http://af.reuters.com
Mon Dec 7, 2009 11:12am
GMT
By Nelson Banya
HARARE (Reuters) - Aid agencies,
led by the United Nations, on Monday
launched an appeal for $378 million to
meet Zimbabwe's humanitarian needs,
amid signs that the crisis facing the
country is easing under its unity
government.
Zimbabwe's
power-sharing government, formed by President Robert Mugabe and
his rival
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai in February, has presided over
improving
social conditions in the country, but aid agencies say more needs
to be
done.
More than 70 aid organisations, including U.N. agencies, are
requesting the
money to for food security and to improve health, water and
sanitation.
U.N. assistant secretary general for humanitarian affairs,
Catherine Bragg,
who presided over the launch ceremony in Harare, noted an
improvement in
Zimbabwe's social conditions under the unity
government.
"Zimbabwe is experiencing a gradual shift from humanitarian
crisis to
recovery following political changes that positively affected
socio-economic
conditions," she said.
"Despite improvements in food
security, the country still faces a
substantial national cereal deficit and
an estimated 1.9 million will need
food assistance at the peak of the hunger
season, between January and
March."
Zimbabwe's humanitarian crisis
peaked last year when a cholera outbreak,
blamed on collapsing health, water
and sanitations systems, killed over
4,000 people in nearly 100,000 cases.
About 7 million people needed food aid
in 2008.
Bragg said the easing
crisis meant the 2010 aid request would be the lowest
since agencies and the
U.N. began the appeals process in 2006.
Donors managed to provide 64
percent of the 2009 appeal of
$719 million.
Western donors, seen
as key in Zimbabwe's recovery efforts, have been
providing mostly
humanitarian aid while holding out on direct assistance to
the government
until it implements broad political reforms.
http://www.sabcnews.com
December 07 2009 ,
4:39:00
John Nyashanu, Harare, Zimbabwe
The South African
mediating team has returned to Zimbabwe hoping to get
further input into the
country's political crisis, which could culminate in
an elusive
deal.
After presenting a report to President Jacob Zuma on their last
visit, the
team says they will meet principals and negotiators from all
political
parties. This, as the Zimbabwean negotiators failed to beat a
30-day
deadline set by the South African Development Community troika on
politics,
to resolve outstanding issues of the truce agreement.
It is
however believed the feuding parties have found common ground on media
reforms and the appointment of provincial governments. But there are still
some outstanding issues. The SA head of delegation, Charles Nqakula says:
“We believe that there will obviously be a story that we will hear. That is
our main purpose so that we can better report back. We have given a report
and of cause there were still some details that we still wanted to
have.”
Analysts say individuals like the central bank governor Gideon
Gono and
attorney general Johannes Tomana should not be the focus of
negotiations.
Political Analyst Barnabas Thondlana says: “What we are
looking for and what
we are looking at is strengthening of institutions not
the issue of
individuals. So you can remove Gono today but if you have not
strengthened
that institution you may have problems tomorrow.”
http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com
Mxolisi Ncube | 07 Dec 2009
World
Politics Review
JOHANNESBURG -- President Jacob Zuma's recent
appointment of a team of
envoys to monitor the unity government in
neighboring Zimbabwe could mark a
departure from the quiet diplomacy
employed by South Africa under former
President Thabo Mbeki.
Zuma
took over the mediation role in the Zimbabwean crisis last month, and
appointed a three-person team two weeks ago to oversee the functioning of
Zimbabwe's national unity government. Established on Feb. 15, the coalition
government in Harare has been threatened by sharp differences between the
country's two main political rivals, President Robert Mugabe's ZANU (PF)
party and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's principal MDC
formation.
The South African team is headed by Charles Nqakula, a former
defense
minister who is also Zuma's political adviser. The other two members
are Mac
Maharaj, a former transport minister who is currently South Africa's
special
envoy to Zimbabwe, and Lindiwe Zulu, Zuma's foreign policy
adviser.
Analysts say that Zuma's team, which they described as "tough as
nails," is
likely to come up with recommendations that will put an end of
Mugabe's
obstructionism. Mugabe has previously taken advantage of South
Africa's
reluctance take a more muscular role in negotiations in order to
maintain
his grip on power, to the detriment of his coalition
partners.
"This brings to an end the business-as-usual approach that has
been employed
by South Africa in the past," said Emmanuel Hlabangana, a
human rights
lawyer and director for Diaspora Dialogue. "The fact that
President Zuma
has appointed a team of proven negotiators, a team with
integrity who can
break the deadlock, shows his will to resolve the
Zimbabwean crisis
immediately and concentrate on [South
Africa]."
Another analyst, who requested anonymity, said that Zuma, now
under immense
pressure from his coalition partners within the African
National Congress
(ANC) party -- especially the Congress of South African
Trade Unions
(COSATU) -- needs to get Mugabe into line to ease domestic
pressure back
home.
COSATU Secretary-General Zwelinzima Vavi last
week told the media in
Johannesburg that South Africa would only prosper
economically if it worked
overtime to resolve the crises in neighboring
countries -- especially
Zimbabwe, which has an estimated 4 million of its
nationals living as
economic and political refugees in South
Africa.
"Zuma is under a lot of pressure to deliver on his pre-election
promises of
bettering the lives of poor South Africans and create more
jobs," said the
analyst. "Close to 1 million South Africans lost their jobs
this year, and
his only chance of managing to ease the pressure lies in a
solution being
found to the situation up north."
The analyst said
that Zuma, who began with an approach similar to Mbeki's,
was shocked by
Mugabe's recalcitrant stance. Meanwhile, protests in South
Africa over
government service delivery continue grow.
Zulu told World Politics
Review that her team, which traveled to Harare last
Sunday, has already
presented its findings to Zuma.
"We submitted our report to the president
on Wednesday," she said. "He will
in turn hand it over to the [Southern
African Development Community] so that
they can act on it."
Although
she would not go into detail on what the report contains, it is
widely
believed to detail issues affecting the unity government, most of
which have
been blamed on Mugabe.
"Our task is to ensure that all parties adhere to
what they agreed on when
signing the Global Political Agreement (GPA), and
that all its contents are
implemented immediately," added Zulu.
That
could be interpreted as a sharp attack on Mugabe, who has been fingered
by
the two opposition MDC formations as the reason behind the slow-motion
implementation of the unity government.
"There is no other mechanism
in place to resolve the Zimbabwean crisis other
than the GPA," Zulu added,
"and all parties to the government must ensure
that it is followed and all
its requirements implemented fully."
Among the issues derailing the
Zimbabwean political accommodation to date
have been Mugabe's appointment of
his close associates, Gideon Gono and
Johannes Tomana, to the positions of
central bank governor and attorney
general, the president's alleged use of
state security agents to harass MDC
officials, the government's continuation
of violent land seizures, and the
octogenarian leader's refusal to swear in
Roy Bennet for the position of
deputy agriculture minister.
Bennet is
Tsvangirai's close ally and the MDC's treasurer general, and is
facing
terrorism charges that his party says are trumped up and politically
motivated.
Media freedom also remains a pipe dream, as repressive
laws like the Access
to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (.pdf) and
the Public Order and
Security Act still remain fully operational, used as
instruments to harass
journalists that are deemed to threaten the status
quo.
Zuma's new team has suddenly raised the hopes of most Zimbabweans
who still
believe that the GPA, if followed to its letter and spirit, is the
only
short-term measure capable of addressing their country's decade-long
economic and political crisis. The question remains whether the team will
live up to its promise.
Mxolisi Ncube is an exiled Zimbabwean
freelance journalist based in
Johannesburg, covering politics and human
rights. He used to report for the
Zimbabwean, a privately-owned weekly
newspaper, and various political Web
sites both locally and abroad, until
fleeing government persecution in
August.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona Sibanda
7
December 2009
Negotiators from ZANU PF and the MDC were expected to
present a detailed
report on the current state of talks between the parties
to their principals
on Monday.
There have been no leaks from the
negotiating teams except vague suggestions
that the parties are close to
reaching an agreement on some minor issues,
but none of the key ones. The
negotiators worked all weekend until late on
Sunday.
The facilitation
team, led by ANC stalwarts Charles Nqakula and Mac Maharaj
and President
Jacob Zuma's international relations advisor, Lindiwe Zulu,
were scheduled
to meet the negotiators on Monday.
When the team returns to Pretoria on
Tuesday they are expected to present
President Zuma with a report, which he
will forward to President Armando
Guebuza of Mozambique, the current
chairman of Troika.
Harare based journalist Stanley Gama told us the
media was finding it very
difficult to cover the story because of the
secrecy surrounding the talks. A
SADC Troika summit gave the parties up to
December 5 to meet and review the
implementation of the GPA and resolve all
outstanding issues, under South
Africa's facilitation.
It's not clear
if the facilitation team will meet Robert Mugabe, Morgan
Tsvangirai and
Arthur Mutambara. The three principals were due to meet on
Monday for their
weekly indaba. SW Radio Africa is reliably informed that
Mugabe, and
possibly Tsvangirai, might leave Harare on Monday night to
attend a UN
climate summit in Copenhagen in Denmark. Both leaders were
invited to the
summit by the UN.
There was speculation in the media that Mugabe was
going to make an
'important announcement' concerning the set up of the four
constitutional
commissions that were established by government as stipulated
in the GPA.
However, Mugabe has had the names of the commissioners for the
last two
months, which highlights how slow any progess is and how Mugabe is
deliberately stalling.
However our Harare correspondent Simon
Muchemwa said Mugabe might finally
announce the names of commissioners to
sit on the Zimbabwe Media Commission,
the Independent Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission, the Anti-Corruption
Commission and the Human Rights
Commission.
'We are just waiting for news but at the moment nothing is
being said by the
government. There is a feeling of frustration among
journalists here because
the government or negotiators are not forthcoming
with any information,'
Muchemwa said.
It's now ten months since the
formation of the inclusive government and the
political rivals are still
haggling over the full implementation of the
SADC-brokered unity
agreement.
Tsvangirai accuses Mugabe of unilaterally appointing party
loyalists to
executive positions in government in violation of the GPA. Top
among the
contentious issues is the appointment by Mugabe of Attorney
General Johannes
Tomana, central bank Governor Gideon Gono and 10 governors
from ZANU PF.
The MDC is also demanding a stop to renewed state sponsored
violence, the
prosecution of party activists on spurious charges, continued
bias against
it by the state media, fresh farm invasions by ZANU PF
supporters and the
clandestine deployment of military personnel to instill
fear among villagers
in the countryside.
