they never stop grandstanding and trying to make political
capital out of every situation.
GONDA: So can you tell us what has been
agreed on so far?
NCUBE: Well regrettably I can't tell
you that because there is agreement that we should not begin to negotiate in the
broader media and one of the resolutions that have been taken by the negotiators
is to simply indicate that we are talking, the talks are continuing, we have an
agreed agenda which we need to go through without talking to each other or doing
reinterpretations which might lead to further complications through the
media.
GONDA: But can you tell us which issues
the parties are still divided on?
NCUBE: Well I wouldn't say the issues
where parties are still divided on because we are going through the agenda. What
I can tell you is that the same issues that everyone knows have been raised by
the parties are the issues which remain on the agenda, issues as I have said
which arise from the SADC Communiqué of 26th to 27th of January this year. And
those issues, you'll recall that communiqué asked the parties, or directed the
parties to go and agree on a formula for the appointment of provincial
governors. Those governors remain unappointed and therefore they're
self-evidently an issue. Then again that communiqué requested or directed the
inclusive government to deal with the dispute around the appointment of the
Reserve Bank governor and the Attorney General. That issue regrettably over the
last nine months has either not been dealt with or no agreement on how to deal
with it has been arrived at. The communiqué also directed that the inclusive
government must be constituted by the swearing in of the Prime Minister and
Deputy Prime Minister and the swearing in of all the Ministers and Deputy
Ministers by the 13th of February. We all know that one of the Deputy Ministers
nominated by MDC-T has not been sworn in and therefore, even though that SADC
Summit resolution has been substantially complied with, it has not been
completely and fully complied with because one Deputy Minister remains un-sworn
in, clearly therefore that is an issue arising out of that
communiqué.
And since the formation of the
inclusive government different parties are happy, are unhappy about different
aspects of implementation of the GPA. And there's unhappiness about
implementation around the provisions that we agreed on sanctions, there's
unhappiness about the agreement relating to the media in what you might call a
two-fold manner - there is the question of the external radio stations such as
yours where the provisions relating to encouraging and ensuring that these radio
stations should be encouraged to come and broadcast from home rather than
externally where it is believed they are influenced by, funded by and also
pursuing the agenda of foreign interests.
Then there is the issue of the
continued polarisation in the media, in particular that whereas the parties and
Zimbabweans have tried to move out of their pre-inclusive government trenches,
the media has remained firmly, firmly entrenched in those trenches and sniping
away at the political party or parties that are perceived to be the enemies of
that section of the media. So all around there's unhappiness about the media,
some are unhappy about the public media, the way it has continued to report,
some are unhappy about the private media which equally has taken sides and
promote as much hate speech regrettably as is promoted by the public media, so
that issue has also to be dealt with.
Then there are issues relating to
alleged operations of parallel government, indeed by both sides, there are
accusations and counter accusations, as you know that this side or that side
operate a parallel government not accountable to and not controlled by the
inclusive government.
Then you have the issues about
continued failure to adhere to the rule of law, selective prosecutions of people
on the basis of their political opinions or their belonging to particular
political parties. So these are some of the issues which we all know have been
in the public arena or public domain for quite some time and in respect of which
this or that party is unhappy about and we have therefore to review these issues
and find a formula to solve them.
GONDA: I would want to talk a bit more
about the external radio stations but just to go back to some of these
outstanding issues you mentioned, we know where the MDC-T stands on the
outstanding issues, for example they want a review of the appointments of the
Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono, the Attorney General Johannes Tomana and
governors among other issues and we know that ZANU PF is saying it wants the
sanctions removed and external radio stations shut down but what about the
MDC-M, your party, can you spell out your own view about what you believe are
the outstanding issues?
NCUBE: Well certainly there's no entity
called MDC-M, but having said that . . .
GONDA: What do you mean, there's no
entity called the MDC-M? MDC-Mutambara, is that not your party?
NCUBE: Never. There is no party
registered by that name. There might be persistence in the media and elsewhere
in calling us by that name, but we are not MDC-M.
GONDA: So what is your name?
NCUBE: We are the MDC full stop. We
have never, we contested the elections by that name, we have always used that
name but that's not the core issue. I say it because if I don't then I will be
conceding to being called by a name which we have never fielded.
