The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Scotland on Sunday
Sun 5 Dec 2004
Comrade Spillblood: Joyce Mujuru attends the fourth annual people’s congress in Harare, where she will be appointed as one of Zimbabwe’s two vice-presidents today.
Photograph: AFP/ Getty Images
Bloody pledge of Mugabe's protege


SHE already has brains, wealth and the ear of the president. Now a little-known former woman guerrilla-leader with the chilling nickname of ‘Spillblood’ is laying plans to become Zimbabwe’s first female head of state.

When she was a teenager in 1974, Joyce Mujuru told her mother that she was leaving home to join Robert Mugabe’s fight for freedom in the then white-ruled Rhodesia.

She said to her startled parent: "I want to be called Spillblood because my ambition is to spill as much white blood as I can."

During the war against Ian Smith’s white-officered army and air force she proudly boasted of taking an AK47 from a dying black soldier and shooting a Rhodesian Air Force helicopter out of the sky.

"A helicopter saw me," she recalled. "I lay on my back, aimed and fired. Bullets hit the machine and it fell out of the sky. There was black smoke everywhere as it hit the ground. A big bang followed."

A big bang and later lots of fame and money for the ruling party stalwart who joined Mugabe’s first Cabinet in April 1980, though she could then hardly speak a word of English.

After being anointed one of Mugabe’s two vice-presidents at the ruling party’s annual congress yesterday, the 49-year-old will be in a strong position to take over as national leader after the death, retirement or downfall of her mentor.

"Spillblood is one of our most wonderful women," Zimbabwe’s first vice-president, Simon Muzenda, used to tell British journalists in Harare before his death last year.

And Spillblood now sees herself as Zimbabwe’s first woman head of state. So does her wealthy and influential husband, Solomon Mujuru, who white soldiers tried to capture and kill when he was head of Mugabe’s ‘terrorist’ forces during the Rhodesian War (1972-1979) which cost at least 32,000 African lives.

In those days he was known as Rex Nhongo. Soon after Independence, he told a group of fellow tribesmen at the plush Harare Club: "I didn’t fight the liberation war to end up a poor man."

Today, he’s one of Zimbabwe’s wealthiest black farmers after buying up a large percentage of the country’s once grain-rich provinces close to the capital city.

He and Spillblood have five children, all of them educated in England. Both are on UN/EU/UK sanctions lists. Neither is allowed into Britain, not even for shopping at Harrods.

Comrade Spillblood tells friends in Harare that she is determined to serve her country to the best of her abilities and few doubt her hunger for supreme power.

A senior Zimbabwean journalist said that with the vice-presidency secured, it was almost certain she would become Mugabe’s number two after next March’s elections. The other vice president will be 81-year-old Joseph Msika, who says he also intends to leave politics when Mugabe retires in 2008, clearing Mujuru’s route to the presidency.

Mujuru has the backing of an influential lobby. Powerful women’s leaders told Mugabe last week that if he wanted their support at the elections he must appoint a woman with a sound guerrilla war background who had become associated with government.

Mujuru already enjoys the trappings of power. Comrade Spillblood owns several farms, sits in the back of a chauffeur driven Mercedes-Benz and takes her holidays in Cape Town with her husband, still known to millions of people as "the general".

But she also poses as a champion of the poor. "She likes to see herself as Zimbabwe’s answer to Winnie Mandela," says Sikota Chiume of the now dwindling opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

"My war experience changed my entire life," Mujuru has said. "I became very, very strong and learned to make decisions and not to wait for men to decide everything."

She tells male MPs who insist a woman will never lead Zimbabwe, that while they were at home by the fire in Rhodesia she was busy killing white soldiers in the African bush.

When Mugabe ordered the occupation of more than 4,000 white-owned farms in 2000, Comrade Spillblood advised Mugabe supporters to go out and return with the blood-soaked T-shirts of not only whites but any blacks who wanted them to stay on the land.

At last week’s congress Mugabe, once again, underlined his awesome strength by presenting himself, Msika and Spillblood as the country’s three candidates for national leadership.

Political observers point out that all three are from the same small ethnic branch of the majority Shona tribe - the Zezurus. Tribalism is known throughout Africa as "the wasting disease".