ZANU PF has cited the removal of
the Western-imposed targeted sanctions, the
so-called 'pirate' radio
stations and what they allege is the establishment
of parallel government
structures by the Prime Minister's Office.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
07 December
2009
The MDC's Transport Manager Pascal Gwezere, who is still being kept
behind
bars on trumped-up charges, could find his prison stay drawn out even
longer, after the Attorney General's office filed an application challenging
his bail.
Gwezere was granted bail more than 2 weeks ago after being
charged with
weapons theft, but he has been forced to remain behind bars at
Chikurubi
Maximum Security Prison. The High Court had granted Gwezere US$500
bail with
strict conditions, but the State immediately invoked a draconian
legal act
that forced him to remain in remand for another week. Chief law
officer
Michael Mugabe has since lodged an appeal against Gwezere's bail in
the
Supreme Cour, and until the Court makes a determination on the matter it
is
likely Gwezere will remain locked up.
The MDC employee was
abducted from his home in Harare last month, and was
'missing' for almost a
week before finally being brought before the courts,
bearing signs of severe
torture. He has since stated that his abductors
repeatedly interrogated him
using torture methods, leaving him with serious
injuries to his head, feet,
leg and back. Despite these injuries, Gwezere
has been denied access to
private medical care, with prison officials openly
ignoring a ruling that he
be allowed access to proper care. As a result,
Gwezere's overall health is
seriously deteriorating and there are genuine
concerns about how he will
manage being imprisoned much longer.
Gwezere has been charged with
stealing firearms from Pomona Barracks and
receiving military training in
Uganda a decade ago. The military training
charge has already been thrown
out by the magistrates' court, while the MDC
has said the theft charges are
trumped up.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Lance Guma
07 December
2009
Attempts to mend a rift within the national students union took a
major step
back when a former student was attacked and left for dead by a
gang of
unknown assailants. Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU)
President
Clever Bere, locked in a bitter fight with a faction led by former
Vice
President Brilliant Dube, says he was the target of Friday evening's
attack
on Benson Matsveruka.
In an interview with Newsreel on Monday,
Bere said Matsveruka was assaulted
by a gang of six as he approached the
entrance of a house inhabited by
ZINASU leaders. 'The gang started
assaulting him, indiscriminately using
clenched fists and booted feet,
mistaking him for me,' he told us. It's only
when one of the assailants
shouted 'it's not Bere' that they stopped the
attack and sped off in an
unidentified twin cab vehicle.
'Matsveruka was left for dead and
unconscious, his shirt and trousers were
heavily stained in blood as a
result of the assault. He is receiving
treatment at Parirenyatwa Hospital,'
a ZINASU statement read.
The national students union split into two
factions this year following
disagreements over whether to support the
government's constitution making
process or not. Bere's group was allegedly
backed by the National
Constitutional Assembly and the Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions who
favoured a boycott, while Dube's group received support
from the MDC who
wanted them to participate. Efforts were underway to bring
the warring sides
together, but the latest attack is set to destroy any
goodwill.
On Monday Bere said it was difficult to pinpoint who was behind
the attack
on Matsveruka because it could have been state security
operatives
exploiting the infighting or members of the other faction
settling scores.
Bere listed several attacks against student leaders aligned
to his group
which he said were instigated by people loyal to the other
faction.
ZINASU say they have already reported Friday's attack to the
police in Glen
View and investigations are already been launched. Whether
this will lead to
any arrests is another matter, given it could have been
the state after all
who was behind the attack.
http://www.zimeye.org/?p=10927
By Moses
Muchemwa
Published: December 5, 2009
Zanu-PF set for a new
split over a Ndebele chairman thumbnail
Harare - Zanu-PF is set to fall
into a new split, as the Matabeleland
allotment of the national chairmanship
takes centre stage at the party's
Politburo meeting Monday.
Zanu-PF's
secretary for administration, Didymus Mutasa confirmed the
Politburo would
debate over the 'contentious' chairmanship.
Nominations for the Zanu-PF
chairman were concluded recently with Zimbabwe's
Ambassador to South Africa,
Simon Khaya Moyo winning but Manicaland Province
accused some quarters of
the party of having "misconception" that the
national chairman should come
from Matabeleland region.
Zanu-PF Manicaland Provincial chairman Basil
Nyabadza said there was no
legal provision in the Unity Accord, which notes
that the Zanu-PF chairman
should be drawn from Matabeleland. However, this
is to be source of major
disgruntlement to Ndebele speaking people who
joined ZANU PF after the 1987
unity accord.
It is widely believed
that Mutasa who comes from Manicaland is interested in
the national
chairmanship.
Zanu-PF was reformed in 1987 following the signing of the
Unity Accord on 22
December 1987 Unity Accord between PF-Zapu and
Zanu-PF.
In the mean time, president Robert Mugabe revealed last week
that Manicaland
party members interested in the national chairmanship were
free to lobby for
support as 'the post was still open'.
He said
Matabeleland region was tasked to lead the nomination of
Vice-President,
which was won by incumbent Zanu-PF national chairman, John
Nkomo, and not
the chairman's post.
Party members from Matabeleland are also set to be
shocked this week after
Mugabe said
".we, however, did not put up the
chairmanship for discussion and we were
even surprised to read through the
media of Khaya Moyo's nomination as
national chairman.".
Party
members say that Mutasa, who is close to Mugabe will most likely win
his
plot of the post because of his close relations with president Mugabe.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=25634
December 7, 2009
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - SADC executive secretary Dr Tomaz Salomao says
Zimbabweans should
be patient with current negotiations among the political
parties in
government, just as a deadline set by the SADC troika in
Mozambique expired
Saturday.
Salomao, who sneaked into the country
Wednesday night on a low profile
diplomatic visit to add impetus to the
sluggish talks, said there was
progress in the talks.
"We are
satisfied with the progress," Salomao told ZBC TV on Friday, "just
give them
a chance to finalise.
"I believe they are mature people. They are serious
and they are committed
and they know what is good for Zimbabwe and what is
good for them."
The visit by the SADC chief followed that of three
emissaries from South
African President and new facilitator in the talks,
Jacob Zuma, who is keen
to see a speedy resolution to Zimbabwe's political
crisis.
Zuma's country is host to over a million Zimbabweans who have
fled hunger
and joblessness in the past decade from a country that was once
the region's
breadbasket.
The team comprises Zuma's political adviser
Charles Nqakula, anti-apartheid
struggle veteran Mac Maharaj and Lindiwe
Zulu, International Affairs Adviser
to the South African
leader.
Salomao said the facilitation team was going to come back to
receive a full
report on the talks.
Although the progress of the
talks remain an issue of speculation, the
negotiations, which started more
than two weeks after a SADC troika in
Mozambique gave the parties 15 days
and not later than 30 to deal with
outstanding issues to the Global
Political Agreement (GPA). December 5 was
the last day.
Continued
feuding by the parties has affected the smooth running of the
coalition
government among President Robert Mugabe's former ruling Zanu-PF
party and
the two MDC factions.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, whose party is
making the most number of
demands from its partners in government, told a
news conference in Cape Town
last Thursday the parties were making progress
in the talks.
His ministers in government say the delays in the
resolution of the crisis
have held back crucial constitutional and economic
reforms which were
prescribed by the GPA.
Finance Minister Tendai
Biti said Wednesday while presenting his budget
statement that political
uncertainties brought by the continued failure by
the political parties to
resolve their outstanding differences has slowed
down economic recovery in
the country.
Similarly, Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs, Eric
Matinenga was
quoted in the MDC official website as saying the crucial
process was
retrogressing.
"The people of Zimbabwe are dying for a
new Constitution although they have
been facing various impediments,"
Matinenga said.
"However, it behoves us as government to produce a
conducive environment for
the constitution-making process."
Key among
the MDC's demands is the unilateral appointment by President
Mugabe, of
party loyalists to executive government posts. The GPA stipulates
that
parties must first agree before making any such
appointments.
Tsvangirai's MDC wants Mugabe to reverse his unilateral
appointment of top
allies to head Zimbabwe's central bank and the attorney
general's office.
The MDC also wants Mugabe to swear in its nominees to
five of the country's
provincial governorship posts to suit the voting
patterns by Zimbabweans
last year.
Mugabe has also refused to swear
in Tsvangirai ally Roy Bennett as deputy
agriculture minister.
The
MDC is also unhappy by what it says is selective application of the law
to
target its activists and officials.
On the other hand Zanu-PF, which
insists that it has met all its obligations
under the GPA, accuses the MDC-T
of not living up to a promise to lead a
campaign for lifting of Western
sanctions against Mugabe and members of his
inner circle.
From Beliefnet (US), 3 December
Lying at the heart of south-central Africa,
Zimbabwe sits between the
Zambezi River to the North and Limpopo River to
the South. A country ravaged
by HIV Aids, political unrest, unemployment,
poverty and food shortages,
Zimbabwe undoubtedly has a long and difficult
road ahead if it is to reclaim
its former status as "the bread-basket of
Africa". President Robert Mugabe's
policy of land redistribution, where
white farmers were forcefully and
violently removed from their lands, the
many charges of human rights abuses
as well as accusations of election
tampering resulted in the country's
expulsion from the Commonwealth nations
in 2002. The regime has seen much
bloodshed in Zimbabwe and has been met
with widespread international
condemnation over the past ten
years.
With the World Health Organization citing the life expectancy
of Zimbabweans
as 34 for males and 37 for females, an inflation rate
reaching a quarter of
a billion per cent at its peak in July of last year
and the continued rule
of Robert Mugabe, it might be easy to dismiss
Zimbabwe as a lost cause.
However, there are some some signs of change and
improvement, providing hope
for the country's future. During his recent trip
to Zimbabwe, Rabbi Shmuley
Boteach had the opportunity to speak with MDC-M
leader and recently sworn in
deputy prime minister Arthur Mutambara
discussing with him the three-party
government solution, the role of the
west in African politics and the steps
being taken to bring about a
brighter, safer future for Zimbabwe.
Rabbi Shmuley Boteach - Mr.
Deputy Prime Minister, can you tell us about how
Zimbabwe is
changing?
Arthur Mutambara: Right now we are presented with a unique
opportunity for
Zimbabwe because Zimbabweans have decided to work together.
For the past 10
years we have had acrimony and despair in our country so
after the
inconclusive elections of '08 we decided the best way to move
forward was to
go into government together. The first product of this new
situation is
political stability as all three major political parties of
Zimbabwe form a
working government, giving us an opportunity to build a
shared vision.