As
I say, that's not a core issue. Your question is about what are our issues -
first we have always said the issues which SADC require to be resolved must be
resolved and consequently therefore all the issues which arise out of the
communiqué as I have indicated them to you, are issues which we say must be
resolved and have always said must be resolved because we are parties to the
discussions of that communiqué. We are directly affected by those issues, the
appointment of provincial governors is a matter of concern to us which is our
issue too because if you are to have an inclusive government each of the parties
must be represented at all the levels of government and provincial governance is
one of those levels. So that is our issue and we have repeatedly said
so.
We
have equally, equally insisted that the issue of the media as I have summarised
to you is an issue which requires to be addressed. In fact on that issue we have
been most adversely affected. One of the other parties, two parties, complains
about the public media, the other about the private media, we complain about
both and we are the only party which do not control, which do not have any media
under our captivity, the others have this or that media under their captivity
and we clearly therefore do not accept that Zimbabwe deserves a media that is
under captivity in one form or the other.
Clearly therefore too, we have an
interest in the observance of the rule of law, we have an interest in ensuring
that the GPA is implemented as we agreed, that no one party, no one section of
society is subjected to the law and others are not. So those are issues which
are of interest to us. What you might perceive as a difference is that we have
not yet mastered the art of grandstanding and we don't always stand at the
rooftops and shout about these issues.
GONDA: You know in terms of the media
coverage you complain that your party has been adversely affected and that
there's this unfair media coverage but isn't this to some extent because your
party is viewed with suspicion and also because you lost dismally in the last
elections and that out of the four ministers in government, only one was
elected?
NCUBE: Well Violet, that's illogical.
The question of who this party deploys to government is an exclusive prerogative
of this party. It cannot be said because this one was elected, this was
unelected - we have an obligation to deploy this or that person. On the contrary
we have deployed Moses Mzila Ndlovu, David Coltart, and Tapela - all of whom
were elected. We have deployed only so-called unelected people who are the
senior leaders of the party and even that for good cause. You are not going to
go around buying our Members of Parliament who work with you and expect us to
then deploy them into government. And we did that quite deliberately and we were
being asked to deploy people who were already working for another political
party and we are not imbeciles, we will not do that and we'll never do that. We
will deploy people who will stand by, defend the party, die for the party and
will not deploy turncoats who can be bought overnight.
So
it's quite simple as far as we are concerned and the principal issue is you
cannot disagree with Tsvangirai and his party. All of us exist to serve them, if
you don't serve them you will be perceived in a negative way, if you jump at the
top of the highest mountain and say Tsvangirai is God, you will be worshipped by
the media and civil society - that is the bottom line and indeed you should be
worried if you are a true democrat. You shall be worried and indeed not just
worried, you shall be truly afraid because you have a culture, you have a party,
you have a civil society which is a mirror image of ZANU PF in its behaviour, in
its treatment of dissenting voices - because you believe that the positions you
have taken are an eternal truth. Who dares challenge an eternal
truth?
And did ZANU PF not believe that
it's a socialist thing, its nationalist thing, its land thing are eternal
truths? And therefore who dared challenge them? And its exactly the same thing
and this is what is actually frustrating, kuti (that) a people who are supposed
to be champions of democracy because they think they're on the right side of
history and right side of justice and therefore there can no longer be any right
to contest their position and you are constructing ZANU PF.
GONDA: What about the issue of Gono and
Tomana? Where does your party stand on that?
NCUBE: Look, those are communiqué
issues. The communiqué of SADC said the inclusive government must resolve them
and therefore as I have said all communiqué issues are our issues too. We don't
stand with MDC-T; we don't stand with ZANU PF. Our position is clear, we have
nothing personally against Gono, we have nothing personally against Tomana and
we are not obsessed about the matter but we believe in principle that once you
had a GPA signed on the 15th of September, any senior appointments that had to
be made should have been made consistently with the provisions of the GPA, which
required the parties to agree and clearly therefore those appointments were made
after agreement. We believe that they should be made within the letter of the
GPA and should be made within the spirit of the GPA but we have nothing personal
against any of those individuals. Ours is a matter of principle, a matter of
procedure that an appointment that is required to be made in a particular way
was not made in a particular way.