Like HIV and Aids, it is biting hard in Zimbabwe where national leaders from other ethnic groups, including the powerful Karangas and Ndebeles, are being sidelined as Africa’s most ambitious octogenarian dictator goes for yet another three years of power.

The row over the England cricket tour, which went ahead last week only after Mugabe allowed in the media organisations he had previously banned in another display of political muscle, was a distraction from the cathartic events that preceded the assembly.

While most of the world counted runs, 81-year-old Mugabe stepped up an already advanced campaign to win - by fair meals or foul - next year’s general election.

He suspended six ruling provincial chairman of the ruling party Zanu (PF) for daring to oppose his approval of Comrade Spillblood as one of the country’s two vice-presidents.

He also indicated that the man who once seemed almost certain to take over from him when he retires from politics, Emmerson Mnangagwa, the Speaker of the Parliament, was now out of the race for the presidency.

To further bolster his power, the President approved legislation that will make it a criminal offence, with a possible sentence of 20 years in jail, to "make a falsehood" about Mugabe, the police or the army or to criticise Mugabe in a private letter or e-mail.

Ian Coltart, legal adviser to the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, said: "This is the most fascist legislation we have ever seen - worse than anything done by Ian Smith when he ran Rhodesia."
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The Telegraph

Streak remains defiant in the wilderness
By Scyld Berry 
(Filed: 05/12/2004)

Life still isn't bad at Heath Streak's farm. While Zimbabwe's youthful players have been losing every game against England, their finest bowler has been watching a paradise fly-catcher - little larger than a humming-bird - nesting in a tree in his garden.

Heath Streak
A farm in Africa: Heath Streak relaxes on his 8,000 acre farm near Bulawayo

As Streak and his wife Nadine are expecting their third child in January, he can empathise as he sits on the verandah which he has built beneath the paradise fly-catcher's tree. From his hill-top house, beside granite outcrops, he looks down towards the watering hole which has remained faithful through every drought. "See the wildebeest," he said, pointing at dark specks in the distance. "Giraffe came early this morning before the lightning scared them.'

The legs above and below Streak's slightly dodgy knees are thicker than branches of the shading tree. The Zimbabwean needs just 186 runs to become only the 12th player in the game's Test history to score 2,000 runs and take 200 wickets, and he is still only 30. Without Streak, who has taken three times as many Test wickets as any other Zimbabwe bowler, the country will be unable to justify the restoration of Test status next year. Yet when two leading officials from Zimbabwe Cricket came to Streak's farm in October, they could not tempt Achilles from his tent.

Rain during the night has greened up the 8,000 acres which are left of Streak's farm after the land resettlement programme accounted for the other 24,000 acres. Inside the stone farmhouse his 12-year-old daughter Holly has baked chocolate brownies on the first day of her Christmas holidays. While we eat them, the wind which puffs the verandah is warm. You can see why the fly-catcher decided to swap her original home for this bush an hour or so's drive from Bulawayo.

Seven years ago, when England made their first Test tour of Zimbabwe, the road from Bulawayo was not so bare of traffic as it is now. Nor did it have two roadblocks, at which police searched our car for guns. But the most telling sight en route was how at every wayside store and shelter men and women sat, and sat; and this was not Africa conserving energy in the heat, but people starting each day without employment.

Last Sunday morning in Harare no demonstrations occurred at the ground where England played. A kilometre away, however, a crowd of thousands queued around three sides of the huge government building that is the passport office. Not a political demonstration, but it said as much about the politics of Zimbabwe as the official admissions in last week's newspapers that GDP had contracted by 30 per cent in the last four years and that inflation earlier this year stood at 600 per cent.

There surely had to be some decolonisation. When England made their one and only Test tour, a former Zimbabwe Test cricketer ran a hotel in the highlands where the African workers were allowed home only three days a month - even mothers and fathers who were forced to leave their children at home. But whatever the current political theory, this country is not keeping enough people employed and nourished; or as Streak says: "Zimbabwe's cricket is reflective of the situation as a whole." In translation, almost all of those in power have dirty secrets.

What does Streak want before he will return to Test cricket and act as the experienced all-rounder whom the youngsters can bat and bowl around instead of going in circles? Some observers, though not this one, called Streak an appeaser when he remained his country's captain through the transformation process which started in 2000 and was meant to achieve racial integration (and Zimbabwe's cricket is far more integrated than South Africa's, where no African batsman made a first-class hundred until 2002-3). But now he is less appeaseable than Achilles.

