The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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There is a very important Ndebele proverb that I would like to open this
article with, it goes .. "Indlovu ibulawa yibunyonyo". The translation, 'An
elephant can be killed by small insects'. This quote represents a key
message to Zimbabweans that many small things can overcome a big thing.

What are the small things that can make a difference? Women banging their
pots to sound out their anger that mealie meal is not available, or that if
they want to buy it they must have a Zanu PF card or have sex with a grubby
'green bomber'? Or the fact that millions of dollars of production is lost
whilst desperate Zimbabweans queue for fuel, bread, cooking oil, salt,
sugar, mealie meal, flour, tampons, milk and milk powder for babies. We
queue to obtain our identity documents and even to get married. We queue for
transport to go to work and then again to go home. Zimbabwe has become a
nation of queues and a nation endowed with too much patience!

What will make us impatient enough to revolt - is it that we will become too
bored with perpetual queues or will our pockets empty and wear our patience

There are many issues that have kept our tempers in check:
· We are by nature peace loving and respectful of authority.
· Politicians have polarised us across tribal, racial political and class
· We give too much credit to the words of our politicians and are blind to
their deeds.
· We fell for a false message of reconciliation in 1980.
· Although we wanted constitutional reform and the majority voted NO to Zanu
PF imposed amendments, we abandoned the fight for change midway and went
back into our 'no politics' cocoon form of existence.
· We lacked the discipline to say NO to a corrupted land reform campaign and
accepted this version instead of one that would become a 'blueprint' for
· Many of us then embraced the Movement for Democratic Change and tasked
them with doing a job that we should have done. MDC were found wanting in
living up to those expectations because they were unrealistic in the first

So now where are we?

Well in the year 2000, Zimbabweans rallied together for a common cause to
change the constitution. We won the day. However the prize is yet to be
awarded. The 'coveted trophy' - a new constitution - that embodies our
sovereignty and reaffirms our status as a peace-loving nation has yet to be
secured. The trophy will not be given to Morgan Tsvangirai or any other
politician - it can only be awarded to Zimbabweans at large so we must queue
up to receive it.

In joining this queue, we must ignore the fact that we are hungry - 6,7
million Zimbabweans are hungry with us. We must put out of our minds the
fact that we are bitter about the Gukurahundi massacre, which was a form of
genocide. 20000 people disappeared and many died, their families still
greave amongst us. We must close our eyes to the past struggle for
independence in which many lives both black and white were lost and focus on
this new struggle for democracy.

We ache for those dying of the HIV/Aids pandemic that is overshadowed by the
politics of the day. Those patients cannot readily access good nutrition to
give them quality of life in their final days.

We must brace ourselves for the crashing of the economy as we head for the
IMF projected inflation rate of 522,2% next year.

Farmers old and new need to queue with us for the right to produce food for
the nation without political interference, but with access to collateral and
support in terms of inputs for commercial production.

Many people have already lost their jobs - they need to join us to remind
politicians that they are more than a statistic. Unemployment is now 85%,
and 75% of the population is living in dire poverty.

According to an initial Census report, the number of resident Zimbabweans
stands at 11,6 million, although indications are that it should be 14
million. This means that approximately 2,4 million Zimbabweans are now
living in the diaspora. They need to lobby in their new locations and where
possible send help home.

Zimbabwe was already headed for the economic doldrums before our short
awakening in the year 2000. But now our attitudes seem steeped in despair
and we seem to lack the energy to issue the necessary SOS call for urgent
help. We need to shake each other from this sleepwalking and queue for
change and freedom to participate politically.

If we are to find our way through this darkness we must have as our lights
the values of: compassion, respect, human dignity and collective unity. Many
a politician knows that they have deserted these values, and if Zimbabweans
call for a restoration of such principles not even 'Mr Propaganda' could
dispute the call.

It was therefore interesting to read the speech given by MDC leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai at a fundraising event in Harare. The MDC leader has offered Zanu
PF a route back onto the morale high ground.

Tsvangirai made a renewed call for President Mugabe to retire immediately
and recommended that Zanu PF then work with MDC to establish a transitional
government.  He said, "Unless we begin to move in that direction, Zimbabwe
will continue to bleed and slide into deeper chaos."

This is an interesting development and Zimbabweans must watch carefully to
see how long it will take Zanu PF to accept the olive branch or if they
remain determined to crash and burn. We know that Zanu PF has de-facto power
thru the flawed march election, and that a president can only be changed
through a presidential election. We know that this is a route certain people
are reluctant to travel.

However rumour has it that there are those in Zanu PF who fancy that they
can go to confession and have some of their sins absolved and once again
become refreshed. The olive branch has been extended to this camp. Yes, we
know they will fight amongst themselves as to who should be the messenger to
State house, who could do the unseating and then they will squabble over who
could be the 'chief invader' of the high chair.

Zimbabweans must queue to attend this 'contest' and supervise from the
sidelines. Once a 'winner' has been announced, maybe even at the Zanu PF
congress, we must bombard that person with our expectations.

Their first priority will be to overcome the humanitarian crisis facing our
country and secondly to ensure a conducive climate for free political
activity without fear of violence.

This 'president on a short leash' would work with MDC and stakeholders as a
transitional authority and would be part of a crisis team. They would draw
up an 18-month recovery programme and appoint an independent electoral
commission to organise fresh presidential elections.
Guess what Zimbabweans - that means 18 months of 'we talk and politicians
listen and make promises' until a fresh election.
Well after all we have suffered; we could finally have a queue worth joining
to get that 'coveted' trophy for winning the struggle for democracy!
But remember it is many small things or insects that kills the 'elephant'.

Jenni Williams
Bulawayo 6th December 2002

Contact Jenni Williams on Mobile (+263) 91 300456 or 11213 885 Or on email
or Fax (+2639) 63978 or (+2634) 703829
Office email
A member of the International Association of Business Communicators. Visit
the IABC website
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House Editorial


Just what will the world do about Robert Mugabe, architect
of Zimbabwe's despair? Zimbabwe's raging food crisis has
recently been reassessed, and experts now say the country's
food crisis has advanced into an impending famine.

Meanwhile, America's options for dealing with Zimbabwe's
president-by-fraud range from the unattractive to the
whimsical to the potentially catastrophic. Choosing the best
course of action from this menu is tricky enough. Getting
other countries to follow in kind implies another set of

 Thanks principally to Mr. Mugabe's land expropriation
policy, 12 million Zimbabweans are facing the threat of
starvation in Zimbabwe, according to the World Food Program.
If this hunger-dictator scenario seems too familiar (think
Somalia), it's because Africa has seen much too much of it.
With visions of dead American soldiers being dragged through
the streets of a far-away country still fresh in the
collective memory, sending in forces to halt the hunger in
Zimbabwe is an unlikely policy. So, if America isn't going
to literally wage war on hunger and those that perpetuate
it, the Bush administration must weigh its other options.

 Mr. Mugabe's seizures of white-owned land represent the
most destructive and self-serving approach to dealing with
the country's colonial legacy. Rather than attempt a
negotiated settlement with white farmers, such as phasing
out ownership or immediate forfeiture of some land, Mr.
Mugabe has sought to seize virtually all of the thousands of
white-owned commercial farms. And, when the best land is
taken, it's not given to the people. Instead, it goes to Mr.
Mugabe's family and Cabinet members. When ordinary
Zimbabweans have been given land, they have received minimal
or no assistance in managing it. Meanwhile, white landowners
are banned from farming the land they have owned for years.

 So, eventual famine was virtually a foregone conclusion in
Zimbabwe. Joblessness has reached 60 percent, and
homelessness is rampant. And, the hunger has prompted an
exodus. At least 1 million Zimbabweans are estimated to be
living in neighboring South Africa, about 600,000 in Britain
and many more are working or studying elsewhere in Africa,
and in Asia, Australia, Canada, Europe and the United
States. About half of the nation's 60,000 whites are
estimated to have emigrated since the seizure orders began.

 The Bush administration could cut all aid to Zimbabwe in
official protest of Mr. Mugabe's reckless endangerment of
his own people, in the hope that the people will rise up
against the government. But starving people aren't effective
revolutionaries, and cutting food aid could lend fraudulent
credibility to Mr. Mugabe's hate-mongering, racist tirades
against the United States in Zimbabwe and beyond.

 America's food aid, on the other hand, is surely
lengthening the lifespan of Mr. Mugabe's rule. That negative
impact could be tempered, though, by ensuring food is
distributed by private organizations, rather than Mr.
Mugabe's cabal. That has been the Bush administration's
approach, but Mr. Mugabe may be gearing up to counter this
distribution system. Three weeks ago, Zimbabweans calling
themselves war veterans detained, interrogated and robbed a
delegation from the U.S. Embassy in Zimbabwe that had been
assessing the condition of displaced workers. The
Zimbabweans escorting the delegation were beaten. Amazingly,
Mr. Mugabe's response was to summon the U.S. ambassador,
Joseph Sullivan, for an explanation of why embassy employees
had traveled outside the capital without permission.

"[W]e have not and need not apologize for normal activities
in fulfillment of our diplomatic and humanitarian mission,"
said U.S. Embassy spokesman Bruce Wharton, adding that the
administrations had no plans to reduce its presence. "We
make a clear distinction between the government and the
people of Zimbabwe. We will continue to provide humanitarian
assistance to all Zimbabweans who need it." Meanwhile, Mark
Bellamy, a State Department official, said recently that
America was willing to take "very intrusive interventionist
measures" to ensure food aid was delivered.