GONDA: So obviously this is a point of
departure between you and the other MDC?
NCUBE: I've no idea; I don't speak for
them so I don't know what their position is.
GONDA: Let me go back to the issue of
the media. What really is the issue at hand here when it comes to the radio
stations is it because we are broadcasting externally into Zimbabwe or that we
do not come under the influence of the State machinery?
NCUBE: My understanding is that in the
GPA there is an agreement that those who broadcast into Zimbabwe and are
supposedly Zimbabwean media should therefore broadcast from Zimbabwe as a matter
of principle. That's what was agreed so that the primary radio stations in
Zimbabwe are not an extension of foreign governments or foreign interests, which
appears to be in the case in the state of some of the external radio
stations.
GONDA: Appears in whose eyes? Appears in
whose eyes that they are an extension of foreign interests?
NCUBE: Well if you have a radio station
which is an arm of a particular foreign government as is the case of at least
one of the foreign radio stations which is in fact funded by a foreign
government as part of its own national radio station but dedicated to
broadcasting into Zimbabwe. Surely you would agree, surely you must agree that
everything else being equal, that is undesirable? That is not to suggest that
there were no justifications or circumstances which justified getting to the
position where you had foreign governments providing a framework or a support to
the establishment of radio stations to broadcast into Zimbabwe because you had a
closed media environment but . . .
GONDA: But surely . . .
NCUBE: . . . if I may finish . . . you
would agree that if you were to correct the internal problems in Zimbabwe, just
like any other country it will be desirable to have what is called Zimbabwe
media to have stations dedicated to broadcasting about Zimbabwe, broadcasting
from Zimbabwe. There's a difference between a station in any other part of the
world reporting on Zimbabwe from time to time but from whether a situation where
you have a radio station dedicated at, dedicated into broadcasting about and
exclusively, almost exclusively on Zimbabwe and everybody's agreed, indeed in
the GPA this is not a matter for debate. The parties agreed that this is
undesirable and that as a general principle we ought to have Zimbabwean media
broadcast from Zimbabwe and we acknowledge in the GPA that there are
circumstances, which gave, rise to this.
GONDA: Can you be more specific about
this? SW Radio Africa is not pursuing the agenda of any foreign government and
is not an extension of foreign interest. And also how can you make the shutting
down of external radio stations a priority when you are failing to open up the
media environment in Zimbabwe?
NCUBE: Firstly I have not alleged that
your radio station is an arm of any foreign government. At the worst it is a
radio station, which operates externally to Zimbabwe or from Zimbabwe. It is a
radio station which will be funded by, I believe, the money which is external to
Zimbabwe and I have not suggested and I would think that everyone would
acknowledge that your radio station is not a radio station which is an arm of a
foreign government.
Then secondly, I have not
insisted, as far as I understand myself that anyone should be shut down. I have
said in the Global Political Agreement there is an agreement that we will
liberalise the media so that those who are operating from outside Zimbabwe will
be free to come into Zimbabwe and broadcast without let or hindrance from
Zimbabwe. Indeed the relevant clause says - in anticipation of a free media
environment the parties thereby agree that the external radio stations should be
encouraged to return to Zimbabwe and to broadcast from Zimbabwe . .
.
GONDA: So why are the . . .
NCUBE: So clearly therefore we have not
yet got to a state where you can say the legislative framework has allowed that
to happen and clearly therefore it is a matter therefore which needs to be
addressed.
GONDA: So you see, this is perhaps where
the confusion is, why are you then as the negotiators and even as the political
parties even talking about the external radio stations right now when there is
no free media environment, when the airwaves have not been opened up? Surely,
shouldn't that come first? Opening up the airwaves, setting up the media
commission and then the journalists or the radio stations that are operating
from abroad can then decide whether they want to go back into the
country?
NCUBE: SADC resolved in Maputo, that the
grievances of each and of all the parties must be addressed and resolved
concurrently and not sequentially and hence if a party has therefore said we are
unhappy with the continued operations of the external radio stations, well none
of the parties have the power to veto it because SADC said if you do not put on
the table the grievances of all the parties then you would not make progress.