"I've consistently said that before I return Max Ebrahim (convenor of national selectors inter alia) and Ozias Bvute (acting managing director of Zimbabwe Cricket) have to be made accountable for their behaviour. In my view they shouldn't be involved in any capacity in cricket in this country.

"After the 1999 World Cup [when Zimbabwe's best-ever side qualified for the Super Six stage, and England didn't] more money came into our game, and more sponsorships, but was that money used wisely? Definitely not.

"I guess the equivalent of US$150,000 was spent on sending 11 or 12 Board members on our last tour of Australia. That's all expenses paid and allowances and business-class airfares as only a couple were guests of Cricket Australia. Now it's normal for one or two Board members to go on tour but not all at once.

"Then you look at some clubs here, even at the top level, which are collapsing. Queen's, a national first-team club, couldn't fulfil a fixture because they didn't have enough cricket bats, only one that wasn't broken. All this money is being squandered."

Even though he is still sitting on the verandah, Streak is now coming in off his long run. "I don't have a problem with the concept of assisting young black players to get to the top, it's the manner in which the Board do it. All the young black guys in the team like Tatenda Taibu have come through privileged schools [one 12-boy dorm at Churchill school in Harare contained Taibu, Stuart Matsikenyeri and Hamilton Masakadza]. To me that's not a reflection of a development programme.

"My other issue is that these guys [Bvute and Ebrahim] are happy for two or three of us to return, because they need that experience base, and the rest to move on." Streak is referring to the 15 white dissidents who were sacked by the Board this summer, of whom only two have gone back. "I think deep down they'd rather be playing for their country but they've been unemployed for a certain period and have had to seek it elsewhere.

"Take a guy like Ray Price [the left-arm spinner who has signed for Worcestershire as a Kolpak player]. Say he gets £50,000 from Worcestershire, he's not going to get half that here - and he's got a guaranteed future in county cricket until his career ends." Last year Streak, as far as he knows, became the first player to be granted anything longer than a one-year contract by the Zimbabwe Board. (Ebrahim is also the Board's director of human resources, which Streak says is a conflict of interest.)

It is probably an irretrievable mess, beyond the capacity of ICC to sort out. Just as all good Zimbabwean footballers emigrate to South Africa or Europe, so have almost all the good Zimbabwean cricketers emigrated, except for Streak who feels tied to the land (his great grandfather bought his farm in the 1890s). That wretched Kolpak ruling has already enabled five of Zimbabwe's dissidents to sign up for county cricket, on condition they never play outside England: it does nothing for county cricket and lowers Zimbabwe's standard even further.

Streak himself will be all right, even if he is unable to fulfil his Test ambition of reaching 3,000 runs and 300 wickets (last week Shaun Pollock was fifth to that landmark). He has a two-year contract with Warwickshire - as their overseas player, not a Kolpak - with the option of a third, after assisting them to the championship last season. And a few tourists with American dollars still come to the farm to shoot game with guns or cameras.

If all families are unhappy in their own way, something is still familiar about the relationship between Britain and Zimbabwe, or at least their Governments. Britain is in the role of a single parent, perhaps a bereaved widow; while Zimbabwe is the 24-year-old (independence was in 1980), wilful enough to want to do things its own way, whatever the mistakes, and however totalitarian the regime. It is a love-hate relationship, the hatred so bitter perhaps because the love was so intense, for this is a naturally blessed place: no sea, no beaches, but as delicious as anywhere inland on earth. And cricket is trapped in the middle of this irreconcilable breakdown.

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Mugabe arrests opposition leader

Rory Carroll
Sunday December 5, 2004
The Observer

The leader of Zimbabwe's opposition, Morgan Tsvangirai, was detained
yesterday at Harare's international airport after returning from Europe,
according to his party.
Police and customs agents intercepted the president of the Movement for
Democratic Change when he stepped off the plane. They then photocopied his
passport. For the past several weeks Tsvangirai has toured several African
and European capitals to drum up support in advance of next year's elections
in Zimbabwe.