 Fortunately, African countries are beginning to voice clear
condemnation of Mr. Mugabe's thuggish policies. In Brussels
late last month, legislators from Ghana, Botswana and
Mozambique harshly criticized Mr. Mugabe. Sadly, South
Africa and other countries spoke out in support of Zimbabwe
and were able to scuttle a planned meeting between the
African, Caribbean and Pacific States and the European Union
(EU) in Brussels, after EU officials said Zimbabwe was
barred from participating in the meeting.

U.S. diplomacy should vigorously encourage greater momentum
for these condemnations. And, if the administration can
continue distributing food without Mr. Mugabe's control, it
should continue to do so. Hopefully, Mr. Mugabe won't take
away Zimbabweans' last hope. It is an outrage that this
former breadbasket of Africa should turn into a starvation

This article was mailed from The Washington Times
For more great articles, visit us at

Copyright (c) 2002 News World Communications, Inc. All
rights reserved.
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Zim Independent

Motorists want more fuel, not fairy tales


"SERVICE stations to get fuel supplies today," the government assured us
last Friday. The Herald splashed the assurance by Deputy Minister of Energy
and Power Reuben Marumahoko on its front page.

"By tomorrow morning (Saturday) every filling station will definitely be
having petrol supplies which means there will be no need for the long queues
we have been seeing in the last couple of days," Marumahoko confidently

Come Saturday, the queues were still there. The Herald reported that "most
filling stations in Harare started receiving supplies" from Noczim
"yesterday" (Friday). A Noczim official said the situation was expected to
improve at all filling stations in the city "in the coming few days".

When there had been no significant improvement by Tuesday, the story was
changed to say: "Drivers were still having to queue for fuel yesterday
(Monday) but there were more places with fuel and queues were significantly

However, it was conceded that "the situation is still far from normal". And
things hadn't changed, much by Wednesday when the Herald once again assured
us that petrol supplies had "improved".

Why, when forex is running out and Libyan and Kuwaiti oil companies are
demanding cash up front, is it assumed that supplies are "improving"? Is it
likely that supplies are "improving"? Why, week after week and month after
month does the government press insist on misleading the motoring public
with fairy tales about the fuel crisis being over?

Here's a newsflash in Special English: There might be some fuel on the way
which will provide a temporary respite as Christmas approaches. But so long
as the means to pay for fuel is diminished by damaging economic policies
which have seen scarce forex diverted to import food while agricultural
exports and tourism receipts shrink, there will be less forex and therefore
less fuel. Get it?

Meanwhile, we feel new Energy minister Amos Midzi has been a little unfair
in his treatment of MPs. We understand that Zanu PF MPs are not always frank
in explaining to their constituents the reasons for the circumstances
Zimbabwe now finds itself in. But that is no reason to regard them all as
completely dishonest.

Midzi, in giving assurances about petrol supplies in parliament last week,
had this to say according to Hansard: "I want to make it clear that I will
now lie to you because I am now one of you."
We feel that's taking party solidarity too far.

Talking about solidarity, Muckraker was interested to note Kenyan President
Daniel arap Moi's visit to the United States this week to discuss security.
Don't we recall President Mugabe telling guests at a New Year's function
that Moi would be coming on a state visit to Zimbabwe? What happened to that
visit? Indeed, how many state visits have there been this year?

Is Chinondidyachii Mararike six years old? We ask because an article he
contributed to the Herald last Friday looked as if it was written by
somebody who was still in Grade I. Yet he claims to be a lawyer!
Designed as a rebuke to the European Union states that have imposed
sanctions on Zimbabwe, it was indisputably the most puerile contribution to
have appeared in the Herald since - well, since his last piece.

This is how it started: "And yet we have the same islanders insisting that
sanctions Zimbabwe has imposed on Britain will hurt Zimbabwe more than they
will hurt Britons..."

No introduction, no context, no sense. Just picked up from where it left off
the week before. It is not entirely Mararike's fault that the subs at the
Herald treated his material this way. But what followed was all his own

Britain was two and a half times smaller than Zimbabwe, we were told, and is
"a poor country". It had a "skyrocketing" population of 62 million that is
"bloated, diseased and greedy".

Holland, we were informed, was "a Dutch country". So no surprises there! It
continues to export flowers and beer to Africa as it did to South African
Boers a century ago.

"This country with nothing except pot (mbanje) and prostitutes (has) a
tarnished reputation and image already smudged by pornography, child
fiddling and bombastic self-dramatising apostasy."

Does Mararike know what apostasy means or did he just chuck it in there? And
South African historians may have difficulty tracing the beer and flower

Sweden produced nothing but "a boring rock band called Abba" while Norway
gave its name to lobsters and a species of ugly rats, Mararike said. "Then
there is Luxembourg."

"Like Germany, Luxembourg came into existence only a couple of years ago -
in fact in 1870..."

And so this clumsy attempt at journalism stumbles fitfully on. The French,
in addition to being backward, are also "rearward", we are informed,
although the distinction is not made clear. It sounds like something the
president may disapprove of.

Generally all the Europeans want to do is plunder Africa.

"Listen comrades," Mararike advises. "Diamonds and gold are so precious to
Westerners to the extent children poison their parents so the former can
quickly inherit or take jewelry to make a quick buck. On the scary streets
of London, people are daily murdered simply for the gold Rolex watches on
their wrists."

Daily? Cde Mararike, you are clearly under threat on those scary streets.
The world's fourth largest economy evidently affords you no protection. Why
stay there? Why not come home and enjoy the freedom and safety of Zimbabwe?
What's keeping you? Meanwhile, if this is the best Zanu PF can do in terms
of polemics, it should give up now. Please bring back David Martin, Olley
Maruma and Bright Matonga. All is forgiven!

There appears to be some confusion over the number of displaced farm
workers. Information minister Jonathan Moyo says there aren't any. But at
the same time his colleague the Minister of Public Service, Labour and
Social Welfare has been asking the United Nations to assist in conducting a
national farm workers survey.

UNDP resident representative Victor Angelo said the government had
approached the UNDP to help in carrying out the survey.
"The survey is intended to identify the country's most vulnerable groups for
assistance in commercial farming areas," Angelo said.
According to the Zimbabwe Community Development Trust more than 150 000 farm
employees and their families have been evicted since August.

Could July Moyo please inform his colleague at the Information department of
the true situation and explain what UNDP staff were doing at Melfort when
members of their party were detained and assaulted by Zanu PF thugs
recently. The public should not be misled by claims from the President's
Office whose officials appear to be ignorant of dealings with international
agencies by other departments.

As for the US embassy, officials there should enhance their weekend reading.
They claimed they didn't know about the 40km restriction on diplomats
venturing out of Harare. That move was fully reported in the Standard
several months ago and in the Guardian. What the US embassy should have said
is that it had not been officially informed of the restriction and did not
in any case recognise its validity.

At least embassy officials made it crystal clear that the Herald lied in
claiming the embassy had apologised for the Melfort excursion.

We wondered how long Media Commission chair Tafataona Mahoso would be able
to resist the temptation to take a pot shot at journalists whose
accreditation he is supposed to be supervising in an impartial and
professional way.

He told the Herald that it was interesting to note that some of the people
who had threatened to boycott the exercise were the first people to come
forward with applications.

"Interesting enough, those from the so-called independent media who had
threatened to boycott the registration were the very first people to submit
their applications," he confided to the Herald.

Should he be commenting on matters before him in this way? And can we next
expect details of journalists' qualifications, addresses and phone numbers
to be released to the Herald?

Last weekend President Mugabe was frantically claiming Zimbabwe was not
involved in the plunder of the Congo's resources. Despite the withdrawal of
Zimbabwe's forces, the country's detractors would not stop their "song" of
trying to portray the ZDF as "unwelcome plunderers of the DRC's wealth", he

The president was addressing a parade of forces returning from the DRC.
Public turnout was reportedly poor except for a handful of Johane Masowe
weChishanu supporters and party youths carrying familiar signs saying
"Zimbabwe Defence Forces: African solutions to African challenges" -
probably a reference to a successful plundering mission.

Earlier that day the same youths had been driving around Mbare in a Zupco
bus, assaulting people and trying to force them to attend the parade.

Curiously Mugabe made no mention of Osleg or its functions in his address.
When will the accounts of this shadowy company be published? We want to know
exactly how much Zimbabwe - or rather some Zimbabweans - benefited from its
operations. And why is the Minister of Defence so reluctant to honour his
promise to tell us how much the Congo war cost? Why is it a secret when
these were public funds?

In protesting vehemently against reports - most notably the UN's - that
Zimbabwean forces have plundered the Congo's resources, Mugabe at the same
time did little to assure us that the same wouldn't happen here.

"You needn't worry, there is still a lot of land to parcel out (and) we will
parcel it out to our people," he told soldiers at the Chinese-built National
Sports Stadium.

"This is our land and it shall remain our land, not just for us who live
today but all of us who live here for ever and ever and ever."

This is self-deception on a monumental scale. Does Mugabe and his military
cronies really think they are going to be allowed to hang on to the farms
they have seized for one minute longer than the ageing dictator's departure
from office? "Parcelling out" land to the military may be part of his
retirement insurance plan. But a quick phone call to Belgrade or Accra might
be instructive on just how long that arrangement is likely to last.

Mugabe should learn the first rule of politics: there is no such thing as
"for ever". Joseph Kabila is already acting against his highly-placed
plunderers. They thought they were going to get away with it "for ever" too!