Secondly, although we have experienced terrible economical
circumstances in
the past, the inflation rate is now at just three per cent
which shows
macro-economic stability is coming back into our country,that is
a major
change. Thirdly, the quality of life is beginning to improve. Goods
are now
available in the shops, capitalisation of in the industries is
improving,
but there is still a challenge in terms of disposable
incomes.
So now the focus is on trying to create jobs and build the
economy, that is
the third layer of change: economic growth and development,
but it is still
a work in progress. The major one is number four: our brand
as a country, ie
what we are known for. We are known for censorship, for
arresting our
journalists, but we are making moves to change that now. It is
important
that Zimbabwe becomes known as a safe destination for investment,
we also
want to be known as a safe destination for tourism. In other words
we are
pushing what we call a hexagon of branding: tourism,
trade/investment,
culture, people, governance in each of those six areas we
are trying to
create a competitive identity for our country, we are trying
to make
Zimbabwe a globally competitive economy.
RS: Would you
say that some of the scepticism towards Zimbabwe on the part
of the
international community, the worry that the young leaders are not
being
heard or perhaps will be neutralised within a national unity
government, is
misplaced?
AM: There are two major reasons why there is scepticism:
one of them is
sheer ignorance and arrogance on the part of the west, I went
to Oxford- I
taught at MIT, I'm a Rhodes Scholar. I think it's fair to say
that I know
better than Obama what is good for Zimbabwe, that I know better
than Hillary
Clinton what is good for Zimbabwe. So it is very arrogant and
patronising
for Hillary or Obama to prescribe what is best for Zimbabwe
without talking
to me first. In my opinion, the starting point is to remove
ignorance and to
remove arrogance on the part of the west visa vi what's
good for Africa. We
as Zimbabweans, are the best analysts, and the best
scholars on the subject
called Zimbabwe. So when I say, in the short term
there is no alternative to
working together, that there is no alternative to
an inclusive arrangement I
believe that the West i.e. the Americans and the
British, should respect
that. There is also a second reason which I will to
in a moment, but in my
opinion the issue of respect is the really the major
one. If they, the
political leaders of the west, were more reflective and
decided to sit down
and talk to me in this manner: "you are a young leader,
a Rhodes scholar,
you taught at MIT, you are smarter than me, tell me what's
going on" because
I am- ya (laughs).
The second reason for
scepticism is our own fault. We do have outstanding
issues on our agreement,
we are still doing things in the country that
undermine confidence and
credibility, so there are certainly some challenges
but they are not
insurmountable. However those challenges do undermine our
credibility, those
problems on our farms, the problems with the agreement,
the problems with
our media damages our credibility and so people become
sceptical. So that
can be consider positive scepticism because it is due to
our own
misdemeanors and faults. That is reason number two, reason number
one is
arrogance and ignorance but there are also good reasons why people
should be
sceptical. The most important thing to remember now is that we
have no
alternative, we have no plan B- all of us: Tsvangirai, Mugabe,
myself, are
stuck with each other in the short run. This inclusive
government must work.
And how will it work? By creating a new constitution,
creating national
healing, recovering the economy, making political reforms
and media reforms,
so that we can create conditions for a free and fair
election next
time.
RS: So is it fair to say you are confident that this unity
government, and
the input that you and Morgan Tsvangirai are bringing to it,
is not only
giving your respective parties a voice but is also bringing
about change?
AM: Absolutely, it is creating fundamental change,
political stability,
economical stability, we are opening up the media, our
people want us to
stay in this government. Our people are experiencing a new
reality. Yes
there are problems, yes there are challenges but they are not
insurmountable. On the main, in general, we are making progress, and the
progress is towards a new Zimbabwe.
RS: The perception of
Zimbabwe is one of a government which is inaccessible
and one where Zimbabwe
has become synonymous with political intimidation. Do
you believe that also
is changing?
AM: You see this is brings us back to the issue of our
brand as a country;
it takes a long time to build a reputation and quite a
second to destroy it.
What we have done in the past is destroy our own
reputation, we used to be
the bread basket of Southern Africa, now we are
the basket case. We used to
be the model of reconciliation in the country,
now we are known for
intimidation, violence and so on. So we are now going
back to our old brand
position, to our competitive identity. We are now
recasting ourselves as a
nation of inclusiveness, as a nation of harmony, as
a nation of
reconciliation, we need to recreate it because it has been
destroyed over
the past ten years. We are moving there slowly but surely,
but we have take
a bit of time to build that brand position.
RS:
So back to your relationship to the west, you feel that the American
position is one of dictating to you whether or not you should work with
president Mugabe, and your feeling is that they really don't understand the
situation and that they need to sit with you and hear what you have to say.
Did you think that Obama in particular would be willing to talk to
you?
AM: Well he's inexperienced so I think he's very careful. He
doesn't want to
rock the boat too much, and yet what we want to see is
leadership and
creativity. What we are saying in our environment, given our
previous
election, there is no alternative to an arrangement of
accommodation. When
we achieve the reforms we need to achieve we can prepare
ourselves for a
free and fair election, with that election then producing a
legitimate
government.
RS: Do you have a timetable for the next
election?
AM: Two years is the time frame in the agreement for a
referendum, two years
starting from September last year. If we are not ready
we can extend that
time period. What is important is to create conditions
for freedom and
fairness. So if after two years we are not ready then we
will say "let us do
more work". Remember that in Zimbabwe the question is
not"when is next
election?" For the past ten years we have had elections
which were not free
and fair and we have no clear answers as to why that
was. The issue in
Zimbabwe is the calibre and the quality of the election.
So the right
question is how and when can we make sure that Zimbabwe has a
fair and free
election. The 2000 elections where problematic, 2002 there
were issues,
2005, 2008 also issues- so elections are not the answer.
Creating
circumstances for a free and fair election is the
answer.
RS: So do you feel you, Tsvangirai and Mugabe have a good
working
relationship? As a triumvirate?
AM: We have no choice,
but we have a working relationship. We are doing this
for our people, we are
doing this because it is in the national interest, we
are doing this because
it is the African solution. We might not like each
other, because we are
coming from three different directions, but
unfortunately for us, our
individual fortunes are intertwined and
inseparable at this juncture. That
is why it is foolish of the Americans to
say, pull out of the government and
have the election, they are being
unwise, because if we did have the
election it would be unfree and unfair
and another victory for Mugabe.
Myself and Tsvangirai must hold on in there,
work on a new constitution,
work on the separation of powers, work on
national healing work on political
and media reforms. So that next time
around we can get the free and fair
election in which Mugabe might loose. So
do we have a nice working
relationship? Not necessarily- but we do have a
functional
relationship.
RS: And the Americans aren't prepared to hear
this?
AM: Perhaps, perhaps not, but now the most important thing is
the African
dimension, this is very important, to be influential in Africa
you must be
with African opinion. What do I mean about African opinion? SADC
(Southern
African Development Community) and AU (the African Union).These
are the
African institutions, if you can't convince them to move then you
have to
move with them because otherwise you'll be ineffective. America
cannot have
a foreign policy position that is opposed to SADC or the AU and
succeed. So
we for example in this inclusive government were guided by SADC
member
countries, they said " do it it's in your country's national
interest". Once
they advise us to do that we cannot succeed if we go up
against them. So the
greatest influence over the future of Zimbabwean
politics lies not with the
intervention of western governments but rather
lies with Africa and the will
of the African people.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=25650
December 7, 2009
HARARE -
Justice and Legal Affairs Minister Patrick Chinamasa has lodged a
complaint
with the Joint Monitoring and implementation Committee (JOMIC),
alleging
that the Prime Minister's party, the MDC, is politicising
humanitarian and
food assistance in the Makoni District of Manicaland.
Chinamasa suffered
heavy defeat to the MDC's late John Nyamande in Makoni
North Constituency in
the historic parliamentary polls in March last year
that handed President
Mugabe and his party their first electoral defeat
since independence in
1980.
Nyamande died in a road accident two weeks ago.
Chinamasa
chronicled two witness accounts of alleged politicisation of
humanitarian
and food assistance by the Tsvangirai-led MDC-T in Wards 20 and
22 of Makoni
Rural District Council. He further alleged that the MDC was
working in
cahoots with Irish humanitarian agency, GOAL.
In his correspondence,
which has since been probed by the JOMIC secretariat,
the Zanu PF Senator
says the MDC distributed food along partisan lines on
October 26 at Nyahukwe
Primary School and on October 28 at Sabhuku Foto's
homestead.
"I am
writing to bring this incident to the attention of JOMIC as such
incidents
are in violation of Article XVI of the GPA (global political
agreement), in
particular, Article 16.3 which reads as follows:-
"16.3 Non governmental
organisations involved in giving humanitarian and
food assistance shall do
so without discrimination on the grounds of race,
ethnicity, gender,
political affiliation and religion and in doing so, shall
not promote or
advance the interests of any political party or cause," said
Chinamasa's
letter of complaint to JOMIC.
JOMIC is special multi-party taskforce
mandated with supervising the
implementation of the GPA signed by Zanu-PF
and the two MDC parties last
year.
It handles all complaints,
grievances, concerns and issues relating to
compliance with the
GPA
MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa rejected the accusations, and said the
MDC was
not involved in any politicisation of food in conjunction with any
NGO.
Efforts to reach GOAL were futile at the time going to
press.
The practice of dishing out food handouts to villagers in exchange
for
political support has been blamed on Zanu PF over the past decade, and
was
mainly carried out in recent years through the central bank's farm
mechanisation programme.
Chinamasa's letter says at Nyahukwe School
Sport Fields, villagers were
ordered to gather under their respective
headmen and registered to get
fertiliser from GOAL. An MDC councillor
allegedly delivered a political
speech informing the villagers that
fertiliser was coming from the MDC. Only
those with less than five cattle
were eligible for the fertiliser.
"A Mr Tsungano of MDC-T claimed that he
had been given MDC-T pamphlets with
the picture of Tsvangirai a day before,"
Chinamasa's letter says. "He was
busy distributing them to each member who
was written down for inputs. We
wondered why GOAL was seeing this and kept
quiet. GOAL is also involved in
this dirty game," said
Chinamasa.
Sources in the JOMIC said the secretariat had been tasked to
probe the
incident and a team including the political liaison officers from
all the
three parties in the JOMIC, had visited Makoni and discovered that
the said
pamphlets with Tsvangirai's picture were, in fact, the Prime
Minister's
newsletter which is being distributed countrywide free of
charge.
Chinamasa's letter also chronicles events of October 28 at
Sabhuku Foto's
homestead.