His warm reception in South Africa, Britain and Belgium annoyed President
Robert Mugabe's government and it was determined to prevent another tour,
said MDC spokesman Paul Themba Nyathi. 'It was a reaction to the success of
his trip. Photocopying the passport was a marker. We expect them to
confiscate it to stop him leaving the country.'

The authorities would be able to cite the treason charges Tsvangirai is
expected to face next year as an excuse, Nyathi added.

A court in Harare acquitted Tsvangirai of treason charges in a separate case
in October, prompting the return of his passport and the first chance to
leave his country since 2002.

He took full advantage, meeting South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki, Tony
Blair, and senior EU officials in a whirlwind tour that raised the MDC's

There was speculation that Mugabe's security services had made a blunder in
returning Tsvangirai's passport and that the government had intended to keep
him in the country.
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Mbeki called me a liar, claims Tutu

Rory Carroll in Johannesburg
Sunday December 5, 2004
The Observer

For decades South Africans have known him as the Arch, an affectionate
nickname for a towering figure in the liberation struggle.
Yet this weekend Archbishop Desmond Tutu claims he has been branded a liar,
charlatan and poser.

The insults flew in a bitter clash between the archbishop and President
Thabo Mbeki that exposed intolerance in the ruling African National

The row has polarised the country. Some called Tutu an out-of-touch cleric
parroting white concerns. Others hailed him as a bulwark against creeping
authoritarianism in Mbeki's government.

The archbishop triggered the row while giving last week's annual Nelson
Mandela Lecture In Johannesburg by criticising its policies on poverty,
Aids, Zimbabwe and the enrichment of a new black elite.

'Too many of our people live in gruelling, demeaning, dehumanising poverty.
We are sitting on a powder keg,' said Tutu, joint winner of the 1984 Nobel
Peace Prize.

He disagreed with Mbeki's questioning of the link between HIV and Aids and
his silence over human rights abuses by Robert Mugabe's regime.

He railed against the policy of 'empowerment', which obliged white-owned
companies to transfer shares to black people: 'What is black empowerment
when it seems to benefit not the vast majority, but a small elite that tends
to be recycled?'

In remarks interpreted as aimed at the president's centralised rule, Tutu
said: 'We should not too quickly want to pull rank and to demand an
uncritical, sycophantic, obsequious conformity.'

Ironically, in the light of the criticism that was to come, he added: 'It
should be possible to talk as adults about these issues without engaging in
slanging matches.'
The president hit back in his weekly online ANC column, accusing the
anti-apartheid hero of empty rhetoric and showing contempt for party

'It would be good if those that present themselves as the greatest defenders
of the poor should also demonstrate decent respect for the truth,' wrote
Mbeki. Tutu had never been an ANC member, so he was ignorant of its vigorous
internal debate.

'One of the fundamental requirements for the rational discussion suggested
by the archbishop is familiarity with the facts relevant to any matter under

A personal attack on a man as revered as Tutu, an icon second only to
Mandela, showed just how hostile to criticism Mbeki has become.

The archbishop's Cape Town office issued a brief, sarcastic reply: 'Thank
you, Mr President, for telling me what you think of me. That I am a liar
with scant regard for the truth, and a charlatan posing with his concern for
the poor, the hungry, the oppressed and the voiceless.

'I will continue to pray for you and your government by name daily, as I
have done and as I did even for the apartheid government. God bless you.'

The Arch's hurt may have been compounded by the fact that most of his speech
celebrated South Africa's miracle in replacing apartheid with a rainbow
nation and praised Mbeki's compassion.

Yet that was insufficient balm for the sting felt by the President. When the
trade union federation Cosatu endorsed Tutu's criticisms it too was angrily

Tony Leon, leader of the opposition Democratic Alliance, said: 'It is
difficult to think of a single other democratic nation in which the head of
state descends, with such dogged regularity, into public attacks on
individual citizens.'
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The Sunday Times (UK)

            Political meddling has cricket on back foot

            The resignation of two key figures is proof that Zimbabwe
Cricket cannot escape the tentacles of Robert Mugabe's government. By Simon

            ZIMBABWE has gone to great lengths to convince everybody that
its cricket is independent of the country's repressive Zanu-PF government,
but reality just keeps getting in the way. The latest blow to Zimbabwe
Cricket (ZC, formerly Zimbabwean Cricket Union) - chief patron, President
Mugabe - is the resignation of Kish Gokal, general manager of its national
            Gokal, who managed the Zimbabwe side when England toured in
2000, has declined to make public his reason, but it is understood to be
political interference.