Clearly therefore we have to put that issue of external radio stations on the
agenda because one of the parties flagged it at SADC as an issue over which it
is unhappy. And so consequently it is an issue, which we have to address and
find a formula in respect of which everyone will be happy about it. It is not
for us to prejudge the issue by saying your issue is invalid and we should not
put it on the table because the other party will also say - fine we will say
your issues are equally invalid and we'll veto their putting them on the table
and we will not get anywhere if that is the attitude.
If
you ask me personally and you ask me as the representative of the MDC, I will
tell you that there are certain things which would make it easier for us to deal
with this issue if they were to happen internally to Zimbabwe but I will not go
so far as to say these must therefore be preconditions. If you do then you will
have in fact validated ZANU PF's contention that the issues which were put by
them on the agenda originally are all often being said - ah they are issues for
implementation last, you must implement all the other issues that we - as the
MDC collectively this time - were concerned about: Have a full restoration of
the rule of law, have a full media freedom, have full this or that and all those
were issues which were placed by us on the agenda and ZANU PF complains that you
want a full realisation and full benefit of your "issues" in quotation marks
while you are saying - oh our issues depend on the implementation of your issues
so therefore we will get a situation where all your issues are implemented and
ours remain unimplemented and there is this or that excuse for their lack of
implementation. That is the challenge and that is what they have flagged over
the last couple of months and it behoves us to find a formula to ensure that
they are satisfied that if the other issues are implemented we will not simply
walk away and say - we have got what we want in respect of issues, it's your
problem that you haven't got what you wanted.
GONDA: But don't you realise that you
can or you may discuss the issue of the external radio stations until you are
blue in the face but nothing is going to happen because the creation of some of
these radio stations such as ours had nothing to do with politicians and you
have no authority to ask for the radio stations to close down. And secondly we
all know that this is a ZANU PF pre-condition - the closing down of these
external radio stations - you can't close down things you don't like - isn't
that what it all means, isn't this what democracy is about?
NCUBE: We all recognise that we have no
power to legislate for something which is happening from London or from America
and we all realise that we cannot therefore compel anybody to shut down a radio
station one way or the other which is why in the GPA we talk of encouraging. We
could not and we did not say they must shut down or must be shut down by anyone
because we clearly have no such physical or legal power to do it, it's
self-evident and in this interview I have repeatedly used the word
encourage.
GONDA: Yes but ZANU PF doesn't use that
word. Robert Mugabe has on many times been on record as saying that the radio
stations should be shut down, he does not say encourage.
NCUBE: Violet, I don't care what people
in their parties say, I care about what we agreed and what we agreed is in the
GPA and I'm just giving it to you. I'm no spokesperson for ZANU PF or any other
party for that matter therefore I have no mandate nor the will nor the desire to
explain what they say.
GONDA: You know it's been suggested that
your team from the MDC is sympathetic towards ZANU PF and is doing the bidding
for ZANU PF and that you are viewed as a spoiler. How do you react to
that?
NCUBE: I'm tempted not to dignify that
rubbish with an answer. You have just been saying right now - passionately
defending your right of your freedom of expression, freedom of the media to
exist and to hold views and to allow people to propagate their views through
their media as freely as they want to and you were very passionate just a few
minutes ago - and surely you must be equally passionate about our right as a
party to hold views which are different from MDC-T and which are different from
yours and which are different from civil society and which are different from
those of ZANU PF, and therefore we don't exist for the purpose of agreeing with
this or that particular party.
And therefore when we disagree
with the favourite party of some interest you can label us whatever you wish and
we wouldn't care a hoot. We take our position on the basis of our party policies
and on the basis of our principles and we hold no brief for ZANU PF. We disagree
in a lot of ways, too many ways with ZANU PF to be even considered as a party,
which bids for ZANU PF. Just as much as we disagree in terms in particular of
the practices of the MDC-T, fundamentally disagree with them in many ways and
it's our right to do so. The fact that we do disagree with them does not make us
ZANU PF.
GONDA: Did you deliberately leave the
country to avoid the talks?