"People were awaiting fertiliser
distribution from GOAL which is an NGO
operating in Makoni Administrative
Council," says the letter. "GOAL members
were present. People were put in
groups of their respective villages and
were waiting to be registered for
fertiliser distribution. The MDC
Councillor in Ward 22, Clarah Radzokota
gave a political speech in which she
claimed that the items being
distributed were coming from MDC-T."
Again Chinamasa alleges pamphlets
with the Prime Minister's picture were
distributed.
"She distributed
the pamphlets to each member who was written down for the
fertiliser
inputs," the letter says. "GOAL officials said nothing and did
not stop what
Councillor Clarah was doing. GOAL officials just stood and
watched as
Councillor Clarah was making the speech. It was obvious that GOAL
was part
of the scheme to promote the interests of MDC-T through food
distribution."
Some four million people - a third of the population -
rely on aid after
poor harvests and an economic crisis.
President
Mugabe's party has accused some aid groups of campaigning for the
MDC and
last year ordered that all of them re-apply for accreditation and
promise
not to get involved in politics. MDC officials have, on the other
hand,
accused Zanu-PF of delivering food only to the party's supporters,
while
withholding supplies from areas which back the MDC.
http://www.monstersandcritics.com
Dec 7, 2009,
10:06 GMT
Harare - A London-registered mining company is demanding the
eviction of
Zimbabwean state companies and their South African partners
working the
controversial Chiadzwa diamond field in the east of the country,
lawyers
confirmed Monday.
Lawyer Jonathan Samkange said he had lodged
an urgent eviction application
on behalf of African Consolidated Resources,
whose claim was grabbed by
President Robert Mugabe's government in 2006 but
which won a Zimbabwe high
court ruling in late September declaring it to be
the lawful owner of the
Chiadzwa claim.
ACR officials say that the
two companies occupying the site, police and
state mining authorities have
ignored the September ruling.
The Chiadzwa field earned notoriety last
year when human rights agencies
reported that 200 people had been murdered
and thousands tortured and
assaulted when police and the army launched a
crackdown to drive off about
20,000 illegal diggers and panners at the
site.
Industry experts fear that revenue from the lucrative diamond field
are
being channeled to cronies of Mugabe's Zanu-PF party, instead of to the
country's cash-strapped unity government.
Minister of mines Obert
Mpofu gave mining rights to South African companies
New Reclamation and Core
Mining around the same time as the September court
order.
The
companies have formed joint ventures with the state-owned Zimbabwe
Mining
Development Corporation.
'It is evident that the diamond mining (by the
two companies) on the ACR
claims is unlawful and has been unlawful from the
very beginning,' said ACR
chief executive Andrew Cranswick, who added that
only his company was
entitled to exploit the claims.
ACR could suffer
'irreparable harm' if the case was not dealt with urgently,
as the alluvial
diamond field had a limited lifespan.
No date for the hearing of ACR's
eviction application has been set.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=25637
December 7, 2009
By Our
Correspondent
BULAWAYO - Some journalists on Friday failed to attend the
Zimbabwe Union of
Journalists (ZUJ) congress where elections of a new
executive were held
while others boycotted the meeting held in
Bulawayo.
Dumisani Sibanda, news editor of the government-controlled
Sunday News was
elected as new president of the union.
Sibanda was
elected after the venue of the congress had been abruptly
switched to a
remote place, some 30 km outside the city of Bulawayo, for
unclear
reasons.
A former political editor of The Chronicle, a newspaper also
controlled by
the government, Sibanda takes from long-time president,
Matthew Takaona.
Takaona, said to have played key role in organising the
congress, assumed
the reins of power back in 1998.
Some journalists
complained about apparent attempts to manipulate Friday's
elections.
Until Friday, the day of the elections, delegates, who
included those who
had been vying for posts in the new executive, were kept
guessing on the
venue of the congress.
Freelance journalist, Frank
Chikowore, said the venue was abruptly switched
to How Mine at the last
minute, a place which is not easily accessible to
many
journalists.
Speaking to The Zimbabwe Times, Chikowore who was vying for
the post of
secretary general, said he was forced to boycott the election in
protest
over what he said was a flawed process.
"This was a farce,"
said Chikowore. "It was a shame election. I can equate
that to the June 27
(2008) presidential runoff election. The venue was
shifted now and
again.
"To start with, it was never advertised in the newspaper despite a
placement
in the Herald advertising of the holding of the congress itself.
The former
executive led by Takaona merely stated that the venue was in
Bulawayo
forgetting that Bulawayo was very big."
ZBC's Mercy Pote was
elected first vice-president, Michael Padera (Herald)
second vice-president,
with Vince Mugumbate as treasurer, while Foster
Dongozi retained his post as
secretary general unopposed.
A Standard newspaper senior reporter Nqobani
Ndlovu, who was vying for the
position of vice-president, also boycotted the
congress in protest over the
confusion over the venue.
He said he was
already preparing to challenge the ZUJ congress results in
the High
Court.
"My lawyers are working on papers to challenge the ZUJ results in
court ,"he
said. "I live in Bulawayo where the congress was held but I
didn't know
about venue up to the last minute and that is
unacceptable.
"How can they run away with the elections?"
Takaona
on Thursday said the venue of the congress was kept secret because
there
were groups of people who had been hired by politicians to come and
disrupt
the process.
"There is absolutely no secrecy around the organisation of
the conference,"
said Takaona. "According to the ZUJ constitution, all
delegates going to the
congress are members of the national council who in
this case involve branch
chairpersons and their secretaries.
"This is
clearly laid down in the constitution."
http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com
7th
Dec 2009 18:00 GMT
By a Correspondent
PERMANENT secretary for Media,
Information and Publicity George Charamba,
has conceded that the state has
always had a controlling monopoly of radio
services.
He admited to
this in an interview with the Herald newspaper where he
sharply criticized
the continued operation of Voice of America's (VOA)
Studio 7 amid
allegations by his office that there was a
government-to-government
agreement between the United States and Botswana.
In a story that
appeared in the Herald of 4 December 2009, titled Botswana,
US propaganda
pact exposed, Charamba alleges that Botswana entered into a
bilateral
agreement with the united states to beam anti-government
propaganda messages
into Zimbabwe and that there was a recent upgrading of
the transmitting
equipment to scale up the pirate broadcasts.
Responding to the question
of whether the setting up of the radio station
would assist in opening up
the airwaves, Charamba said the VOA "was trying
to cloud the issue by not
dealing with the real matter at hand." "This
country has had a State
broadcasting monopoly since day one of radio
services", he
observed.
Speaking on the subject, the permanent secretary said that the
government to
government agreement between Gaborone and Washington was in
violation of the
ITU (International Telecommunications Union) protocols,
Zimbabwe's
sovereignty and the Global Political Agreement (GPA), although no
reasons
were given to substantiate the existence of the alleged pact or
violation of
the ITU.
He went on question why such radio station
never broadcasted during the days
of the colonial era and why they only
started broadcasting with the advent
of the land reform. Charamba further
remarked that the alleged transmitter
was done with the singular purpose of
upping the scale of "media terrorism
against
Zimbabwe."
Background
Charamba's comments come after the inclusive
government has undertaken to
open up the airwaves by issuing out licences to
new broadcasters and media
players. Article 19 of the Global Political
Agreement clearly states that
"government shall ensure the immediate
processing by the appropriate
authorities of all applications for
re-registration and registration in
terms of both Broadcasting Services Act
as well as the Access to Information
and Protection of Privacy Act". More
than one year late after the signing of
the GPA, this undertaking remains a
pipe dream.
http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com
7th
Dec 2009 13:22 GMT
By a Correspondent
MANY journalists from
privately-owned media organisations boycotted the
Zimbabwe Union of
Journalists' (ZUJ) congress held in Bulawayo last Friday
where Dumisani
Sibanda, news editor of the state-run Sunday News, was
elected new
president.
The former political editor of the Chronicle was elected amid
controversy as
the congress was unexpectedly switched to a remote venue,
some 30km out of
Bulawayo.
Sibanda takes over from Matthew Takaona,
who retains control at the union
after successfully lobbying to stay on as a
"consultant". His critics
claimed he imposed preferred candidates to take
over from his old executive.
Until Friday, the day of the elections,
delegates, who included those who
had been vying for posts in the new
executive, were kept guessing about the
venue for the
congress.
Finally, it emerged the congress would be held in How Mine,
which was not
easily accessible to many journalists.
Freelance
journalist Frank Chikowore was angling for the post of secretary
general,
but says he was forced to boycott the election in protest over what
he
alleged was a "flawed process".
"This was a farce. It was a sham
election," said Chikowore. "The venue was
shifted now and again. To start
with, it was never advertised in the
newspaper despite a placement in the
Herald advertising the holding of the
congress itself.
"The former
executive led by Takaona merely stated that the venue was in
Bulawayo
forgetting that Bulawayo is very big."
In the ballot, Sibanda polled 28
votes to beat his rival, Isdore Guvamombe,
the Herald's news editor who had
12 votes.
The ZBC's Mercy Pote was elected first vice president, the
Herald's Michael
Padera (Herald) second vice president while treasurer Vince
Mugumbate and
secretary general Foster Dongozi were
unopposed.
Nqobani Ndlovu, a senior reporter with the privately-owned
Standard
newspaper who was vying for the post of vice president but failed
to attend
as a result of the "venue fiasco" has threatened to go to court to
challenge
the elections.
"I am talking to my lawyers to challenge the
ZUJ results in court," Ndlovu
said. "I live in Bulawayo where the congress
was held but I didn't know
about venue until the last minute. It's
unacceptable. How can they run away
with the elections?"
Takaona
last Thursday said the venue of the congress was kept secret from
the rest
of the ZUJ membership because there were groups of people who had
been hired
by politicians to come and disrupt the process.
"There is absolutely no
secrecy around the organisation of the conference.
According to the ZUJ
constitution, all delegates going to the congress are
members of the
national council who in this case are branch chairpersons and
their
secretaries. This is clearly laid down in the constitution." - New
Zimbabwe
Click here to read IDASA's Attached is IDASA's GNU Watch for November.
MEETING HELD AT THE DIOCESAN
OFFICES, 9 MONMOUTH ROAD, AVONDALE ON
SATURDAY 5 DECEMBER 2009 AT 1200
HOURS.
Over the last two weeks, and at intervals recently, Dr Kunonga
has
again interfered with the parishes in this diocese in contravention
of
the judgments that have been handed down over a period of time
since
January 19 2008 and in an attempt to destabilize the diocese.