Temba Mliswa says he is a changed man. But in a no-holds-barred interview
with the Herald last Saturday we are left guessing just how reformed the
wayward fitness trainer actually is. His weakness, he confesses, is that he
"loves people" and wishes he was "blessed with so much money that I can
share it with as many people in need as possible". In need of what is the

Temba is married to Gracious who lives in the UK and seems to be prepared to
put up with a great deal.

"I would be lying if I said I haven't cheated on her. I don't know when men
really do grow up," he disarmingly submits, apparently unaware that not all
men are unable to control themselves.

Temba has been receiving counselling from our old friend the Rev Noah
Pashapa who doesn't appear to have been altogether successful.

"Women can manage but men just can't," Temba confides. "I last saw my wife
five months ago and I must admit...there are times I've been lonely.
Sometimes you need a friend to talk to and that's the role that the
mistresses play."

You see it's not all Temba's fault. "Because I'm a public figure certain
women foolishly take advantage of that and benefit in the process," he
complains. But any woman taking advantage of him has to live with "the pain
of knowing that they are second best" to his wife.

Whether his wife is happy with this arrangement is not clear. But she will
be the first to know, like readers of this exceptionally well-crafted
interview by the Herald's Nomsa Nkala, that she has a big kid on her hands
who has yet to grow up.

Although we are now firmly ensconced in December we have a report left over
from last month. A family whose Guy on Guy Fawkes night on November 5 bore a
close resemblance to a vocal minister complained to Muckraker that the large
head wouldn't burn on their bonfire.
"The problem this year is that we couldn't spare any petrol to hasten things
along," they complained. He is obviously indestructible!
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Zim Independent

Sandawana Column - Working in the Reserve Bank eclipse
THOSE business people unable to get away for the solar eclipse have been
watching one of a slightly different nature. Three weeks after the Budget,
business still finds itself "working in the dark" as one CEO told Sandawana
this week

Some companies who have approached the RBZ for forex, have been told their
application had been approved, but, umm, there is no forex in the coffers.

A straight answer like this you can live with, but as Sandawana has said
before, it's the fibs, uncertainty, irresolution and misinformation that
annoy businesspeople - who actually have to plan ahead. It's the same with
petrol. People would rather be told that there is no petrol and then make a
plan, rather than waste time and use the little petrol they do have moving
between petrol stations. The RBZ is apparently using all available forex to
shore up payments for fuel and getting its officials to harrass the banks to
declare their FCAs. The RBZ has been struggling somewhat since it does not
really have the personnel as it effectively did away with some in 1993.

Meanwhile, it appears that inflows to the country have fallen to half of
what they were previously. On Friday, November 15 - the day after the
Budget - some US$1,9 million flowed into the country. Over the past week,
inflows have averaged less than US$300 000 a day. There are rumours of a
policy statement on forex and the supposed "exporters rate", but as yet
we've heard nothing. Anyway, back to the real eclipse ... they have been
associated with war, crop failure, plagues, downfall, death and advent of
kings and prophets, such as the crucifixion of Christ and the birth of
Muhammad. But we're not that superstitious, are we?

C'mon Zeeemmmbaaabwe!

"C'MON ZEEEMMMBAAABWE!" ... Sandawana is also not a huge cricket fan but he
realises its wider social benefits. Apart from the empty stands at
international matches, it can be quite easy to forget there is a crisis in
this country. Fantastic food and imported wine were available to those that
crossed the invisible picket line and went to watch dismal Zeembabwe play
Pakistan. That's what made the boycott excuse an easy one for many - the
national side is so very mediocre. If we were winning, there would have been
very few part-time cricket fans who would have missed the social
get-together for business.

That's why bankers, accountants and brokers continued to throw money behind
the event. If one was suffering ideological problems from their bank being
there, they would struggle to find another bank to put their money in.

However you look at it, cricket and the general social gathering there is
one of the few international events we have to look forward to. It's the
same as the Christmas party and there have not been too many of those that
have been boycotted.

Speaking with loose tongue

Obviously the most useful thing about going to the cricket is to gather
information, which becomes pretty free-flowing after 6pm as the effects of
the sun and beer loosen many a tongue. There was discussion on Tetrad, which
has been covered elsewhere in this section, a variety of stories about where
the market rate for the Zimkwacha is, what's happening with FCAs, who is in
trouble financially, and Dairibord's cautionary announcement. The unnamed
company is thought to be ME Charhon, in which Cairns has a 37,5% stake. With
all those romantic Zimbabwean men buying women chocolates, it's no doubt a
very profitable company. It contributed 21% to Cairns' profits after tax.
Perhaps that is where there will be a bit of a tussle. When Cairns results
were released in mid-October, MD Philip Chigumira would not comment on
whether Cairns planned to increase its stake in the confectionery
manufacturer with excess cash. Cairns' retained earnings shot up to $957,5
million at August 31 from $81,41 million a year ago. Sandawana would like to
comment on the Intermarket/TA deal, umm except there is no paperwork
available yet. All we know is that TA will be taking an effective 23,5%
stake in Intermarket, which will be put to an EGM on December 20.

Chicken Man to fly the coup?

Sandawana likes CFI's business philosphy that "today is normal". Lo and
behold the day it is not - we won't know what to do with ourselves. CFI is
one group that has performed admirably in the face of price control almost
across the board. The agro-industrial-retail group managed to please the
market once again with its latest set of results. With earnings of 649
cents, CFI easily beat the average expectation of 566,8 cents and was at the
end of the 500-668 cents range of forecasts. It has managed to keep most of
its proactive management and poultry will continue to be the engine of
growth as chicken is now cheaper than beef. Milling still faces major
hurdles, but while supermarkets managed to just keep ahead of official
inflation in the financial year just past, a surge in sales in the past few
months will see the group making last year's entire profit in the three
months to December. There are also strong rumours that the group is likely
to see a change of shareownership as apparently the famed Chicken Man Kevin
James has indicated that he wants to sell his stake.

Through Riverridge (Pvt) Ltd, and Riverridge Traders (Pvt) Ltd, James
effectively controls around 38% of CFI. Management is the main contender and
there had been speculation that Mutumwa Mawere's FSI Agricom would also take
a tilt. But he told Sandawana it is not currently on his radar.

Crowns and Baobabs

Both rights issues - Kingdom and Zimre - kicked off on Monday with about the
same percentage of core shareholders saying that they would follow their
rights. Sandawana talked about Kingdom last week and now its Zimre's turn.
Unbundling - up till November 14 - seemed as much of a dead certainty in
"unlocking value" for shareholders as borrowing loads of money and buying
companies was for the entrepreneur. However, the bear market appears to have
changed that for now. Fair enough, the Delta group of companies took a while
before unbundling showed its real benefits. But it seems that companies
involved in corporate activity decide to roll on with plans regardless of
the overall sentiment on the market.

Why? Because we have rampant inflation and that should make everything
alright. As for Zimre, the group wants to improve its balance sheet to
increase its underwriting capacity, regionalise operations and restructure
the group, which includes spinning off Fidelity. Whether this will bring
immediate value to shareholders remains to be seen. There are better
candidates on the ZSE when its comes to unbundling.
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Zim Independent  - Eric Bloch Column

Price controls will not alleviate shortages
GOVERNMENT is very clearly on a roll! Having spent five years continuing
endeavours to destroy the economy with an undeniable modicum of success, but
without absolute achievement, government is clearly determined to intensify
its endeavours. Three weeks ago it presented its 2003 budget which was
totally devoid of substance, and would inevitably accelerate that decline.
The budget contained no meaningful incentives to motivate foreign currency
generation, investment or job creation. The budget showed that government
has no intent to contain its expenditure and thereby curb inflation.

And the budget evidenced that government resolutely disregards all need to
prioritise its spending in alignment with the needs of the populace. It
unhesitatingly continues to spend more on its Defence Vote than it does on
Health. It is incomprehensible that a country whose people are faced with a
desperate need for an effective health delivery system will perpetuate
policies of spending more on the killing of people than upon helping others
to stay alive!

The Budget Statement reiterated lip-service adherence to the concept that
the private sector is an economy's engine, with the Minister of Finance and
Economic Development claiming that the private sector must be the engine for
economic recovery and growth, whilst concurrently he enunciated policies
which could only cause the engine to "seize-up" and be unable to operate.
Most of all, the economic measures envisaged in the Budget Statement were
almost entirely resurrections of policies and strategies long proven to be
ineffectual and catalysts for disaster upon all sectors of the economy and
upon almost all Zimbabweans (save, of course, for those in authority and
those related to them).

The most appalling feature of all those catastrophic economic measures,
policies and strategies was that they had all, in varying degrees, been
resorted to previously, all had failed to achieve their declared objectives,
and all had contributed markedly to the dismal state of Zimbabwe's economy
and the impoverishment of the majority of the population.

Amongst the extensive array of catastrophic economic policies which have
bedevilled Zimbabwe have been government's steadfast refusal to devalue
Zimbabwe's grossly overvalued currency. The president has declared
devaluation as dead (and its advocates to be saboteurs and enemies of the
state), and the Minister of Finance has pronounced devaluation to be a
mirage. And yet government has, to all intents and purposes, acknowledged
that the value of the Zimbabwe dollar is not what government pretends it is.
It has determined not only the official rate, but also a "support price" for
gold and another for tobacco. A vast range of imports are valued, for duty
purposes, at almost 10 times the official rate.