NCUBE: First again that is a nonsensical
idiotic allegation. What the heck do I have an interest in avoiding the talks?
What is it that I have to gain by avoiding the talks when in fact, when in fact
we were the party which was saying before these talks were started and were
called that the parties need to sit down and talk? You look at each and every
comment, every statement that we made prior to the SADC Ministerial visit, prior
to the SADC Troika Summit in Maputo, president Mutambara consistently,
consistently called upon MDC-T, called upon ZANU PF to sit down and
talk.
We
are the ones who called upon Morgan Tsvangirai to come back to the country so
that this matter can be resolved by Zimbabweans across the table and if you look
at our oral and written submissions to the SADC Ministerial Troika we
recommended this dialogue and these talks, it is emphatically calling for the
talks. Indeed more than any of the other parties we did that. You will recall
the MDC-T were saying there is no reason for any talks, all you need is to
implement the GPA without any discussion. So even on the basis of the fact it is
nonsensical to say that the party, which called for, which campaigned for, which
argued for the dialogue suddenly wants to avoid the dialogue.
Secondly the meetings, which we
travelled to attend, were meetings, which were predetermined long before, long
before the talks were agreed and before the timeframe was set by SADC. I went to
the ATC Council of Ministers in Brussels which was agreed upon six months ago
that it will take place on those dates which we committed ourselves that we will
attend to ensure that you have appointments of the new secretary general, you
have the budget for next year, you have programmes for next year and that we as
a country have an interest in ensuring that all those things take place and that
is the meeting I went to attend. Mrs Mushonga went to attend the meeting of the
ADB Bank, which we were requested as chair of COMESA to go and attend that
meeting and to make a presentation on behalf of COMESA as the current chairs of
COMESA. So if some imbecile somewhere thinks that attending those meetings is
avoiding the talks it is not my problem.
Thirdly and finally, the 15 days
we are talking about, we as a party were available for the talks. When we
returned from Maputo we said we were available for the talks and others were not
available. I then travelled to Egypt with President Mugabe to the Africa/China
Summit on that weekend immediately, or rather on the Sunday immediately after
the Maputo Summit and we came back on the Monday and we offered ourselves for
the talks, we said we can talk on Tuesday, we can talk on Wednesday, we can talk
on Thursday, we can talk on Friday, we can talk on the Saturday and the Sunday
and there were no takers for our offer, others were busy. On the Monday that's
when we were then away, on the Monday, and the Tuesday and the Wednesday - three
days.
We
returned on Thursday and offered to be at the negotiating table on the Friday,
on the Saturday, on the Sunday, on the Monday and we even offered to say let's
get out of Harare and have a retreat so that we will have uninterrupted
negotiations with a view to concluding them as expeditiously as possible. Again
there were no takers. For instance the Minister of Finance said he was working
on his budget, he could not be out of Harare although he was available during
those days for talks in Harare. The ZANU PF team said they were not available
during that period and therefore only an idiot can suggest that representatives
of a party who were available out of the 15 days that we are talking about, were
available except in respect of four of those days, you can then say they avoided
the talks.
GONDA: So what is going to happen if you
don't meet the SADC mandated deadline? I understand it's the 6th of . . .
(interrupted)
NCUBE: There is no such thing. That is a
creation of those who grandstand and who are masters of deception. There never
was a SADC deadline. Those that want to believe there was, it is their problem,
not mine. SADC provided a framework and said, and this is a decision of SADC and
it has no deadline and I'll summarise it to you.
GONDA: Before you summarise it to us,
Morgan Tsvangirai, after the SADC Summit in Mozambique, he came out and told
journalists that Robert Mugabe had been given a 30-day deadline, so are you
saying he lied?
NCUBE: I'm not the spokesperson for
MDC-T or for Morgan Tsvangirai, you are free to go and ask him . . .
GONDA: But you are saying there was no
deadline.