The
following are some of the incidents that have occurred:
Saturday
28 November 2009: St Clare's Church Murewa: The police
entered the church as
Bishop Chad was about to administer the elements
and drove everyone out of
the church. When asked why the reply was
"political". The incident is being
pursued with the Officer in Command
of DESPO in Marondera as the
officer-in-charge at Murewa had no right
to interfere with the
service.
On Sunday 29 November during the Confirmation Service at
Kuwadzana the
congregation was ordered out of the church by the police and
the
service was held in the open. The Police did not assist us
in
preventing the parishioners being forced out of the church by
Kunonga
thereby disobeying the court order and not upholding the
judgment.
Tafara: The parishioners have been informed by a letter posted
at the
church that Dr Kunonga will be holding one service all day on Sunday
6
December 2009. This is in contravention of the Makarau
Judgement
permitting CPCA priests to hold services ninety minutes after
those
held by Kunonga's priests.
Church of the Transfiguration Warren
Park: The parishioners have been
informed the only one service will be held
on Sunday 6 December by
Kunonga from 0800-1700 hours and members of CPCA may
attend if they
wish. Again contravention of the Makarau judgement.
St
Faith's Budariro: Three weddings were due to be held last week.
Some of the
known supporters of Kunonga entered the church after the
first wedding and
said that there is a new chapter beginning and
people can only attend their
services and not those of CPCA.
Glenview: A competition was supposed to
be held by a cell phone
service company today 5 December 2009. Permission was
granted as
Kunonga people never use the church on a Saturday. When the PR
lady
was supervising the erection of the marquee she was told that
Kunonga
would be at the church all day and the event has been cancelled.
The
priest and parishioners have been stopped from using the
church.
St Elizabeth's Belvedere: Were due to have a fete today which has
been
well publicized. The police were informed in advance but when
the
person appointed to liaise with the police went to check yesterday
he
was told that Kunonga would be having a fete today and that the
church
was booked in advance of CPCA booking the church. In addition
the
doors have been bolted from inside and the lock changed on the
gate.
Hatfield: On Friday 4 December two or three visitors went to see
Rev
Zhou and informed him that they wanted to use the church all day on
5
and 6 December. There however are two weddings booked and they
were
informed that they could use the facilities after the weddings but
on
Sunday the Salvation Army use the church after CPCA and therefore
it
would not be available.
St Paul's Marlborough: On Sunday 29
November Munyani and six priests
went to St Paul's just before the start of
the 0700 service and called
the priest out and told him to tell the
parishioners to go home and
come back at 1230 hours in contravention of the
court ruling. The
Kunonga priest was called as there is a written agreement
with him. He
was told that he should not have agreed without permission from
the
Head Office (Kunonga).
Bishop Gaul College: On Friday 4 December
Kunonga and two others went
to the College with a bunch of keys. The
ordinands were told that
Kunonga would "come like a whirlwind to the
College".
The diocese is not taking these contraventions lightly and will
be
pursue through the courts any attempt by Kunonga to prevent
the
legitimate services being held.
The Bishop, Dean, priests, wardens
and parishioners are determined to
continue with the services at the times
that they have been holding
them in accordance with the Makarau Judgment and
will not tolerate
thebreaching of the court orders by the
Police.
Please continue to pray for the diocese for strength and wisdom
to
overcome the evil that is being perpetrated.
This email has
been sent from a network acting as a free conduit for
news and information
related to Avondale Parish and the Anglican
Diocese of Harare
(CPCA).
Information received by the network is sent privately and
anonymously
worldwide by email to those who have a concern for the church
in
Zimbabwe. Details of mailshot recipients always remain
strictly
confidential.
This and all previous messages are also
available online at
http://dioceseofhararecpca.wordpress.com/
http://blog.beliefnet.com
Monday
December 7, 2009
Visiting Zimbabwe can be a heart-wrenching
experience. It is a beautiful
land of warm and soft-spoken people. But
hovering over the landscape at all
times is the specter of extreme poverty
and political oppression. The
poverty is merely tragic. But the political
oppression is brutal, murderous,
and criminal. Most of the people I met went
quiet with fear on the subject
of Robert Mugabe, afraid that a stranger may
be a government agent and any
criticism can make you the next target of his
thugs.
One innocent victim was Ben Freeth, a sunny Christian farmer who,
after
publishing an article in the Western press about the illegal and
murderous
farm seizures being carried out by Mugabe's Zanu (PF) party, was
savagely
beaten and later watched as his farm was burnt to the ground. When
I met
Freeth in Harare last week he described to me and my friends from the
Christian relief organization ROCK of Africa who were hosting us how, in the
midst of the assault that fractured his skull, he suddenly reached out and
touched the feet of his assailants and said, "Bless you, bless you." My
Christian counterparts were deeply moved by this quintessential story of
Christian love for one's enemy. I, however, was aghast.
Ben is a
hero who, at the risk of his life continues to serve as a spokesman
for the
thousands of white families who have been brutally dispossessed of
their
land and many of whom have been killed. But I could not help but
challenge
this aspect of the story. "Every ounce of blessing we have in our
hearts has
to be reserved for the all the AIDS orphans that I saw dotting
this
once-proud land. These wretched thugs deserve not our blessing but our
contempt, not our love but out hatred." A debate broke out in the room. I
alone maintained my position. My dear friend Glen Megill, a saint who
founded ROCK of Africa, said, "Shmuley, Jesus told us to love our enemies."
Yes, I said. But your enemy is the guy who steals your parking space. G-d's
enemies are those who murder His children. And Jesus never said to love
G-d's enemies. To the contrary, the book of Proverbs is clear, "The fear of
the Lord is to hate evil." Psalms reinforces the point. "Those who love G-d
hate evil."
This is something that has always puzzled me. My
Christian colleagues at
ROCK of Africa are angels. In ten days we
distributed corn seed to the
poorest villages, gave out mosquito nets,
hugged and prayed with AIDS
victims, and put on large feasts for hundreds of
hungry villagers and
children who dwell in mud huts. We colored pictures
with orphans in Harare
and gave them toys and presents. The hearts of
evangelical Christians are
enormous repositories of loving-kindness. But why
must the heart be so wide
as to extend to Mugabe's killer henchmen? What
place have murderers earned
in our hearts? The same is true of my many
Christian brothers who have told
me that their faith commands them to love
Osama bin Laden.
My fear is that such distortions of Christian teaching
undermine our resolve
to confront evil regimes. When Jesus enjoined to 'Turn
the other cheek,' he
meant to petty slights and humiliations. Does any sane
person really imagine
that he meant to ignore and overlook mass
murder?
Mugabe has brought a reign of terror to Zimbabwe, making its name
synonymous
with wholesale slaughter, political intimidation, brutalization
of
opposition elements, and illegal land grabs. The country is now the
poorest
nation on earth, with an annual per capita GDP of just $200. Donor
agencies
estimate that more than 5 million Zimbabweans, representing almost
half the
population, currently rely on food handouts. The stores are half
empty and
last year they were completely empty. The ATMs often have no cash.
Many of
the gas stations have run out for the day. Even Victoria Falls is
nearly
bereft of tourists.
The black population is noble, extremely
welcoming, and exhibit the nobility
of spirit of those who have suffered
much but complain little. A white
population of approximately 4000, down
from about 250,000, still remains.
They seem to love Zimbabwe, consider it
their home, and insist on staying.
They are, of course, hopeful signs,
especially the new unity government
which has brought Morgan Tsvangirai and
Arthur Mutambara into shared power
with Mugabe. I interviewed Mutambara, a
43-year-old former Rhodes scholar
whom I knew from Oxford and is now the
country's deputy Prime Minister (the
full interview is available on my
website). A compelling man of vision,
eloquence, and academic brilliance, he
is convinced that within two years
Zimbabwe will be completely ready for
free and fair elections. I hope he is
right.
But farm confiscations
continue and Mugabe's gangsters still terrorize
political opponents. And the
only hope for Mugabe to be completely and
utterly marginalized is if the
international community comes together to
push him off the scene. This will
not come if the man does not chill our
bones. We must not bless but curse
his rule.
I don't do well with tyranny. I have undisguised contempt for
tyrants and
knowing that I was staying just a few miles from Mugabe's house
spooked me
throughout my stay in Harare. As you drive by his home you are
told that you
are not allowed to look for fear of attracting suspicion and
being arrested.
Highly-educated locals told me there is a law that says that
you cannot
stare at his motorcade either and that his guards have been known
to fire on
those who do. Is this a man whom my Christian friends tell me I
must love?
No, I refuse. I will go further. Anyone who loves the wicked
is complicit in
their wickedness. Anyone who blesses the cruel is an
accomplice to their
cruelty.
I choose to bless the courageous people
of Zimbabwe rather than the tyrant
who has slaughtered and impoverished
them. I choose to bless a country like
America which fights to liberate the
weak in Iraq and the oppressed in
Afghanistan rather than the Saddams and
the Taliban who have brutalized
them. Most of all, I choose to bless people
like Ben Freeth that one day the
long arm of justice will catch up to his
tormentors and they will discover
that while G-d is indeed a long-suffering
G-d, for those who continue to
slaughter innocents He is also a G-d of
justice.
Rabbi Shmuley Boteach, founder of This World: The Values Network
was on a
relief mission to Zimbabwe with Rock of Africa. To read his blogs
and see
videos of the visit, go to http://www.shmuley.com.
Comment from The Los Angeles Times, 7 December
Consumers can send a powerful message by
shunning diamonds from Zimbabwe,
where torture, forced labor and other human
rights abuses are inflicted in
the diamond fields.
By Tiseke
Kasambala
As Americans flock to stores for holiday shopping, some
plan to buy diamonds
for loved ones. But that special gift could have a
bloody past. If the
diamonds are from Zimbabwe, the stones could have been
mined under the
control of Zimbabwe's army, which Human Rights Watch found
has killed more
than 200 people, engaged in torture and used forced labor,
including
children, in the nation's Marange diamond fields. The good news is
that US
consumers can help expose and shut down the illegal trade in these
diamonds.
All they need do is ask their retailers about the source of the
diamonds and
request the seller to ensure that the gems are not from
Zimbabwe. If the
retailer can't, then make it "no sale."