Similarly, government's foolhardy endeavours to destroy the parallel market
in foreign exchange can only be counterproductive in the extreme. Exporters
cannot afford to export if proceeds are only realisable at the official
exchange rate, which rate fails to recognise inflation officially cited at
more than 144% but is in reality at least 175%. The unavoidable results are
massive losses if exports are continued, and therefore discontinuance of
exports is invariably the case, resulting in yet lesser inflows of foreign
exchange, diminished operations for - or closure of - export operations,
increased unemployment, lesser consumer spending power impacting adversely
upon all sectors of the economy, and reduced revenue inflows to the fiscus.
All this has been repeatedly brought to the attention of government, which
ignores the facts. Instead, it offers so-called export incentives most of
which are of so little, if any, benefit.

Concurrently, government reneges upon its undertakings and assurances given
when it permitted the establishment of bureaux de change by terminating
their right to operate (and, compounding insult to injury, giving their
operators only two weeks' notice of closure, irrespective of legal and moral
commitments to employees, lessors and others). Moreover, far from such
closures enhancing availability of foreign currency within the formal
economy, they can only fuel increased black market operations, undoubtedly
of particular benefit to some of the politically influential.

However, amongst the most ill-considered, pernicious policies that
government is determined to pursue with increased intensity is the control
of prices. In doing so, it pretends a deep-seated concern for the victims of
inflation. The unemployed, elderly pensioners, and recipients of low incomes
are the greatest sufferers of the hyperinflationary environment which is
wholly attributable to govern-ment's mismanagement of the economy.

As government is incapable of admitting error (the omnipotent do not make
mistakes!), it attributes the blame for rampant inflation to others. It
accuses industrialists, wholesalers and retailers of making excessive
profits out of others' needs. That they cannot afford to trade without price
increases to compensate for their ever-rising costs of operation is
cavalierly dismissed. That in a free economy competition is the greatest
curb upon prices is ignored. Instead, government remains determined to show
Zimbabweans how much it cares for them (which it actually rarely does!) and
equally determined to divert all criticism of its chaotic handling of the
economy away from itself and directed against its enemies, actual and

Therefore, it resorts to price controls. It did so in the last quarter of
2001 and succeeded only in creating an even harsher environment for
consumers. Bakers could not afford to sell bread at a wholesale price of $54
a loaf when the then cost of production exceeded $60 a loaf, and retailers
could not afford to sell bread for $60 a loaf when it cost them $54 and the
remaining $6 did not suffice to cover rent, salaries and wages, electricity,
and numerous other unavoidable overheads.

The same held good for milk, beef, cooking oil and other controlled
products. The result was immense scarcities as more and more producers
discontinued or cutback on production, or diversified into the production of
products whose prices were not controlled. What little was produced rapidly
found its way into the black market which thrives on scarcity. There are
always some that are able and willing to pay extra for that which is not
readily available, and others who, although unwilling, will do so for that
which they desperately need.

Thus, the injudicious application of price controls in 2001 created
increased burdens for the consumers instead of assuaging their ills.
Periodically, to reinforce its contentions that the ineffectiveness of the
price controls were only because of the diabolical extortion of the private
sector and of government's political opponents, it would arrest storekeepers
for breaches of the price control and they would be subjected to payment of
fines. On very rare occasions this would be extended also to black
marketeers. In the main, the storekeepers thereafter ceased selling price
controlled products, enabling the black market to thrive even more, and
circumstances for the oppressed consumers became even more stressful.

Despite irrefutable evidence of the failure of price controls to address the
needs of Zimbabwe's people, and of the massive extent to which those
controls have contributed to hyperinflation and to shortages of essential
commodities, government has resorted to them yet again. The Minister of
Finance recognised that the country's inflationary environment could
transform in the event that a social contract was reached between the state,
labour, commerce and industry. But government pre-empts any such contract by
legislating a further price control order, prescribing a six-month price
freeze. In terms of that Order, prices are frozen on all products and
services specified in the Order for a period of six months from November 15.
The range of effected foods extends over four pages of the Order, including
non-alcoholic foods stuffs and beverages, agricultural produce, building
materials, petroleum fuels not covered by other Orders, drugs and medicines,
most clothing and much else.

All those commodities as are subjected to the Order's provision can only be
sold, during the ensuring six months, at the price at which the sellers sold
like products on November 15. As those sellers will undoubtedly be
confronted with ongoing escalation in operating costs, including salary and
wages reviews, rent increases, and so forth, they will soon be unable to
comply with the Order, for they will be faced with unsustainable losses.
Therefore shortages will become more intense, availability will be limited
to the black market at higher prices which will cause yet further inflation.

Many businesses will collapse, the unemployed will be even greater in
number, and the economic decline accelerated. Of course, government's
parastatal, Zimpost, will not be affected in the way private enterprise will
for, within a fortnight of the Price Freeze Order, it announced
substantially increased charges!
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Zim Independent - Comment

Zanu PF openly thwarts popular will
THE key accusation made by those countries that have imposed sanctions on
Zimbabwe is that the government is using the powers at its disposal to
thwart the democratic will of the people. Nowhere is that clearer than in
Chegutu where the Movement for Democratic Change executive mayor elected
last year has been thwarted at every turn by Zanu PF local bosses and
councillors who are determined to prevent him from carrying out his mandate.

In Harare, the MDC mayor is constantly under siege from the Local Government
minister who has no popular mandate from the voters of the capital but
insists on intervening to make the mayor's task as difficult as possible and
to retain ruling-party supporters recruited by the previous council who add
nothing but costly deadwood to the city's management.

The pattern of resistance to democratic outcomes was established as early as
2000 when, having consulted extensively on a new constitution for Zimbabwe,
the Chidyausiku Commission allowed the government to insert clauses on land
acquisition and presidential powers that had not been proposed by the
public. In the referendum that followed, the proposed constitution was
rejected - in part because it was seen by the majority as hostage to the
ambitions of an unpopular and unreconstructed regime.

Despite the blandishments of its exponents who insisted that the removal of
the "colonial" Lancaster House document was vital to national sovereignty,
the government, following its defeat, immediately dropped constitutional
reform from its agenda and told the public it was no longer a national
priority. It then proceeded to suppress any popular movement that advocated

A report by New York City councillor Charles Barron and three colleagues
says the imposition of sanctions by Britain and the United States is unfair.
Barron, whose trip to Zimbabwe was funded by the Zimbabwean authorities, is
a predictable apologist for the regime. He managed to swallow everything he
was told by the government - including the fictional "one farmer, one farm"
policy - during his visit here and then regurgitated it all in his

He studiously ignored the unfairness of a political system in which the
wishes of voters have been overturned by a ruling party that refuses to
accept democratic outcomes.

Events in Chegutu have exposed that system in all its ugly manifestations.
The executive mayor of the little town, Francis Dhlakama, has on several
occasions been harassed by Zanu PF thugs who have refused to accept the
defeat of their party. Instead of allowing him to execute the mandate of
voters, Zanu PF councillors want to foist their party's wishes on him - a
clear sign that President Robert Mugabe and his party pay only lip-service
to issues of democracy and pluralism.

In the capital, Minister Ignatius Chombo has made no secret of his antipathy
for the MDC-led council and its mayor, Elias Mudzuri. According to
ministerial directives, all designed to hamper the effectiveness of the
mayor, council cannot hire or fire personnel in certain categories without
the approval of the minister. By similar ministerial fiat, council is
forbidden to appropriate funds for development projects without Chombo's say

The latest imposition is Chombo's attempt to foist an unelected so-called
ministerial commission on the council to offer advice on a turn-around
strategy for the city. Chombo should be told in categorical terms that
Harare residents chose their councillors so they could change the fortunes
of the city unfettered by an overweening central government whose numerous
past commissions presided over the city's degeneration.

Government's encroachment on civil society's domain has not been restricted
only to local government. The control freaks have extended their tentacles
to the media and non-governmental organisations which have been coerced to
register with government under conditions designed to render them
ineffective in their duties as public watchdogs.

The National Constitutional Assembly has been barred from campaigning for a
new constitution. On numerous occasions its members have been arrested for
holding peaceful protests under the Public Order and Security Act which
abridges rights laid down in the constitution.

Other people-driven NGOs such as Amani Trust have been vilified for their
role in trying to rehabilitate victims of Zanu PF's terror gangs who
continue to roam the land with impunity.

The sum total of all these draconian measures is to restrict the public's
sphere of political and civic activity and leave the government with
sweeping powers to do as it pleases in complete disregard of people's
wishes. Zanu PF's bullying tactics against the Chegutu mayor are part of a
wider plan to revive its quest for a one-party state - decisively rejected
by the people of this country since 1990.

As it faces intimations of its own mortality, the politically bankrupt and
economically diseased ruling party is resorting to brute force and crude
manipulation to purchase a few more years of life. Why when its
anti-democratic agenda is so explicit should there be any hesitation by the
international community in refusing to be associated with such a regime?
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The horror that is almost beaten

Melissa Denes
Saturday December 7, 2002
The Guardian

Ninety miles north-east of Harare, on scrubland broken by humps of granite
rock, lies a small community of two-room houses and a medical clinic. The
village is called Mutemwa, which in the Shona language means "you are cut
off". The name is taken from a 1,000ft cliff nearby, but it is doubly
apposite: Mutemwa was first established as a leprosy community in the
mid-1930s, a centre where patients from all over Zimbabwe (and from
neighbouring Malawi, Zambia, Mozambique and Tanzania) could be both isolated
and treated. In the 1940s, a period when the disease was endemic, Mutemwa
was home to around 1,000 patients. But towards the end of that decade, a
cure was found - the drug dapsone - and the disease began to be contained.
Patients were gradually sent home to be cared for by their families, and in
1962 the leprosarium officially closed.
But not everyone had a home to go to, and around 200 patients stayed on at
Mutemwa. Many of them were migrant workers who had come to Zimbabwe to work
on white farms, and no longer felt or had any real connection with their
birthplace; others feared facing the hostility and superstition that
continued to surround the disease and its symptoms. In the 1960s, it was not
widely known that leprosy was treatable, and people who developed symptoms
were often excluded or abandoned. At Mutemwa, they had friends, partners,
understanding and security; the hospice had become a home.