            He had run the academy for three years. The academy's
administrator, Anthea Reeler, is also leaving.

            Considering that 20 years ago few black sportsmen in Zimbabwe
played cricket (football was their preferred sport), the quality of players
coming through the system is impressive. Most of the players facing England
have been coached at the academy, but rumours that selection at all levels
is distorted by patronage and corruption refuse to go away.

            On Friday, the opposition Independent newspaper in Harare
alleged that administrators at one of the city's leading clubs, Takashinga,
were demanding 10% of match fees from any club player selected for Zimbabwe,
for "reinvestment".

            Tatenda Taibu, the Zimbabwe captain, recently left Takashinga.
He denies any connection, but it is hard to see why any player would opt to
be levied without a return.

            At a recent board meeting of the Mashonaland Cricket
Association - the strongest provincial body in the country - a senior figure
expressed concern over the composition of the national Under-16 and Under-19
teams. The minutes of the meeting, seen by The Sunday Times, record his
comments that "something needed to be done with how these age group teams
were selected . . . a number of deserving kids were left out and some of
them were not even called for trials".

            The Mashonaland meeting also recorded disquiet at "how
appointments were being done at (ZC). He (one board member) had not seen any
adverts in the press about vacancies.

            "All keep seeing new faces every day at (ZC). Other members
wanted to know whether the people who are being employed had a cricketing

            Gokal is not the first person to resign in protest at how things
operate here. Andy Flower and Henry Olonga wore black armbands during the
World Cup last year in protest at what they called the death of democracy in
Zimbabwe. They were never chosen for the squad again. At about the same time
Andy Pycroft resigned as a national selector after being told the team was

            This year, Heath Streak's tenure as Test captain came to an end
after he protested at the make-up of the national selection panel, saying
that two of its five members - Max Ebrahim and Steven Mangongo - had little
experience of the game. Ebrahim still heads the panel.

            Although an International Cricket Council hearing cleared
Zimbabwean cricket of the charge of racism, stories of discrimination
continue to surface. They are rarely pursued through official channels
because experience has shown that complaints are routinely not upheld and
are sometimes met with threats.

            "Cricket is devoid of politics," Ozais Bvute, acting managing
director of ZC, said before Gokal's departure. "There is the politics of
cricket, as there is in any board, but to say that the government of
Zimbabwe interferes in the day-to-day running of cricket is untrue."

            Bvute says cricket had no choice but to alter the racial mix of
the national side if it was to survive, given that the country's white
population, estimated at 210,000 in independence in 1980, has dwindled to
20,000 today. No mention from him that the white population's shrinkage was
a direct consequence of Zanu-PF policies. Nor was it necessary for most of
the white players - 14 of whom joined Streak in strike action - to be
alienated so aggressively by the board.

            Zimbabwe's current team, largely made up of black players, has
its own concerns. Two players are believed to have approached Richard Bevan,
the England team's representative and an officer of Fica, the global players'
union, asking for assistance. By some estimates, they are being paid only
25% of what they should be. ZC will be mindful not to alienate them,
however: another strike would be disastrous for the already battered image
of the country's game.

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The Telegraph

Bell blunder makes D'Oliveira book so resonant
By Mike Atherton
(Filed: 05/12/2004)

The crassness of Ian Bell's comments this week, that he "didn't know what to
expect in Zimbabwe" and that he had been "pleasantly surprised", was matched
only by the naivety of the England and Wales Cricket Board administrators
who expressed dismay that such a comment could be pounced upon by The
Herald, the mouthpiece of Robert Mugabe's government. It served to remind
us, if any reminder were needed, of how young and innocent international
sportsmen can be and how administrators still expect sport to exist in a

It was particularly apt, therefore, that at about the time Bell was chiming,
the William Hill Sports Book of the Year Award was being presented to Peter
Oborne for his magnificent and moving tale of the 'D'Oliveira Affair'. As
with all great sports books, this is about more than sport: it puts cricket
squarely in the social, political and moral context of the time and smashes
the myth that sport can be treated any other way. It is also a profoundly
humane story. As Oborne says: "It is about sheer guts and bloody-minded
resilience. It is a parable for anyone who is downhearted or at the bottom
of the heap and can't see the way outIt shows that however grotesque the
injustice, there is the chance of fairness."