NCUBE: There was no deadline and I don't
know whether he said that or he didn't say that, I'm hearing it from you and as
far as I'm concerned there wasn't. My understanding and my party's understanding
of the SADC resolutions was that the parties must meet immediately and after 15
days, the facilitator will review the progress they have made and render such
assistance as might be necessary to render. And after a further 15 days the
facilitator shall report to the SADC chair on progress or lack of it and then
the SADC might then consider what further assistance or what further action, if
any, is required and in my vocabulary, those are not deadlines, that is a
framework.
GONDA: The MDC-T has issued several
statements and in most of the statements they've talked about a SADC deadline
and I was actually going to ask you who pushed for the 15 to 30 day
timeline?
NCUBE: First as I say I'm not a
spokesperson of anybody except the party that I represent. As I understand it
there was no deadline pushed for or the timeframe, which was pushed for by
anyone. The Ministerial Report, the Foreign Ministerial Troika Report contained
the provision relating to the 30-day period or 30-day framework, that was
already in the Report to say that the parties must talk and SADC must then
review within 30 days the progress thereof. What was then added on the floor of
the Summit was the 15-day period and that 15-day period was proposed by
President Zuma and accepted by everybody else who was present at the
meeting.
GONDA: Right, and so President Zuma has
actually appointed a new team tasked with evaluating the negotiation process, so
in your view how significant is the shift in persons?
NCUBE: Previously the dialogue was
facilitated by the South African President who was at that time President Mbeki
and there's a new President in South Africa and he's facilitating the dialogue.
In fact if there's a team to evaluate, they never was a team before to evaluate.
That's a new development. Previously there was a facilitation team and this was
not an evaluation team. This was a team, which basically chaired the dialogue
among and between the parties. You had Reverend Chikane, you had then Minister
Mufamadi you had Advocate Mojangu - these were the facilitation team, they sat
with the negotiators, chaired the meeting when they were required to be chaired
and then when we requested that we wanted to talk on our own without them being
present we will tell them so. That is what used to happen and they were not an
evaluation team. I have no idea what the terms of reference of the new team
are.
GONDA: Finally Professor Ncube why are
the talks being held in total secrecy because many people are saying obviously
you cannot give all details but surely there has to be some kind of a brief, or
the occasional press conference so that at least Zimbabweans know what is being
discussed about their future?
NCUBE: Well I think Zimbabweans know
what is being discussed. The contentious issues, the unresolved issues and the
outstanding issues are known. What we have said we will not do is give a
briefing of 'we have an agreement on this, we are still negotiating on this'
because first there can be no agreement on one issue without an agreement on the
others because all the parties have said while they may make a concession on
item "A", that concession is valid only on the assumption that they will be able
to get concessions on items "C" or "D". Therefore without going through the
entire agenda there is in fact no agreement on anything. So it is pointless to
say you are announcing that we have an agreement on how to take the issue of
sanctions when you have no agreement on how to take the issue of the rule of law
because whatever concessions people are making on one issue might be conditional
on the other issues being resolved, so it is pointless.
Secondly by its very nature, if
you start to brief the media and to issue statements on the substance there will
always be different points of emphasis which will only create contradictions and
we might then end up negotiating what we have said in the media - is this
correct, is this the best way of saying it - and it doesn't help in our
respectful view.
GONDA: I'm afraid we've run out of time
and we have to end here but thank you very much for talking on the programme Hot
Seat.
That was Professor Welshman Ncube
one of the negotiators from the MDC and the Minister of Industry and Commerce,
thank you very much.
NCUBE: Thank you. - ZimOnline
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=25549
December 1, 2009
By Takarinda
Gomo
BORN on April 12, 1935 at Newcastle in KwaZulu Natal, Mac Maharaj is
a South
African of Indian descent. For 12 years he was a political prisoner
in the
company of Nelson Mandela. Maharaj is one of the icons of the
struggle.
Maharaj was a member of the armed wing of the African National
Council
(ANC), uMkhonto weSizwe, since its formation. He underwent military
training
in the then German Democratic Republic (aka East Germany). He rose
through
the ranks to become Commander of Operation Vula, a highly secret
mobilization campaign outfit answerable to the then ANC President, the late
Oliver Tambo.
On May 11, 1994 Maharaj was appointed the first
Minister of Transport in the
democratic South Africa.