During
several visits this year to the Marange fields for Human Rights
Watch, I
spoke with more than 100 people who had witnessed killings and
beatings or
suffered torture, forced labor, rape and the looting of their
property by
military officials who control informal mining syndicates. The
army pilfers
and smuggles out the area's rough gems, keeping the substantial
profits for
itself and the political party of Zimbabwe's authoritarian
president, Robert
Mugabe. If mined legally, these diamonds could materially
benefit a
population that has been brutalized by oppressive rule and a
man-made
humanitarian disaster. Instead, people near the diamond fields live
in
abject poverty and constant fear. A woman who had been forced to dig for
diamonds told me: "The soldiers were armed and guarded us every day while we
worked in the fields. Each day we worked for 11 hours without a break. The
children worked the same hours." Those who resisted faced torture, beatings
or even death. At the diamond fields, the soldiers forced us into a cage and
beat us throughout the night," a boy from Mutare told me. "We were forced to
fill the holes and gullies made by local miners using bare hands. We were
given no food or water."
It was not supposed to be this way.
Seven years ago, in the aftermath of
horrific abuses committed by West
African rebel groups enriched by diamond
wealth, an international body
backed by the United Nations -- the Kimberley
Process Certification Scheme
-- was founded to ensure that traders and
consumers could identify these
so-called blood diamonds and prevent their
trade. The group now represents
75 countries, including Zimbabwe and the
United States, and claims to cover
99% of the global rough-diamond industry.
But the Kimberley Process has
proved to be ineffective in stamping out the
smuggling and sale of blood
diamonds from Zimbabwe and other countries.
These gems continue to find
their way into jewelry stores worldwide. In
Zimbabwe's case, blood diamonds
often get smuggled onto world markets via
unregistered traders in
neighboring countries such as Mozambique or South
Africa. These countries
either don't or can't certify the origin and flow of
the stones, which then
become intermingled with legitimate gems. Earlier
this year, a Kimberley
Process review mission found that diamonds in eastern
Zimbabwe are mined
under conditions of serious human rights abuses and in
breach of the
organization's standards, which require members to ensure that
diamonds are
lawfully mined, documented and exported. But the Kimberley
Process works by
consensus. Its members include Namibia, Russia and South
Africa, which
support Mugabe and which also export diamonds to the US.
As a result
of their objections, the Kimberley Process decided in November
not to
suspend Zimbabwe or ban the sale of its stones. Its weak excuse was a
technicality in its mandate that defines blood diamonds as those mined by
abusive rebel groups, not abusive governments. It shouldn't matter who does
the abusing. The Kimberley Process, by failing to do its job, leaves
Americans and others in the uncomfortable position of potentially buying
blood diamonds. Consumers can no longer be sure that diamonds with a
Kimberley Process certificate are clean. Our latest information is that the
situation in Marange remains largely unchanged. Despite claims that the army
was withdrawing, most of the diamond fields remain under military control,
with smuggling, human rights abuses and corruption unchecked. American
consumers can send a strong message to the diamond industry, the smugglers
and those running these abusive mining operations: It is not acceptable to
trade in stones mined by children whose labor was coerced, by women who've
been raped or by men who've been tortured. So, press your jeweler about the
origin of the gems you want to purchase. If they're from Zimbabwe, don't buy
them. Diamond mining in Zimbabwe has inflicted great harm. US consumers need
to ask themselves whether that's a moral price they're willing to pay for a
stone.
Tiseke Kasambala is a senior researcher with Human Rights
Watch
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=25640
December 7, 2009
By Takarinda
Gomo
IN recent years, President Robert Mugabe's choice of provincial
governors
for Masvingo Province has been nothing but a curse.
The
incumbent governor and Resident Minister, one Titus Maluleke, and his
predecessor Willard Chiwewe have two things in common. First, they have been
past masters at using their "good offices" to emasculate officials from the
Grain Marketing Board, and help themselves to farm inputs meant for the
poor.
Secondly, both men are above the law and owe their rise to the
revered
governorship to their ardent and staunch support for Zanu-PF with
the
exception that Chiwewe was reported to have wept when he was ditched by
Mugabe last year.
In a report published in The Zimbabwe Times
(November 30, 2009), some 180
tonnes of very scarce Ammonium Nitrate (AN)
fertilizer were found by police
hoarded in a warehouse in Masvingo City
belonging to governor Maluleke.
A police source confirmed that indeed the
fertilizer was found in a
warehouse that belonged to governor Maluleke and
the fertilizer was traced
to GMB Masvingo depot.
Asked to explain
himself, Maluleke, a former primary school teacher, who
failed several
promotion interviews to become headmaster, said he had
receipts to prove
that he had purchased the fertilizer.
From the whole length and breadth
of Masvingo Province or indeed the entire
country generally, President
Mugabe found Maluleke most suitable for this
post.
The governor is a
simpleton, who cannot grasp that subsidized inputs are
intended for poor
farmers from communal lands and resettlement areas who
cannot afford the
market value of the inputs. The retail price for a 50kg
bag of AN fertilizer
is US$30 if you can find it. With government subsidy,
the same bag costs
US$7 at GMB.
If the poor farmers can access the subsidized inputs, then
they increase
their yields. If that happens countrywide, then poverty is
reduced and the
farmers can sell the surplus to the GMB. That is how
economic planners
reasoned.
Maluleke did not agree with such 'warped'
reasoning of bookish economists.
Remember he is not so intellectually
endowed. An opportunity for arbitrage
had presented itself to him, a
Christmas present from his ancestors.
In the Shona language there is a
saying that goes: Chawawana batisisa,
mudzimu haupe kaviri (grab every
opportunity that comes your way because
lady luck does not come
twice).
So Governor Maluleke bought 180 tones of AN fertilizer at $7 per
bag. One
tonne is equal to 20bags of 50kg each. This means Maluleke had 3
600 bags of
this scarce commodity stashed in the warehouse. At $7 per bag,
he needed
only a sum of $25 200.
No problem! A telephone call to the
local branch manager of a bank for an
overdraft of $25 200 was all he needed
to apply for. The bank manager would
actually and physically, bring the
forms for signing at the governor's
office. That is the sweetness of
power.
AN fertilizer is not only in short supply all over the country,
but farmers
whose maize crop will be knee-high by Christmas time are frantic
and looking
everywhere for the fertilizer. Maluleke is rubbing his hands in
glee.
Around December 18 he can release his contraband on the parallel
market at
$50 a bag and raise a cool US$180 000 then pay off the bank
manager US$25
200 leaving Maluleke with US$154 800 lining his
pocket!
It pays to be a senior Zanu-PF official because there are
opportunities one
can never dream of. Even a semi-literate person can make
colossal sums of
money. That is why why some of these people will consider
even killing
anyone who stands in their way, or attempts to take political
power from
them by any means, fair or foul.
Before he fell from
grace, Willard Chiwewe, the immediate former governor
and Resident Minister
for Masvingo Province, was reported in the press in
2006, as being
implicated in a similar scandal. He but admitted guilt but
escaped with a
fine . Case closed!
Last year the media was awash with stories of
legislators being prosecuted
for abusing the input distribution scheme. A
few from Zanu-PF were hauled
before the courts but they were all acquitted.
MDC legislator for Zaka North
Ernest Mudavanhu was found guilty. The cases
of the Deputy Minister for
Women's Affairs, Evelyn Masaiti (MDC-T) and
Tachiona Mharadze, the
legislator for Masvingo West (MDC-T) are still
pending for trial.
If you occupy any position in Zanu-PF or you are just
a loyal quisling, you
are not only immune from prosecution but you can spin
money and become
extremely wealthy. Ask Titus Maluleke.
Anyone seeing the above headline would probably cringe at the
accusations against one Robert Gabriel Mugabe. But rather than react to this
statement, let’s have a look at just how I substantiate the
claims…
1) DUPLICITOUS CHARACTER
“Duplicitous” is “marked by deliberate deceptiveness
especially by pretending one set of feelings and acting under the influence of
another”.
Mugabe is at present crying about “illegal full economic
sanctions” against Zimbabwe - when these are, in actual fact, targeted travel
sanctions against Mugabe and his loyalist following. He has gone so far as to
suggest that these “illegal full economic sanctions” are the real reason why the
Zimbabwean economy finally collapsed… whereas in all truth and honesty, the
collapse was engineered, orchestrated and choreographed by Mugabe’s ZANU PF
party in an effort to maintain some hold over the Zimbabwean
people.
Mugabe also has attempted to sell the “land grab” to the
people of Zimbabwe and the free world as a returning of the land to the
“landless blacks” - but, in reality, the land grab has been nothing more than
“legalising” the forceful eviction of the white commercial farmers from their
land.
In many cases, the farmlands had been purchased from the
Mugabe regime - who had declared “no interest” in the land - and then they
grabbed the land once the farmer had turned it into something
worthwhile.
Mugabe also claims that any compensation is payable by the
British government. If his government sold the land since 1980 to a willing
buyer, why should the compensation payable to the farmer be paid by a foreign
power - especially since his regime had been paid for that land since
independence?
2) A LIAR
Mugabe has been caught out as a liar more times than we can
shake a stick at. And he carries on regardless of what evidence is produced to
counter his claims.
Despite being the subject of targeted travel sanctions,
Mugabe is often invited to various United Nations conferences - and invariably
he takes a huge entourage with him - and, inexplicably, he is given the floor at
these events.
He then makes all manner of allegations - among them that the
West is fomenting regime change, that the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
is a front for foreign powers and that the West will not rest until he is
dethroned. (Mugabe has also stated that “only God” can remove him from
power.
A prime example of his heavy-handed politics is the first
round of the Presidential election early last year.
The ballots had closed, and suddenly ZANU PF - a party with a
vested interest in the result of that election - spirited the ballot boxes away
to an unknown place where they were re-engineered to a more palatable result,
and released to the public some five weeks later!
In the interim, Mugabe had his various wings of ZANU PF - war
veterans, youth militia, police, army, air force - visit a reign of terror upon
the MDC supporters which resulted in the death of at least 130
people.
Tsvangirai withdrew from the second round and Mugabe was
‘elected’ in a one man sham election - and sworn in with some
alacrity.
The truth of the matter is that Mugabe lost the election, and
that Morgan Tsvangirai is the true leader of Zimbabwe.
Although ZANU PF lost the general election, they continue to
hold all the power in parliament, and are in negotiation with the real winners
of the election in an attempt to hang on to power.
3) A KILLER
The Gukurahundi in Matabeleland in the early to mid-1980s saw
between twenty and thirty thousand people slaughtered by the Korean-trained
Fifth Brigade.
Not one member of that force, nor their commanders, have ever
faced criminal charges for those heinous acts. Indeed, Mugabe has even refused
to apologise to the Matabele people for that genocide. The closest he has ever
come to admitting his part in one if the bloodiest events in Southern Africa, is
to say that the killings were “a moment of madness”.