Essentially, it is a story of two parts: the first deals with D'Oliveira's
upbringing as a third-class citizen in Cape Town; how cricket enabled him to
start a new life in the north of England and his eventual rise to
first-class and Test match prominence. The second deals with the political
shenanigans and repercussions of his initial non-selection, then eventual
selection, for the South Africa tour of 1968-69, while that country was in
the grip of apartheid. The story has been told before but, because of new
archive material that has now come to light, it has never been told so
fully, and never so well.

The devil, as with all good books, is in the detail: the 'pencil test', for
example, that involved the placing of a pencil in a would-be cricketer's
hair: if it fell through, the player was deemed to be Coloured, but if it
stayed where it was he was judged to be black and therefore denied his place
in certain leagues; the bruises on Basil's arm, caused by his wife's
frightened grip, the day after they sat in a cinema in Manchester alongside
white people for the first time; the way Basil had to be rescued from
immigration on his arrival in England because he was looking around for the
queue marked 'Blacks and Coloureds'.

I defy anybody to remain unmoved by the chapter on his time as a
professional at Middleton Cricket Club in the Central Lancashire League. It
is a cruel irony that these parts of north Lancashire, which the D'Oliveiras
attested to be colour-blind, which did so much for overseas professionals
and whose mill towns recorded one of the great selfless acts in history when
they supported Abraham Lincoln's fight against slavery despite the blockade
of the Deep South (the main source of Lancashire's raw cotton) should be the
place where the British National Party now feel they have their greatest
chance of electoral success. Inevitably there are heroes and villains in
Oborne's tale. Heroes include Benny 'Damoo' Bansda - a kind of C L R James
to D'Oliveira's Constantine - John Arlott, Tom Graveney, the Rev David
Sheppard and Mike Brearley. There is D'Oliveira, of course, and his
compatriots from Cape Town who feel the successes and failures as deeply as
D'Oliveira himself - men such as Cec Abrahams, a man I've 'known' more than
half my life but only as the father of John, my former Lancashire team-mate.
Billy Griffith, the then secretary of MCC, Colin Cowdrey, E W Swanton and
Alec Douglas-Home (essentially the whole cricketing establishment) come out
of the story less well.

The most important section of the book deals with the aftermath of
D'Oliveira's 158 against Australia in the final Test of 1968 - an innings
Oborne describes as "the greatest in history" - and its dramatic
repercussions. It is impossible to ignore the similarities between that
crisis and the anxieties of the last 21 months over Zimbabwe. Cowdrey's
moral dilemma will resonate with the present England captain; David Morgan
could be seen as a latter-day Billy Griffith, trying to ensure that cricket
is played at all costs, and then there is the dark shadow of Prime Minister
Vorster declaring that he could not allow "certain organisations,
individuals or newspapers to use sportsmen as pawns in their gameto create
incidents to undermine the country's way of life." That could have come from
Harare today.

Oborne's book has timeless relevance, if only to remind us, as Scyld Berry
did in these pages last week, of English cricket's special role in history.
It shows what sport can achieve - even the non-playing of it. It should be
required reading for all England players and administrators - though I doubt
it can be found in the bookshops (if they still exist) of Harare and

Basil D'Oliveira. Cricket and Conspiracy: The Untold Story by Peter Oborne
(Little Brown, £16.99).
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There are no new listings of farms under either section 5 notices or
section 8 and section 7 orders this week in today's Herald. Last week's
Friday Herald (26.11.2004) had repeat notices and orders from the week


JAG Hotlines:
(091) 261 862 If you are in trouble or need advice,
(011) 205 374
(011) 863 354 please don't hesitate to contact us - we're here to help!
263 4 799 410 Office Lines
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JAG JOB OPPORTUNITIES: Updated 3rd December 2004

Please send any classified adverts for publication in this newsletter to:
JAG Job Opportunities
1.  SEEKING EMPLOYMENT 26 November, 2004

Young, intelligent and immediately available lady of 27 seeks
temporary/part time employment.  Extensive secretarial, management and
marketing experience in the retail field.  References available.

Contact Taryn on 011 411 411 for more details.