In 1968, an independent organisation called Friends Of Mutemwa was set up to
raise funds and contribute towards care at Mutemwa. Many of the patients
here are blind and missing fingers and toes; they need help with cooking and
hygiene. The leprosy bacterium, Mycobacterium leprae , proceeds by attacking
the nerves and body tissues, particularly in the hands, feet, eyes and nose,
so that patches of skin lose all feeling. Once the nerve endings are
destroyed, the patient feels no pain, and in this way the body's
early-warning system is shut down. The oil glands and tear ducts cease to
function, and patients are extremely susceptible to burns and infections.
It's a myth that lepers simply "lose" body parts; instead, they develop
lesions and serious infections, leading to deformity and, in some cases, the
loss of fingers, toes and eyesight. Occasionally, Mutemwa will admit a new
leprosy case, but with treatment - a course of pills called multi-drug
treatment - the disease can now be halted within six months to a year.
Research into the spread of the disease is ongoing, but it is not highly
contagious; doctors and nurses are far more likely to contract malaria from
their patients than they are leprosy.

Between 1969 and 1979, the warden of Mutemwa was a Franciscan missionary
called John Bradburne. A poet and mystic who grew up in a middle-class
family in Cumbria (the playwright Terence Rattigan was a cousin), Bradburne
found in Mutemwa the fulfilment of a lifetime's ambition after years spent
travelling through Europe, Israel and Asia, looking for some kind of a
purpose. He built a thatched chapel at Mutemwa and spent hours writing
poetry about the people and the place on a typewriter on the ground. He
often appeared less well-nourished than his patients, and called himself "a
strange vagabond of God". When Bradburne clashed with Mutemwa's management
committee - there were disputes over money and a proposal to put tags around
patients' necks - he was sacked and moved to a tin hut nearby, continuing to
visit patients in an unofficial capacity.

By the late 1970s, the community had become increasingly isolated from the
rest of the country. While Bradburne had little interest in politics, and
neither supported nor opposed the African nationalist parties in their
guerrilla war against the Rhodesian security forces, he started running into
trouble with the locals - bringing himself to the attention of local
supporters of Robert Mugabe. Neighbouring farmers had been allowing their
cattle to graze on Mutemwa's crops of maize, vegetables, bananas and beans,
and an old man who attended mass at Bradburne's chapel was shot and killed
by guerrillas. On September 2 1979, Bradburne was abducted by "mujibhas",
the eyes and ears of Mugabe's guerrillas, who accused him of being a
Rhodesian spy. Three days later, his body was found by the side of the
road - he had been shot.

A memorial to Bradburne was erected on a granite hill overlooking Mutemwa,
and in England and Zimbabwe there has been a movement to have him canonised
(though it's safe to assume that this is not an issue high on Mugabe's
list). On the anniversary of his death this year, 20,000 Zimbabwean pilgrims
visited the site.

Today, Mutemwa houses around 38 patients disabled as a result of contracting
leprosy when they were younger. Many of them are now very elderly. While
there have been new cases of leprosy in Zimbabwe since the 1960s, patients
are now commonly treated at home, and so Mutemwa's population has continued
to shrink. In the 1980s, new homes were built for patients, but a monthly
grant from the government has recently been terminated and the money now
needed to maintain the community comes from the Zimbabwe Leprosy Association
and the John Bradburne Memorial Fund. Government health spending is now
directed more towards Zimbabwe's growing Aids crisis - in 1995, a community
for abandoned children with HIV was established not far from Mutemwa.

Last year, the World Health Organisation announced that leprosy had been
eliminated as a public health problem: incidence of the disease has been
reduced by 90% over the past decade. But 760,000 new cases were reported
worldwide last year, and leprosy remains endemic in India, Brazil,
Madagascar, Mozambique, Burma and Nepal. India alone accounts for 75% of the
world caseload. A spokesperson for Lepra, a British medical charity with
representatives in India, Bangladesh, Brazil and Mozambique, says, "Poverty
and a lack of health provision are the biggest factors in preventing people
from seeking treatment, and we still have a long way to go. The statistics
are complicated by social stigma, which means people don't come forward when
they develop symptoms, and by war and political instability. In Angola,
Mozambique and Sierra Leone, it's hard to monitor the health of a poor,
shifting population." Next week, the International Federation of
Anti-Leprosy Associations, which has 16 member NGOs, will meet in Edinburgh
to review and plan its health and education policy worldwide. The disease
may be a very old one, but it has not yet beaten.

The John Bradburne Memorial Society can be contacted at For information about Lepra, go to Lepra
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The Herald

Harare runs dry

Herald Reporter
WATER taps in several suburbs of Greater Harare yesterday ran dry as the
bungled procurement procedures by the Harare City Council begin to hit the

Council cut supplies because it had no chemicals to purify the water.

More suburbs will be without water in the coming days unless the council
sources more chemicals for water purification.

It is understood that the council had received additional chemicals
yesterday - 25 tonnes of lime and ecol 2000 - but this is only enough for a
few days.

Council needs an estimated 150 tonnes of lime, which is used to correct the
water imbalances.

Residents are bitter that the council failed to sound alarm bells well
before the chemicals ran out.

They charged that because of poor planning and corruption in the awarding of
tenders, the council found itself without chemicals for water purification.
Hardest hit suburbs yesterday were Kambuzuma, Rugare, Glen View, parts of
Budiriro, Epworth, Ruwa, Greendale, Msasa Park and Park Meadow-lands.

Some residents in Epworth and Kambuzuma were resorting to unclean water from
nearby streams and shallow wells, a situation which poses a health hazard.
Harare City Council yesterday attributed the water crisis to lack of foreign
currency to import the necessary chemicals.

Council spokesman, Mr Cuthbert Rwazemba, said council was working hard to
ensure that water supplies were restored.

"Harare has at least seven days of clean water supplies and we urge
residents to use the water sparingly,'' he said.

Mr Rwazemba promised to issue a statement regarding the water situation last
night but failed to do so at the time of going to Press.

However, sources said the water situation could worsen in the next few days
if council failed to secure the foreign currency needed to purchase
chemicals to purify drinking water.

"The worst part is the fact that the chemicals are not available in Zimbabwe
but in South Africa and the United Kingdom,'' said a source.

The council said it had written to the Government and the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe to be allocated foreign currency needed to import the chemicals.

"The chemicals needed are very important because they kill the algae in the
water. If the chemicals are not secured, the purification machines will be
blocked and that will be a disaster,'' he said.

Efforts to get comment from the Ministry of Local Government, Public Works
and National Housing and the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe were fruitless.

Last year, the central bank agreed to allocate the council US$15 000 a month
to enable it to import some of the chemicals.

In Msasa Park and Park Meadowlands, residents complained that they had gone
for two days without water.

"Whoever is responsible for this mess must correct it quickly because we
cannot continue to live without water. How are we supposed to survive
without water which we need for laundry particularly napkins for the babies,
'' said Mrs Fiona Nhakwara in Park Meadowlands.

Another resident from New Msasa Park, Mr Johannes Moyo, said that his toilet
had blocked and he feared an outbreak of diseases.

"The city council has obviously failed and they must either resign en masse
or correct the situation as a matter of urgency. We pay rates for quality
service and we do not understand why we are being exposed to a healthy
hazard by the city authorities,'' he said.

In Rugare, Mrs Shilla Mwenje said residents were receiving erratic water
supplies. She said that in the past two days they received water supplies
between 11 pm and 3 am. Residents were getting water from a nearby water tap
located at Rugare Football Stadium.

When The Herald visited the area, a number of residents were helping
themselves from the water tap at the stadium.

"We expect to see the water bills reduced this month because we have not
received enough water supplies. Council must reduce the fixed charges on
water bills because they have failed to deliver,'' said one woman.

Glen View and Budirrio residents said that they were receiving sufficient
supplies although the water was dirty.

In Ruwa residents had no water and electricity also went out just after 5
p.m, adding to their misery.

Harare was plunged into a serious water crisis in 1998 after the then
Solomon Tawengwa-led council failed to pay a contractor hired to upgrade the
Warren Control Booster Pump Station.
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Barwe to Pull Out of Farm

The Herald (Harare)

December 6, 2002
Posted to the web December 6, 2002


ZBC's chief correspondent, Reuben Barwe says he is pulling out of Sunnyside
Farm in Norton following clashes with war veterans.

He had already planted maize and soya beans on more than 50 hectares and had
borrowed agricultural inputs worth $5 million.

He said yesterday he had advised the District Development Fund about his
decision to stop all farming activities. The DDF provided him with tillage
services worth $1 million.

He said he had also communicated to Delta which gave him agricultural inputs
worth $3 million. Delta is one of the companies that unveiled agricultural
inputs schemes worth billions of dollars to support the country's land and
agrarian reforms.

Barwe said due to the incident, Delta and the other companies might not
consider applications from other newly settled farmers for inputs support.