I could probably list, which surprising detail, the deaths of
MDC supporters at the hands of ZANU PF last year after the general elections -
and could probably do the same for the workers and farmers slaughtered in the
‘land grab’.
Again, no one has been prosecuted for these
acts.
If an officer tells a subordinate to murder someone, and the
subordinate does so, then the officer is as guilty as the subordinate for that
killing.
The same applies to Mugabe who had previous knowledge of the
brewing storm – and the vast majority of killings were ordered by his office.
The fact that he is reluctant to have any of his people prosecuted for the
subsequent bloodshed is evidence enough that they committed the crimes with his
prior knowledge.
Mugabe is a person of duplicitous character, is a liar and a
killer - as sure as if he himself pulled the trigger, manufactured the
‘evidence’ against his protractors and lied to the free world.
And the free world should be dealing with it instead of
turning a blind eye to his subsequent activities.
Zimbabweans all deserve a voice - and that voice needs to
come from the free world, since Mugabe has such a hold over the media within
Zimbabwe.
The facts speak for themselves.
Robb WJ Ellis
The Bearded Man
http://mandebvhu.instablogs.com/entry/mugabes-history-shows-him-to-be-of-duplicitous-character-a-liar-a-killer/
By Sanderson N Makombe.
Zimbabwe is currently in the process of writing a new constitution. One of the major challenges lies in recognising the rights of the Zimbabwean community living abroad. Currently Zimbabweans abroad are not allowed to vote in any election in Zimbabwe despite the fact that a great number are still on the voter’s roll. Only members of the armed forces are exempted, therefore eligible. The unfortunate outcome is that, of the 210 Parliamentarians and 93 Senators in Zimbabwe, none represents the interests of Zimbabweans abroad. Those Diasporas eager to make it have had to relocate back to Zimbabwe and stand in constituency elections to be elected. A case in point is the late Honourable John Nyamande of MDC-T who was settled in UK together with his family but had to stand in the constituency of Rusape Central.
It is settled fact that Zimbabwe has witnessed massive emigration in the past decade due to the economic and political instability characterising this aforesaid period and still prevailing. Most of those who have emigrated belong to the active working age group. As a result, massive brain drain has seen our highly skilled manpower seeking refuge and greener pastures in far lands. No doubt therefore, that Zimbabwe has lost a clique of some of our brightest citizens.
The majority of the Diaspora has maintained their intimate links with Zimbabwe. Most do confess that they will jump at the earliest opportunity to go back when the situation substantially improves both politically and economically. A good number have established business in various sectors of the economy, whereas the majority still send thousands of money to beloved ones every week.
There is compelling need for this constituency to be tapped in more and utilise their expertise in various fields. Most Diasporas advocate for their right to vote in elections in Zimbabwe. This is noble and the new constitution must recognise this. However just being allowed to vote is not good enough. What is required is a more advanced mechanism that allows the Diaspora to have an established voice at the highest level in Zimbabwe and in their host countries. Voting for an MP is Rusape will never advance interests of the Diasporas. In addition to being allowed to vote, the notion of expatriate MPs can be developed to give a permanace in terms of representation.
It is a fact that most Zimbabweans who have emigrated are settled in South Africa, Botswana, the UK, the USA, and Australia. The exact numbers are not known. However it is estimated that about 3 million Zimbabweans are living outside the country. These countries could be designated as constituencies for the purpose of elections. Political parties and individuals would be allowed to participate in elections and be voted as an MP .Of course these demographic regions are not uniform, which makes the first past the post and constituency based voting difficult. The best solution would be to elect using proportional representation. For example the UK could be allocated 5 parliamentary seats. Zimbabweans in the UK would vote for their party of choice and seats would be allocated to the parties according to the number of overall votes gained. Then the respective party would hold internal elections based on their own criteria to elect individuals who would seat then in parliament. The current system used by the EU for election of MEPs [Members of the European Parliament] could be a good starting point.
The expatriate MP would be just like a resident MP. Same rights, duties and responsibilities. The only difference is that they would be serving an overseas Zimbabwean constituency. It is highly improbable that they will be able to sit all sessions of parliament but concessions could be made on the number of session they would be required to seat in each parliamentary session. The main reason being the proximity of some of the regions to Zimbabwe and the cost associated with the travelling.
The idea of having expatriate MPs is not without
foundation, though it is still evolving. France through the efforts of
Presidency of Sakorzy has amended the constitution to provide for eleven
expatriate MPs for the 2011 elections. It will be the first time that expatriate
French would have the opportunity to choose their own MPs to represent them in
the French Lower House. The regions designated as constituencies include
Switzerland, UK, German, and Spain,
Iberian Peninsula and Monaco, Eastern Europe, the Asia-Pacific region, Latin
America, the Middle East and two in Africa.
Portugal allows expatriates to vote by post for MPs in two "emigration constituencies" ("Europe" and "outside Europe") , electing a total of four of the 230 members of parliament. A government proposal in 1980 sought to increase the number of emigration constituencies to three (Portuguese-speaking countries, Europe, rest of the world), each with three MPs, but was not debated in parliament. It was revived recently and has substantial backing within the Council of Portuguese Communities.
In Croatia twelve parliamentary seats have been reserved since 1995 for expatriates' representatives, who are elected proportionally from specific lists for a four-year term. The number of representatives may increase in the near future.
In Ireland too, a constitutional amendment has been proposed, providing for the election of three members to the Senate (Seanad Eireann) by Irish emigrants. These would replace three of the eleven members currently nominated by the Prime Minister, leaving the present total of 60 members unchanged. However, this amendment has not yet been approved, a necessary first step before it goes to referendum.
However there are surmountable challenges if this idea is to become reality. Firstly, there is a very large number of the Zimbabwean expatriate community that is undocumented or have false documents. In the UK there are lots of Zimbabweans who have all types of passports, ranging from Malawian to Portuguese, some have none all, neither do they have national ID cards. These categories might not feel secure to be involved because of the fear of being found out mainly by the immigration authorities. In addition there are thousands who have sought asylum and haven’t their cases finalised. Their documents will be in the hands of the immigration authorities. This pauses the first great huddle, of confirming and verifying the exact number of Zimbabweans abroad in certain countries and determining their eligibility to vote or participate in the electoral process.
Secondly the issue of who would be tasked with the mandate to verify and register these citizens has to be addressed. This process is necessary to come up with a voter’s roll, which will also determine the number of seats to be allocated to individual geographic locations. If the reform process in Zimbabwe had moved with speed and we had an impartial embassy staff, they would have been the ideal persons and institution to deal with this problem. However the present institutions are still heavily skewed towards ZANU PF that most citizens would not trust them to come up with a credible document.
Then there is the issue of those who have acquired foreign citizenship. Currently Zimbabwean law forbids dual citizenship. This law was promulgated mainly to segment a certain electoral constituency which ZANU PF felt would have voted for the MDC.At its height, there were more than 750 000 farm workers in Zimbabwe and more than 20 000 white farmers. Trends in the 2000 referendum show they were more likely to vote for MDC than ZANU PF.A good number of these, and those who have attained new status in their current host countries have not gone through the process of renunciating one of the citizenship they hold which the law requires. It is hoped however that dual citizenship will be returned in the new constitution thereby allowing them to participate in future elections.
In addition, Zimbabwean communities abroad are not well known for being very organised themselves. Whereas there is a plethora of organisations that represent certain Zimbabwean interests, we lack unifying bodies that would make policy lobbying coherent and consistent. There are hundreds of Zimbabwean lawyers in UK, yet there is no organisation that represents them. The same with teachers, doctors, nurses, engineers etc.
Alternatively parliament could reserve a couple of seats for the Diaspora. Instead of holding election, an all-party parliamentary committee would be tasked with appointing Zimbabweans abroad as expatriate MPs. This would require that organised groups outside and individual Zimbabweans would forward names [or theirs] of their suggested individuals. The committee would select individuals whom it considers have specific skills that would be beneficial to the country and would possess requisite qualities to represent overseas population on wide range of issues. This probably was the essence behind non-constituency MPs [the difference being they were local], though Mugabe abused it by appointing his cronies.
The current parliament, to my opinion is relatively large for a country like Zimbabwe. I believe it would not be necessary to enlarge or increase the number of MPs.Rather certain constituencies could be amalgamated reducing the number of seats to around 190.The remaining seats will be set aside then for this very important body mass residing outside Zimbabwe.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Mutumwa Mawere Monday 07
December 2009
OPINION: In 2010, South Africa will become the first
African country to host
the soccer world tournament.
Why has the wait
taken so long? South Africa is the youngest African state
and yet boasts of
the kind of infrastructure that convinced FIFA members to
vote for the
country to become the pioneer host of such a prestigious and
national
brand-building event.
With 53 countries, Africa has had to wait for the
democratisation of South
Africa to join other continents that have hosted
such events in the past.
What is so special about South Africa?
By
UN classification, South Africa is a middle-income country well endowed
with
human and natural resources, well developed financial, communications,
transport, legal, and energy sectors, a stock exchange that is world ranked
and respected, a modern infrastructure supporting an efficient and dynamic
supply chain and logistic industry.
It is the only country in Africa
that was ranked 25th in the world in terms
of the Gross Domestic Product
(PPP) in 2007.
Although the vast majority of the people in South Africa
are poor, the
developed areas compete with some of the finest destinations
in the world.
In order to better understand the foundations of modern day
corporate South
Africa, one is compelled to look back in history to locate
the men and women
who contributed to make South Africa the country it is
today.
Only last week, the world watched with appreciation and
satisfaction, the
hosting of the draw of the qualifying soccer teams in Cape
Town and yet
without its complex heritage, there is no doubt that South
Africa would have
fallen into the basket of countries that look at the past
instead of seizing
current opportunities.
With respect to the
industrial heritage of South Africa, the foundations was
established during
the pioneer phase from 1870s up to World War I when a
small group of no more
than 30 European adventurers and financiers gained
control of the diamond
industry at Kimberley, Northern Cape.
The individuals who pioneered the
corporatisation of South Africa were later
described as Randlords for the
role they played in setting up an
infrastructure of financing and industrial
consolidation that was
instrumental in converting South Africa's hidden
treasures into commodities
that could be traded in the world
market.
In recognition of their role in bringing a new dimension colonial
expansion,
many of the Randlords were recipients of awards from Queen
Victoria.
This generation of entrepreneurs understood their calling so
much so that
the political economy of South Africa is inextricably linked to
their lives.
With the discoveries of gold from 1886 in Transvaal at
Witwatersrand where
the term Rand is derived from, the journey that has led
to South Africa
standing out as a country of promise commenced.