Maharaj is not
a stranger to political negotiations. He was Joint Secretary
in the
Transitional Executive Council that ensured the run-up to the 1994
elections
in South Africa was fair to all parties. He was a member of the
ANC
negotiating team where he served as Joint Negotiating Secretary in the
Transitional Executive Council to the multi-party talks at Kempton Park,
which brokered the agreements that took South Africa to the first democratic
elections in 1994.
Even with all these glowing epithets, Maharaj and
his team will find the
elusive Zimbabwe problem an uphill struggle. The
South African situation,
from the time Nelson Mandela was released in
February 1990, was ripe for a
solution. Both sides of the political divide
were desperate for any
solution. The Zimbabwean situation in 2009 is not so
ripe, because Zanu-PF
is negotiating in bad faith, insisting that there are
no more outstanding
issues in the Global Political Agreement (GPA) except
the issue of
sanctions. Here is a case of a political party negotiating
either to
maintain the status quo or seeking downright failure of the
talks.
This is the scenario Maharaj and his facilitating team will find
in Zimbabwe
today. He will also find Zanu-PF subterfuge and intransigence in
abundance.
Like many Zimbabweans, the facilitating team will be annoyed by
the fact
that the six negotiators are sworn to silence. They are enjoying
the power
of keeping the nation in a high state of suspense. The first thing
Maharaj
should do is to ensure that there are daily briefings to the media
about
progress of the talks or lack thereof. The fate of 12 million people
can not
be determined by six politicians, some of them unelected. That
conspiracy of
silence and media blackout is an insult to the conscience of
the people of
Zimbabwe.
According to The Zimbabwe Standard (29
November 2009), the issue of Gideon
Gono and Johannes Tomana is believed to
be set aside, to be negotiated last.
Like any sunset clause, the matter will
be rushed to beat the deadline.
Maharaj should be firm with the six
negotiators. The issue of Gono and
Tomana should be negotiated, completed
and agreed. If Zanu-PF does not want
the issue negotiated, then declare a
deadlock and Zimbabwe goes to the polls
in March 2010, supervised by the
African Union and the United Nations.
Period!
People are nervous that
Maharaj may repeat the mistake made by Thabo Mbeki,
who was not willing to
comprehend the interests, hopes and fears of the MDC.
Maharaj knows that
procedural even-handedness and fair play are crucial
because they signal a
readiness to listen, to learn and protect the parties'
soft
parts.
Each dispute contains its own ebbs and flaws, so Maharaj and his
team should
develop their own rhythm different from the Mbeki facilitation.
To find an
early solution to the Zimbabwean dispute, he may wish to shake
both Zanu-PF
and the MDC formations, by giving them something to mull over.
In a
polarized situation such as Zimbabwe is in, a highly charged argument
such
as that of Gono and Tomana may break out the conditionalities for
accepting
or rejecting new ideas.
Maharaj's unenviable task is to put
a leash on three dogs of war and become
an agent of purposeful change. He
has the full weight of South African
influence and affluence behind him and
the 2010 World Cup is beckoning and
ticking away. Maharaj cannot afford to
fail. South Africa cannot and should
not allow a situation whereby it hosts
the World Premier Soccer showcase
with inhabitants from its northern
neighbour tearing each other apart and
refugees flooding in.
It is an
open secret that South Africa in general and President Jacob Zuma
in
particular has leverage over Zimbabwe and President Mugabe. The time has
come for South Africa to flex its muscle to put the nonsense of Zimbabwe
behind us, for the good of, not only Southern Africa, but Zimbabwe and South
Africa as well.
For the MDC formations, making peace with a violent
adversary is an act of
faith, but increasing or removing the pain that
Zanu-PF inflicted on
Zimbabweans does not address the fear-confidence
equation. In fact, the two
may not intersect. For Maharaj the delicate art
of managing negotiations is
now firmly in his hands.
Perhaps when he
was a boy, Maharaj used to go fishing in the rivers of
KwaZulu Natal before
he joined the armed struggle. He might remember the
analogy of
angling.
Just as the angler is fishing from the time he baits the hook;
to his choice
of the best means to present the lure; the strike that sets
the hook in the
fish; his technique of playing the fish on the line and
finally bringing the
fish into the net.