"This is because the offer letters from the ministry are not adequate
security for accessing loans. All those who are in the business of offering
loans might also consider refraining from assisting the farmers for security
reasons," he said.

The principal director of lands in the Ministry of Lands, Agriculture and
Rural Resettlement, Mr Patson Mbirimi, refused to comment on the issue and
referred all questions to his minister, Cde Joseph Made.

The minister, however, could not be reached for comment.

Police said yesterday they are still investigating the shooting incident
involving Barwe.
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From Business Day, 6 December

Expectation low ahead of talk shop

Harare Correspondent

Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's ruling Zanu PF party is expected to
confront a pile of problems besetting the country during its annual
conference in Chinhoyi next week. Zanu PF secretary for administration
Emmerson Mnangagwa said the agenda of the meeting, which would be held from
December 11 to 15, included the controversial land reform programme, the
state of the economy, and the country's international relations. Other major
issues that would be discussed were the food and fuel shortage crises,
shortages of various commodities, elections, party restructuring, and the
2003 national budget. Mnangagwa, widely regarded as Mugabe's likely
successor, said Agriculture Minister Joseph Made and his land reform
counterpart, Flora Bhuka, would present audit reports on the land
redistribution exercise detailing how much land had been acquired and the
progress on farming activities by the resettled farmers. But the major
debate who will succeed Mugabe has already been suppressed. Party spokesman
Nathan Shamuyarira said at the weekend that the issue would not be discussed
, but would be considered at Zanu PF's next congress in 2006.

This has dampened the spirit of the party's Young Turks, who were anxious to
raise the matter during the Chinhoyi meeting. Party chairman John Nkomo is
expected to present a report on the state of the party and its performance
in the recent elections. However, Mugabe is unlikely to make major changes
to party structures. The last changes in Communist-structured Zanu PF were
during the 1999 congress in Harare. Those changes, which saw dissenting
heavyweights like former ministers Eddison Zvobgo and Dumiso Dabengwa being
flushed out, were confirmed only during the party's extraordinary congress
in Victoria Falls last year. Zanu PF's annual conferences, which differ
slightly from the congresses held every five years, are meant to offer party
members an opportunity to discuss freely policy issues and matters affecting
the party at large. This year's conference comes at a time of great economic
and political instability. Zimbabwe is reeling from an economic meltdown
with inflation at 144%, a chronic food shortage that will affect more than 6
million rural Zimbabweans, and shortages of other basic commodities,
particularly fuel. Past conferences of Zanu (PF), which often postures as
the sole embodiment and articulation of national interests and patriotism,
have not been particularly decisive in resolving economic and political
problems. This year Mugabe is likely to use the platform to attack his
detractors at home and abroad for isolating his regime over his political
repression and violent land reforms.

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The Herald

Ministry recruiting more inspectors

Herald Reporters
THE Ministry of Industry and International Trade has embarked on an exercise
to recruit more inspectors to monitor overcharging and hoarding of basic
commodities, an official in the ministry has said.

The official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said they were recruiting
about 42 inspectors to complement their staff.

"The interviews are in progress and the ministry needs about 42 inspectors,
who would be deployed in various areas to fight overcharging and hoarding of
goods," the official said.

The official said the inspectors would monitor overcharging by retailers as
well as hoarding of the basic commodities by unlicensed dealers on the
thriving black market.

Overcharging of basic commo-dities by retailers has been rampant in all the
shops in the country, taking advantage of the scarcity of the goods.

Many of the goods, which are no longer available in the shops, are easily
found on the black market selling at prices that are beyond the reach of
many people.

In a bid to curb overcharging, those found to be flouting price controls
would be banned from trading goods they would be selling above the gazetted

"So far there is one renowned retail shop that has been banned in trading in
sugar for breaching the price freeze order," the official said.

The Government re-introduced price controls on basic goods last year
following unwarranted price hikes by some manufacturers and retailers bent
on pro- fiteering.

Last month the Government widened the price controls to include more goods
such as electrical appliances, motor spares and other essentials by freezing
their prices.

However, retailers have been defying the price freeze, resulting in police
fining some big supermarket chains such as OK Zimbabwe, TM Supermarkets, Bon
Marche and Batanai Supermarkets for over- charging.

Consumers have been calling on the Government to intervene and bring sanity
in the pricing of basic commodities.

They said the fines for overcharging should be harsh, with some suggesting
figures as high as $5 million and withdrawal of trading licences.
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Bakers Inn Under Probe

The Herald (Harare)

December 6, 2002
Posted to the web December 6, 2002


Police have started investigations into the operations of Bakers Inn after
impounding another 4 000 loaves of bread from one of the bakery's unlicensed
agents in Kuwadzana Extension yesterday.

Police spokesman for Harare Province, Assistant Inspector Paul Nyathi said
preliminary investigations to establish how the bakery distributes its bread
were underway.

"There should be a good reason for their abandoning licenced outlets and
moving into an unregistered market. We need to establish what they are
benefiting from the new development," Ass Insp Nyathi said.

He said a task force had been set up to monitor Bakers Inn's daily

"We are expecting them to supply us with the list of their registered
outlets today (yesterday) so that we can properly monitor their deliveries."

Police impounded a hired vehicle delivering 4 000 loaves of bread at a tuck
shop belonging to one Gift Pengapenga in Kuwadzana Extension.

Pengapenga did not have a trading licence and is said have paid $219 800 for
the bread which according to him, was to be sold at black market prices.

Ass Insp Nyathi said they interviewed Bakers Inn's marketing manager, Mr
Lemmy Chikomo after the arrest of Pengapenga.

"Mr Chikomo confirmed that Pengapenga was their agent but could not produce
confirmation documents and was aware that their agent was not licenced," Ass
Insp Nyathi said.

Hardwork Damba, a Bakers Inn agent based in Glen View who was arrested on
Monday after being found with 4 000 loaves of bread without a licence was
yesterday convicted by Mbare magistrate Mr Simon Kachambwa.

Damba will be sentenced today after he was found guilty of trading without a
licence and trying to bribe four informants who exposed the bread scam.
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Dear Family and Friends,
A little after eight one morning this week, two hours after a hot sun had risen in the sky, a glorious red-winged starling called repeatedly and then settled down to sleep in the pine tree outside my study window. The dogs curled up and went to sleep and there was a strong and cold wind in the darkening sky. My 10 year old son, Richie, and I rushed outside with a mirror, a piece of smoke-blackened glass and a sheet of cardboard with a small circular hole punched into it. What utter delight and spectacular beauty we saw as everywhere the shadows were suddenly filled with little half moons. Richie and I stood with our backs to the sun, held the cardboard up and watched the little reflected circle of white light change into a finger nail sliver and then fill with a glorious rainbow of colours onto the kitchen wall. For a chilling 40 seconds Zimbabwe grew dark and completely quiet as the moon passed over the sun in a total solar eclipse. Going back to my desk I watched the light return, the dogs yawn and stretch and the red winged starling sit up and fluff out its feathers. The beautiful bird preened briefly, called twice and flew away. 
Another great darkness is about to engulf Zimbabwe, but it hasn't been preceeded by peace and beauty, it isn't only going to last for 40 seconds and will undoubtedly result in hundreds of thousands of people in graves. This week our Agriculture Minister Joseph Made finally admitted that things were far from being under control on the 3000 odd farms that have been grabbed by the government. First Dr Made said that his department had no money to import the maize needed to satisfy our starving population. When he was asked how much maize had been planted by the people he has supposedly resettled on the farms, Made said: " we don't have the projected figures of what we have planted this season and this is a big problem for us." The Minister went on to say that he "hoped" there would be enough food to support the country. Hope is not enough. 7 million people face starvation. Aerial photographs taken by the Daily News this week reveal the reality on the ground. These horrifying pictures showed miniscule little squares of green in the centre of huge un-used fields which stretch to the horizon. Next to these vast empty fields are dams, still full of water which could be used to irrigate but that resource is also not being used.
A massive disaster is now overwhelming us. Preliminary results from the latest census show that our population has dropped to 11.6 million; that over 3 million Zimbabweans are living outside of the country and that one person is now dying from AIDS every 5 minutes in the country. Headlines in the latest local weekly newspaper, the Financial Gazette, report that at least half of the country's manufacturing, mining and agro-industrial companies will close next week for the Christmas break but they will not re-open until March as they simply cannot survive the inflation and overall economic collapse. Weather experts have begun issuing warnings that rainfall predictions and patterns are not looking at all good for a number of Southern African countries - for Zimbabwe this will be utter disaster. There are almost no crops planted on the seized farms and even our road-side crops are already wilting, the leaves of the maize going pale and curling up like onions. It does not make a scrap of sense that our leaders do not at least allow some of the commercial farmers to go out onto those huge fields and plant food for us.
Schools have now closed for the Christmas holidays and I sat in the baking sun watching Richard's Christmas play. I could not help myself from letting out a roar of laughter and giving a standing ovation to the children who were playing the Three Wise Men. They arrived at the nativity on bicycles with rucksacks on their backs. They did not produce gold, frankincense and myrrh. They presented one loaf of bread, one bag of a sugar and a large piece of white paper which read "One US dollar". These things are the most precious gifts in Zimbabwe. Thank you all so much for the hundreds of mails received this week in response to my letter about my book Beyond Tears, I am indebted for your help and support. Until next week, with love, cathy. Copyright cathy buckle 7th Dec 2002     
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Daily News

      Aids council sidelining workers, says ZCTU

      12/6/2002 (GMT +2)

      Staff Reporter

      THE Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), yesterday backed charges
that the National Aids Council (NAC) was sidelining workers in the funding
of HIV/Aids awareness and prevention programmes.