2.  SEEKING EMPLOYMENT 26 November, 2004

female, 25, single, looking for a nanny job.  5 O levels English B,
hardworking secretarial, reception qualifications. mail to

3. EMPLOYMENT OFFERED 26 November, 2004

Energetic ex-farming couple in their 60s required by pottery business in
Ruwa area. General mechanical knowledge and workshop ability essential for
the man, and 3-4 days a week in the office for the wife. Salaries, house,
and perks. Needed soonest. Please contact 073-2777 or 073-22595.
email -

4.  POSITION FILLED 01 December, 2004
Company Admin Manager

5.  SEEKING EMPLOYMENT 01 December, 2004


Single lady (40's) looking for and challenging new job, in the New Year.
Currently holding a Management position, but willing to try something
new, if interesting and varied.  Very capable, dedicated and
conscientious.  More information and details available. Please contact
Bev on Tel: 04 444547 or 011 220 795 or

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JAG OPEN LETTER FORUM 3rd December 2004

Email: ;

Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to with "For Open Letter Forum" in the subject line.


"There are no shortcuts to any place worth going."

-- Beverly Sills (1929-) American Opera Singer


Letter 1.  Subject: Roy

Hi All,

Here with latest on Roy.

Please work hard on the petitions that I sent to you, with a lettle effort
we can all do something towards helping our friend. Gerry Whitehead. Roy
Bennett Update: Day 30

In a malicious and calculated move, and without warning to Roy's family or
lawyers, the prison authorities have moved Roy to a jail in Mutoko. There
is no rational explanation for moving a prisoner, normally resident in
Harare, to a jail two hours away, where the conditions are decidedly worse
than the appalling conditions under which the prisoners are kept at Harare
Central prisons.

By moving Roy to Mutoko, the government have once again demonstrated that
Roy's imprisonment has nothing to do with justice, but is instead designed
to persecute him for his dedication to the struggle for democracy and
remove him as a candidate for Chimanimani in the forthcoming general

His family and lawyers will now have to spend at least four hours a day
traveling to try and see Roy knowing that at the end of the journey there
is no guarantee that their right to visit will be granted.

Even when it was discovered that Roy had been moved, it took many hours
before the authorities would finally admit where Roy is now being held.

On other fronts, while little progress has been made getting either the
judiciary or the Government of Zimbabwe to face the realities of the
"crime" that has been committed in unjustly sentencing Roy to prison, we
are making significant inroads regionally and internationally.

Last week saw our representatives traveling throughout South Africa
explaining Roy's current predicament and the background to it. They got an
overwhelming reception from a cross-section of South Africa's political
community who are not only prepared to advocate on Roy's behalf but are
also going to pursue justice in cases of abuse against his staff.

In addition, submissions were made to prominent political activists, Human
Rights organisations and legal associations.

In addition, Roy and Heather's story was featured in Business Day, Die
Beeld, and on the different language services of SABC and on 702 Radio.

The above, compliments representations to other international organisations
listed below, the majority of whom have expressed their support for Roy and
promised to take up his case in their own jurisdictions to apply pressure
on the Zimbabwean government.

The African Union
The Inter Parliamentary Union
The Bar Council and Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales
The International Bar Association

In addition, this week will see the launch of the Free Roy Bennett website
which will contain detailed accounts of what Roy, his family and supporters
have suffered through in the last five years as well as regular updates and
an online petition and details of what you can do to help Roy.

We will notify you when the site is "live".

We continue to await the judgement from the High Court regarding the appeal
against the severity of Roy's sentence and a stay of imprisonment until the
Supreme Court has heard the upcoming case detailing the infringements
against Roy's Constitutional rights. The case was heard before Judge Hungwe
on 9th November 2004.

Whatever the conditions under which Roy is now being kept in Mutoko, we
know that he will never give up the struggle for a truly democratic
Zimbabwe. And neither will we. We thank you for your continued support for
Roy and his family. Best wishes Free Roy Bennett Campaign

All letters published on the open Letter Forum are the views and opinions
of the submitters, and do not represent the official viewpoint of Justice
for Agriculture.


JAG Hotlines:
(091) 261 862 If you are in trouble or need advice,
(011) 205 374
(011) 863 354 please don't hesitate to contact us - we're here to help!
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