The game of facilitator in
the Zimbabwean dispute is akin to playing the
fish from the moment the hook
is set in, to the joyous instant when the fish
is netted. The angler keeps a
taut line, never permitting a slack. If the
fish wants to dive or jump, let
it do so. The fish may be lost by trying to
thwart it. It cannot be netted
until it exhausts itself. Impatient anglers
lose fish by trying to muscle
them before they are ready to be netted.
The only problem with this
fishing analogy is that Maharaj has to get three
fish into the net by
ironing out all the outstanding issues of the GPA
before President Zuma
comes to triumphantly announce successful mediation of
his advance team. The
odds of three fish striking at the same time are low
but not impossible. It
has happened during a feeding frenzy. This is the
ideal moment for Zimbabwe
whose people are suffering a crisis of
expectation, but also in a frenzy to
get the politics right and get on with
life.
Once Maharaj gets the
three fish hooked, they can offset each other,
inadvertently helping him and
his team to bring them into the net.
Much as there is no foolproof manual
to guarantee not losing one or two, or
even all three fish, the analogy
remains apt.
Finally, a bit of humour will certainly help the
facilitators to ease the
tension and establish common ground to trigger off
a reaction. Sometimes it
is useful to know some things that make people
laugh. And Zimbabweans are
renowned for their infectious sense of humour.
Recently a group of "experts" (whatever that means - what makes an expert?) held a meeting in Harare to discuss a wide range of current concerns in Zimbabwe, including whether the Interim Government (IG) is "working". A report of the meeting has been published by the Research and Advocacy Unit and IDASA and we've just put it up on the Kubatana web site. You can check it out here.
The report gives us a lot of food for thought especially in regard to civil society and the general public getting sucked into the "make believe politics" of the IG. According to the report "It was suggested that the donors had contracted what was referred to as the MDC disease of "GNUitis". The donors thus appeared to a large extent to be setting the agenda, and an agenda which was not one that was required. This went to the extent of organisations such as the UNDP duplicating, and, to some extent, thus commandeering projects already being undertaken by the civics. "
Below is an extract from the report:
The group noted that the State media, MDC media releases, and politicians from all signatory parties to the GPA were at pains to emphasise that the IG "is working" albeit with "unsurprising" "teething problems". There are various facets to these statements:
* "Working" could be merely existential in the sense that the IG is intact and has not dissolved in the face of the divergent objectives of, and acrimony between, the signatories.
* "Working" could mean that some governance is taking place which is responsible for bringing a modicum of economic, social and political stability to Zimbabwe after a period of extreme turbulence in all of these spheres.
* "Working" could mean that the MDC's stated objective of returning Zimbabwe to the rule of law and democratic governance is being incrementally realised.
* "Working" could mean that ZANU PF's stated objective of "removing illegal sanctions" is a work in progress and the, probably unstated, goal of achieving legitimacy after unrecognised 2008 elections with a consequent easing of international pressure had been achieved.The group noted that very little power had accrued to the MDC through the GPA, and that the MDC appeared to be reluctant to exercise the little power that it had. This led to an unpacking of the MDC's concept of a "working" IG. In particular, the MDC argument that, while it recognised that the GPA was highly flawed and left Mugabe's powers almost completely intact, it had little choice other than to sign and enter the IG. Failure to do so would have resulted in a formal or de facto coup by the security sector and a continued and intolerable humanitarian crisis. This had been avoided by the GPA and the tactic had thus "worked" to this extent. A corollary of this tactic is for the MDC to demonstrate that it is not a threat to ZANU PF - achieved in part by not seeking to exercise power in any sphere which ZANU PF regards as its exclusive domain - to thereby ameliorate the acrimony between the parties, calm the political waters, and for there to be a mutual "re-humanising process" to reverse the dehumanisation that had preceded the accord. This approach was designed to gradually "change the mindset" of ZANU PF stalwarts, and the MDC, simply by virtue of being in the corridors of power, would increase its leverage and be able to open up democratic space sufficiently for free elections to be held under an improved constitution. The approach demanded that the MDC claim that the IG was "working". The group gave this approach the moniker "make believe" politics.