      Wellington Chibhebhe, the ZCTU secretary-general, described as "a drop
in the ocean" the financial assistance they had been offered by the NAC.

      He said: "The ZCTU runs a health and safety department which caters
for the physical welfare of thousands of workers whose labour unions are
affiliated to us.

      "The NAC offered us a meagre $5 million to fund our Aids combating
scheme. We had requested $30 million which we intended to use in starting
HIV/Aids training programmes for couples.

      "At the moment we are getting more international assistance in
fighting the Aids scourge than from the NAC, even though our affiliates
contribute to the government's Aids levy," Chibhebhe said.

      The Aids Fund, administered by the NAC, was established by the
government in 1998 and draws its finances from the government's Aids Levy,
set up to curb the spread of the disease. The Progressive Teachers' Union of
Zimbabwe (PTUZ), on Tuesday led the calls for an enquiry into the running of
the NAC.

      Raymond Majongwe, the PTUZ secretary-general, said his union had
observed the developments at the NAC with "utmost disgust at the hypocrisy,
insensitivity and lack of practical seriousness on the part of NAC in
involving organised labour in the fight against HIV/Aids".

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Leader Page

      The legitimacy of student unrest in Zimbabwe

      12/6/2002 (GMT +2)

      ONE girl, a third-year law student at the University of Zimbabwe (UZ),
jumped form her first floor window and sustained serious injuries. She and
other students had been sent scurrying for dear life when a tear-gas
canister was discharged into the New Complex Hall in the early hours of the
morning some time in October. She was hospitalised at Parirenyatwa for some

      Students from the UZ, particularly members from the Students'
Executive Council, had been playing hide-and-seek with the authorities.
Their crime: going on strike to press for lectures to resume after teaching
staff had resorted to industrial action, demanding overdue salary increases.

      All these events come in the wake of other student upheavals that have
occurred across Africa in recent months. In June this year, there was
violence at Zomba, in Malawi, that saw more than 300 university students
from the country's institution of higher learning going on the rampage,
protesting perceived injustices.

      There were also violent clashes with students in Nairobi, Kenya.
Nearly 400 students took to the streets protesting police brutality and
insensitivity to student needs. This incident occurred following the murder
of a young man from the university during a raid on a drug hideout by the

      Stone-throwing protesters fought running battles with the police.
Tear-gas canisters and rubber bullets were also used to suppress the
demonstration, during which students stoned and set cars alight in late July
this year.

      The events in both Malawi and Kenya are very likely to repeat
themselves in this country.That same month saw more than 350 medical
students boycotting lectures, protesting against an increase in fees and the
late disbursement of loans at the UZ.The Ministry of Higher Education and
Technology had raised the medical students' tuition fees from $1 800 to $3
500 a year with effect from 1 August this year. All in all, medical students
are now required to pay more than $93 000 but the current funding system
does not cover a $20 000 shortfall, an amount that students have to pay

      Against this background, the police have been cracking down heavily on
student demonstrations since the beginning of the year. The police have
become so suspicious of gatherings at the institution that they descended
with the same brutality on a group of university students celebrating the
end of their examinations in August.Students at polytechnic and technical
colleges are no better off than their university counterparts. The situation
is so dire that students have been reduced to a diet of light foodstuffs.
Officials at tertiary institutions argue that maize-meal which is used to
cook sadza, our staple food, is now too costly.In any case, the reality of
the matter is that all across the nation students are starving. Hungry
students are bound to be angry students.

      The events witnessed in both Malawi and Kenya show how destructive and
violent student demonstrations can be. Quite recently, students from
Masvingo Technical College boycotted classes after they were directed by Dr
Samuel Mumbengegwi, the then Minister of Higher Education, to go and perform
national service duties, alongside the "Green Bombers" from the Border Gezi
National Youth Training Centre. The students had a legitimate reason not to
accept that directive since it was unfair to them and smacked of political
intimidation. The boycott of lectures was regarded as student activism,
which is understood to be a situation when students take up their cause and
campaign actively for it in order to either maintain or change a status quo.
The student rebellions of the 1960s and 1970s in both America and Europe, or
the student strikes that led to the collapse of the Suharto regime in
Indonesia, are good examples of student activism.

      Because they resorted to student activism in Masvingo, three members
of the students' representative council were suspended, pending expulsion.

      When students are hungry, paying exorbitant fees, hardly able to
secure employment after graduation and being intimidated by politicians with
ulterior motives, don't they have a credible, if not legitimate, cause to
stand up for their rights?

      The history of student activism in Zimbabwe is very brief, long enough
to embrace someone like Professor Jonathan Moyo, the Minister of State for
Information and Publicity in the President's Office. At one time he
personified the collective will of the youth in Zimbabwe, through his fierce
campaigns against corruption in high places, even though he was already a
lecturer. Unfortunately, life has changed completely since the heady days of
the 1990s for some of us.

      Education fees are skyrocketing, fuelled by runaway record inflation
rates. No meaningful mechanisms are being put in place to alleviate the
plight of the cash-strapped students.

      Already plans are afoot to legalise the compulsory enrolment of all
tertiary education undergraduates into the new national youth service
training centres being established across the country.

      Furthermore, the privatisation of catering at government institutions
is ensuring that a state of hunger exists in these colleges, as students
cannot cope with rising costs.

      Accommodation is becoming unaffordable and most students have resorted
to squatting, raising serious concerns about their future well-being.

      Disregarding the plight of students, rendering student unrest and
activism illegal by throwing students into jail and expelling them, is like
giving them a box of matches. Sooner or later a fire will break out.

      As long as students do not get what they want, they will continue to
fight for the betterment of their welfare. Students have suffered in silence
for too long. The key word here is "fight".
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      Tsvangirai offers olive branch to ZANU PF

      12/6/2002 (GMT +2)

      By Lloyd Mudiwa

      MORGAN Tsvangirai, the MDC leader, has offered the Zanu PF government
an olive branch.He said his party would help haul back the country from the
brink of economic catastrophe and civil strife on condition President Mugabe
retires immediately and establishes a transitional government.Tsvangirai
said the transitional authority would, in conjunction with Parliament, be
required to address the abandoned constitutional reform programme and
appoint an independent electoral commission to organise fresh elections.

      Tsvangirai was speaking at a fund-raising dinner for survivors of
political violence in the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2000
and March 2002 respectively held in Harare on Wednesday night.

      Victims of violence, most of whom broke down midway through their
presentations, narrated heart-rending ordeals to a shell-shocked audience at
the dinner attended by Elias Mudzuri, the Executive Mayor of Harare and a
number of MPs, among others.

      The victims included Abednico Bhebhe, the MP for Nkayi, a 16-year-old
girl who was allegedly raped by Zanu PF youths, and an MDC supporter who
alleged that Saviour Kasukuwere, the MP for Mt Darwin, gouged out his eyes,
leaving him blind.The dinner raised about $3 million.

      "As a party whose victory was clearly stolen by Mugabe and Zanu PF, we
have fought hard to restrain our people from taking the law into their own
hands," said Tsvangirai. "We fought hard to calm down emotions and tempers
after the majority realised that the struggle was still far from over.

      "I wish to state here today that we cannot continue to play this role
because of the pressure on us from a desperate people whose avenues to be
heard are constantly being closed off by the regime."

      Bemoaning the fact that Zimbabwe's neighbours and the global community
had abandoned the country, he said the majority of the people were saying
they could no longer take the repression, despite the MDC's appeals to them
to remain calm.

      Attempts by Zimbabweans to defy unjust and inhuman laws were being met
with brute force, intolerance and reprisals, Tsvangirai said, adding mass
action was a universal right.

      He said: "People must be allowed to express themselves and register
their displeasure with the manner in which unpopular regimes handle the
fundamental question of governance in any society.

      "We have waited for our neighbours to assist in resolving these
issues, to no avail. The global community seems frozen in its seat and
preoccupied with other issues. Zimbabweans are on their own, in this
gruelling struggle to remain alive."

      Tsvangirai said the transitional government would have to come up with
a 12 to 18-month programme to be supervised by representatives of key
interest groups, including the major political parties."Unless we begin to
move in that direction, Zimbabwe will continue to bleed and slide into
deeper chaos," he said.
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Leader Page

      State activates Project Reclaim

      12/6/2002 (GMT +2)

      SOMEWHERE in Cabinet files probably lies an assignment called Project
Reclaim or something, under which the government will seek to regain the
mayoral and the parliamentary seats it lost to the opposition MDC.

      The problems the mayors of Bulawayo, Chegutu and Harare have run into
with the government are part of the project to reclaim the electoral losses
at national and local government levels.

      Japhet Ndabeni-Ncube, the executive mayor of Bulawayo, has been
dragged before the courts for allegedly attempting to bribe a voter. The
intention was to force his resignation so new elections, which could be
manipulated, would be held.

      He has also complained of attempts by Zanu PF councillors to frustrate

      Yet one very prominent ruling party leader from Mashonaland West
publicly offered money for votes, while his party gave food to villagers
during the 26-27 October 2002 rural district council elections in exchange
for votes. In both cases, no one has been arrested.The mayor of Chegutu,
Francis Dhlakama, has come under immense pressure to throw in the towel. His
attackers still walk the streets of Chegutu freely. The objective is to try
to force him out of office.

      In Masvingo, Alois Chaimiti, the executive mayor has been besieged by
coffin-carrying Zanu PF youths, determined to intimidate him into resigning.
Chitungwiza's executive mayor, Misheck Shoko, last month warned that the
government was on a mission to remove opposition mayors.

      An example of what he was referring to is the situation of the
Executive Mayor of Harare, Engineer Elias Mudzuri, whom the Minister of
Local Government, Public Works and National Housing, Dr Ignatius Chombo, has
ordered not to do anything without ministerial authority, a restriction that
effectively subverts the role of an executive mayor.

      The whole plot behind Project Reclaim could be first to create a
facade of mayors whose councils have reneged on their election promises. The
second is to portray them as incompetent and therefore deserving of the
sack.The case of Harare brings the problem into sharp focus.

      Chombo has tended to court, but sometimes read the riot act, to the
mayor of Harare. The strategy is either to force him to cross the floor or
to force him out. But with each failure and frustration has come increased
pressure. It manifests itself in various forms.

      For Project Reclaim, the route to kick the mayor out of office is by
creating problems with the supply of water to the Greater Harare area.

      Reports this week that there could be as little as three days' supply
of clean water left for residents of Chitungwiza, Epworth, Harare, Norton
and Ruwa, has to be seen in the context of a project to undermine the Harare
City Council, with a view to preparing grounds for its dismissal.

      Solomon Tawengwa, the former mayor of Harare, was shown the door,
along with his executive because the capital and the surrounding towns had
gone for days without water.

      The latest problems, however, are in two phases. The first is to
suggest that this council is prepared to jeopardise the health of millions
of Greater Harare residents, by not treating water supplied to the
populations in these areas.

      The second phase, could be that Zanu PF functionaries contracted to
supply the council with its requirements can arbitrarily increase their
charges for services provided to the council, in the hope that council will
object or refuse to pay, resulting in the companies refusing to supply
services, thus creating a crisis and providing justification for council's

      Behind all these machinations lies the fear of what successfully run
MDC local authorities mean to Zanu PF's survival and continued rule. The
fear is that if MDC-run councils do well and score more successes than Zanu
PF councils were ever able to achieve, the electorate could be persuaded to
give them a chance to govern the country on the basis of their record at
local government level. That could spell doom for Zanu PF.
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      Zanu PF card passport to maize-meal in Highfield

      12/6/2002 (GMT +2)

      Staff Reporter

      There was chaos at the Zanu PF district offices at Machipisa shopping
centre in Highfield, Harare, yesterday as thousands of people, mostly women,
battled to buy maize-meal by proving they were card-carrying Zanu PF

      A by-election for the Highfield parliamentary seat is due soon as the
Speaker of Parliament, Emmerson Mnangagwa, this week declared it vacant
after the expulsion from the party of the MDC MP, Munyaradzi Gwisai.

      Under the Constitution, an MP who resigns or is expelled from the
party on whose ticket he was elected to Parliament, loses his seat.But most
of those seeking the precious commodity went away empty-handed because, in
the predominantly MDC constituency, few could produce the passport to maize
meal - a Zanu PF membership card.

      This latest campaign to offer food in exchange for Zanu PF cards was
staged in Highfield despite repeated government denials that it has
politicised the distribution of food in the face of severe shortages.Nathan
Shamuyarira, the Zanu PF secretary for information and publicity, denied any
knowledge of the maize-meal sales by the party at Machipisa and elsewhere.

      He said: "I don't know anything about that. That is the job of the
government and the private sector. If you know who is selling the
mealie-meal at the party offices, please tell me. I need it and I would like
to buy some."

      The 10 and 20kg bags, which were selling for $300 and $600,
respectively, at the Zanu PF offices, were delivered on Wednesday.

      The news spread quickly in the suburb, resulting in people descending
on the offices from very early yesterday morning.

      The police, members of the youth brigade and Zanu PF youths and
officials had a hard time controlling the huge crowd. Tempers occasionally
flared, graphically illustrating the seriousness of the food shortages. The
youths ordered the people to queue according to their Zanu PF branches,
while party officials clutching lists with the names of their members
collected money to pay for the maize-meal.Those who were not on the lists
ignored the orders, adding to the confusion.

      One said: "Do they think all the people on their lists are their
members? If they want to gain support for their party in the coming
by-election they should just make the maize-meal available to everyone."

      Another by-election is due in Kuwadzana constituency in Harare,
following the death of the MDC MP, Learnmore Jongwe, in remand prison in

      Zanu PF has reportedly sold maize-meal in that constituency as well -
but only to those with Zanu PF membership cards. Paul Themba Nyathi, the MDC
spokesman, said: "The MDC condemns in the strongest terms the use of food as
a vote-buying weapon and invites the United

      Nations and humanitarian organisations to closely monitor developments
in Kuwadzana and Highfield."

      An estimated 6,7 million people, about half the population of the
country, are at risk of starvation, according to the World Food

      Programme, an agency of the United Nations.
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      Riot police beat up workers at labour meeting

      12/6/2002 (GMT +2)

      Staff Reporter

      Riot police beat up workers at a labour forum in Harare on Wednesday
evening, charging that it was illegal, a top trade unionist reported

      Wellington Chibhebhe, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU)
secretary-general, yesterday said the workers fled in all
directions.Earlier, around 5pm, the riot police had arrested Collen Gwiyo,
the ZCTU deputy secretary, and five workers outside the Crowne Plaza
Monomatapa Hotel.

      Gwiyo was directing workers to Gorlon Building in Jason Moyo Avenue,
the venue of the meeting, after police denied the ZCTU permission to hold
the meeting in the Harare Gardens.

      Chibhebhe said: "There were about 100 workers at Gorlon when the riot
police attacked. We had originally planned to hold our labour forum meeting
at the Harare Gardens and informed the police. They wrote to us on Tuesday
denying us permission."He said the police told them to hold the meeting

      Chibhebhe said it had then been decided to hold the meeting at Gorlon
Building after they failed to secure a venue at the hotel.Gwiyo said: "When
the riot police checked the Harare Gardens to see whether we were going
ahead with our meeting and found no one, they came to the hotel. There were
about eight of them and they arrested me and five others who were just
standing around.

      "On the way to Harare Central Police Station, they beat us and ordered
us to sing MDC songs but we refused. It was a trick, because they wanted us
to arrive at the police station singing so they could charge us."We were
released after about two hours after the policemen at the station realised
that we had not committed any crime."

      Lovemore Matombo, the ZCTU president, said: "We unreservedly condemn
this infringement on our freedom of association as enshrined in both the
country's Constitution and Convention 87 of the International Labour
Organisation."If this continues we will have to tackle the situation

      He said the ZCTU had been consulting workers across the country and
they were clamouring for action to protect their interests.

      He said: "The workers are far ahead of the leadership in calling for
action. While we are saying that we will follow the channel of dialogue,
these actions by the police will leave us with no choice but to take the
action demanded by the workers."

      Late last month, the ZCTU embarked on consultations over the course of
action to take after the government ignored demands for significant tax cuts
in last month's National Budget.
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Zim Independent

DRC intervention costs $100b
Dumisani Muleya
ZIMBABWE'S four-year military expedition in the Democratic Republic of Congo
(DRC) cost the country over $100 billion and at least 150 lives, it emerged

Official sources said the cost of the war - which at its height sucked in
nine African armies and displaced more than 3,2 million people - included
expenses incurred in arms and spare parts purchases, transport, equipment,
fuel, salaries, food, medication and administration.

The withdrawal of the army added to the cost in a big way. Government
recently gave the military $480 million for the exercise when at least $700
million was needed. Insiders said the exercise in the end cost up to $1

Sources said the 150-person casualty list included those killed in combat,
those who went missing in action and those who died out of action.

In 1999, the Independent obtained information on 92 casualties, including
names, times and places of fatalities in some cases.

But the total number of casualties has never been disclosed. Although
government has promised to release the information, it is yet to do so.

The financial cost of the war, which drained scarce national resources, was
heavy. Government sources this week put the figure at $100 billion.

In 2000, former Finance minister Simba Makoni told parliament that the
country had sunk $10 billion into the costly adventure, but evidence showed
the figure was much higher.

Official information obtained by the British government from Treasury
indicated at the time Zimbabwe was spending US$3 million a month in the

After plunging into the DRC conflict in August 1998, Zimbabwe ordered two
large consignments of military hardware, including bombs, guns and fighter
planes from Aerotech of Switzerland for $3,7 billion and other weaponry from
China for $3,2 billion. The country made several other large purchases.

But sources said Zimbabwe lost a lot of equipment during pitched battles and
bungled missions despite President Robert Mugabe's denials over the weekend.

There were persistent reports during the war that the army had abandoned
tanks, personnel carriers, recovery vehicles, anti-aircraft guns and rocket
launchers in the field.

In 1999, a Zimbabwean Allouette 3 helicopter gunship was shot down behind
rebel lines. The bodies of Colonel Alfonso Kufa and Squadron Leader Herbert
Vundla and the wreckage were not recovered.

Sources said the cost of the war escalated when Zimbabwe decided in late
1998 to take the war to the Rwanda and Ugandan-backed rebel groups in the
eastern part of the country where it had to build costly air bridges and
establish communications across thick jungle terrain.

Battles such as those at Kabalo and Kamina, which Zimbabwe won, also
consumed considerable resources. The army also used massive resources at the
battles at Bandaka and Pweto where soldiers ended up fleeing into Zambia
after being routed.

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