The
role that the Randlords played in packaging the African story so that
capital could be mobilized for development is an important story that we
must include in our daily conversations.
Who were the men who made it
happen? I have been able to identify 30
individuals that qualify to be
called Randlords.
What occupied their minds?
As a first generation
of black corporate players, I have tried to share my
philosophy on business
but what is missing is that there appears to be no
cohesion among Africa's
new generation of corporate builders of the kind
that characterized the
industrial pioneers.
Such pioneers were men of great influence and the
migration of people of
European heritage to Africa accelerated as a
consequence of the
opportunities created by these men of vision.
They
must have been acutely aware that there were no guarantees and nothing
was
inevitable in a place where the majority indigenous people were
constructively carrying on their lives outside the corporate
setting.
They knew that they were on their own notwithstanding the
residual
protection they could get from the Imperial Administration and yet
were men
of tremendous courage, selflessness and determination.
They
had no choice but to transform their poor circumstances in foreign
territories, as they stood no chance in their mother countries to become
rich.
The wealth of the first generation of Randlords was seamlessly
transferred
to successor generations who then concentrated on the process of
consolidation and corporatisation that saw mining companies being listed on
the JSE.
With a firm foundation, successor generations found it
easier to build and
scale their heights.
Equally, in 1994, when South
Africa became a democratic state, blacks that
moved into the corridors of
state power were able to build on the legacy of
those who came before
them.
Most of us who grew up in the black side of Africa, we really were
never
part of the corporate history of the continent.
No one prepared
us to appreciate the role of private citizens in building
the kind of
civilization we see evident in some parts of Africa.
Rarely do we pause
to think about our past. It is not unusual that when we
try to explain the
poverty of today we have no option but to blame
colonialism forgetting that
the people who came to Africa to settle did so
in their own interest and to
better their standard of living.
History has shown that they accomplished
the objective of empowerment with
no direct intervention of the mother
country in form of either aid or
institutional and capacity building
support.
Self-government was the clarion call and, therefore, the
administrations
that were put in place had to be self-financing from the
efforts of
entrepreneurs like the Randlords.
Colonial administrations
had to respect their paymasters i.e. Randlords.
Many stand out as
builders of corporate South Africa but no individual did
more for South
Africa than Cecil John Rhodes whose worldview is something
that we need to
interrogate with a view to better understanding of the
causal link between
business and politics in the construction of an Africa
that works for its
inhabitants.
What motivated Rhodes? We can only start to know the man
through his
writings or words but more importantly from the consequences of
his actions
and choices.
Before Rhodes accumulated his incredible
wealth, he wrote a revealing "will"
of 1877 in which he stated that he
wanted to create a secret society that
would bring the whole world under
British rule.
He believed that: "To be born English is to win first prize
in the lottery
of life" and everything that he did in life was informed by
this view.
He was passionate about his heritage and sought
constructively to be part of
the change that he wanted to see in
Africa.
An extract of his first known will provides a glimpse of
the mind that
informed Rhodes' actions.
It states as follows:
"To and for the establishment, promotion and
development of a Secret
Society, the true aim and object whereof shall be
for the extension of
British rule throughout the world, the perfecting of a
system of emigration
from the United Kingdom, and of colonization by British
subjects of all
lands where the means of livelihood are attainable by
energy, labour and
enterprise, and especially the occupation by British
settlers of the entire
Continent of Africa, the Holy Land, the Valley of the
Euphrates, the Island
of Cyprus and Candia, the whole of South Africa, the
Islands of the Pacific
not heretofore possessed by Great Britain, the whole
of the Malay
Archipelago, the seaboard of China and Japan, the ultimate
recovery of the
United States of America as an integral part of the British
Empire, the
inauguration of a system of Colonial representation in the
Imperial
Parliament which may tend to weld together the disjointed members
of the
Empire and, finally, the foundation of so great a Power as to render
wars
impossible, and promote the best interests of humanity."
In our
generation, it would be difficult to locate an individual at the age
of 24
as Rhodes was who could come up with a will that addresses issues
beyond the
interests and rights of one's immediate family and friends.
Rhodes
understood the importance of organization and more significantly that
a
civilization that promotes individual creativity and freedom was a
superior
one and investment needed to be made to bridge the knowledge,
capital and
execution gaps that existed.
African industrial heritage would not be
complete if it does not include the
contributions of the
Randlords.
We have to invest in knowledge of our journey to 2010 so that
we open the
debate on what kind of Africa we want to see.
We know
what Rhodes stood for but we have yet to learn about what the new
Randlords
stand for as black people continue to remove the corporate
barriers that
were part of our colonial heritage.
Having located the Randlords a key
part of our history, I will attempt to
identify each of the 30 names that
stand out as builders of corporate South
Africa so that through their
experiences, values, beliefs and principles we
can be challenged on what we
must do to advance the interests of Africa so
that when we are long gone
other people will know us through what we have
done to make African the kind
of environment that can attract excellent
minds to its advantage. -
ZimOnline
BILL WATCH 42/2009
[5th
December 2009]
Highlights of the 2010 Budget: Wednesday 2nd
December
Finance
Minister
No Early Reintroduction of
The
budget is in US dollars, and the Minister made it clear that it was the
unanimous Government position that a return to the local currency could not be
seriously considered until there is evidence of a strong economy, with annual
sustainable GDP growth rates of over 6%, high exports and high foreign exchange
reserves, plus a balanced budget and institutional credibility. Government has,
however, started consultations on an optimum currency regime, which will be
followed by democratic debate and public discussions commencing next year.
Minister
Biti said he had anchored the budget on the Three Year Macro-Economic Policy and
Budget Framework: 2010-2012 [STERP II] which the inclusive government had come
up with as the successor to the Short Term Emergency Recovery Programme
[STERP].
Estimated Income and Expenditure
Income: The total budget for
2010 is estimated at $2.25 billion, made up of projected amounts
from:
·
Revenue [taxes, fees, rents
etc.] of $1.44 billion [64%]
·
International aid
grants of $810 million [36%]
Line
Ministries, departments and parastatals had submitted estimates for expenditure
totalling $12 billion; but these have had to be cut down to fit the $2.25
billion that will be available to spend. [The Revised Estimates for 2009 authorised total
expenditure of $1.39 billion.]
Expenditure:
·
Recurrent
expenditure will account for $1.678
billion [117% of projected revenue and 75% of the total budget]. [Note: Employment costs will account for over 60% of
projected revenue and 33% of the total
budget.]
·
Capital
expenditure will account for $571.8
million [40% of projected revenue and 25% of the total budget]
How the International Aid Grants Will be
Used
The $810
million in international aid grants will be accounted for in the Budget Vote of
Credit controlled by the Ministry of Finance and will be used for specific
programmes and projects prioritised by Government and allocated as follows:
Health 26%; Social Protection 15%; Agriculture 12%; Water and Sanitation 11%;
Transport and Communications 7%; Energy and Power 7%; Education 5%; Other 17%.
[Note: Under “Other” the Ministry of
Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs is allocated $43.7 million for the
constitution-making process, and $28.7 million for “governance and human
rights”.]
Allocations to Ministries and
Departments
There
are 36 Ministries in all – a few are listed below and each allocation is shown
as a percentage of the total budget:
Health and Child Welfare:
$358 081 186 [16%]
Ministry of Education,
Sport, Arts and Culture: $312 720 700 [14%]
Higher and Tertiary
Education: $70 264 000 [3%]
Labour and Social
Services: $147 000 896 [6.5 %]
National Housing: 5 786
000 [0.25%]
Ministry of Defence
[including Army and Air Force]: $98 293 00 [4.3 %]
Ministry of Home Affairs
[including Police]: $103 613 000 [4.6 %]
Office of the President
and Cabinet: $50 568 000 [2%]
Office of the Prime
Minister: $6 078 000 [0.27%]
Note:
allocations to Service Delivery Ministries [e.g. the first four in the above
list] are made up of funds derived from revenue and from international aid
grants [see above]. The revenue
funds will be allocated directly to the Ministry, but the funds from
international aid grants are controlled by Treasury through the Vote of
Credit.
Other Noteworthy Allocations
·
Procurement of seeds and
fertilisers: $84.5 million
·
Procurement of text books
for primary schools: $28.15 million
·
·
Constitution-making
process: $43 million
·
Human Rights and
Governance: $28.7 million
·
Procurement of drugs and
medical supplies, medical equipment and health infrastructure rehabilitation:
$285.4 million.
·
Social protection
programmes [including $25 million for the BEAM scheme for supporting school
students, support for the elderly, chronically ill and other vulnerable groups]:
$119 million
·
Crop input packs for
vulnerable rural households: $98 million
·
Water and Sanitation
Programme: $109 million
·
Rehabilitation of roads,
bridges, railways, airports: $58.5 million
·
Energy and power
development: $57.6 million
All
these allocations will come from international aid grants administered through
the Treasury Vote of Credit.
Innovative Constituency Development
Fund
The
Ministry of Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs will administer a new
Constituency Development Fund of $8 million, to be divided equally among the
country’s 214 House of Assembly constituencies [approximately $38 000 per
constituency]. The money will be used for construction of boreholes, repair of
schools and clinics, purchase of generators, etc., in accordance with an annual
development plan drawn up by a committee of elected councillors chaired by the
local MP. There will be strict accountability, with the Ministry paying
suppliers and service providers direct.
Upliftment of Women
The
emphasis on education, health and social services and social safely nets will
help the majority of women in the country who are the poorest of the poor. Help
given to vulnerable rural households and communal land farmers will benefit
women. Rural communities will be capacitated through training and provision of
start-up capital for income-generating projects. $23 million will go to
supporting micro, small and medium enterprises and co-operatives, youth
projects, mining loans for small miners and rural electrification. Under each
scheme 60% of funds for on-lending will be earmarked for women, as
lobbied for by stakeholders.
Taxation Proposals
[most
changes to be effective 1st January
2010]
Corporate tax will be
reduced from 30% to 25%.
For individuals the tax
free threshold will be increased from $150 to $160 and the highest tax rate will
be reduced from 37.5% to 35%.
Tax-free thresholds for
annual bonuses and retrenchment packages will be increased to $400 [effective
1st November 2009] and $15 000, respectively.
Excise duty on spirits
will be doubled, from 20% to 40%.
Customs duty on
half-tonne trucks and motor vehicles of engine capacity below 1500 cc, will be
reduced from 40% to 25%.
Presumptive tax [$300 per
quarter] will be imposed on restaurants, bottle stores and cottage industries
not already covered by informal sector presumptive
taxes.
Presumptive tax on
commuter omnibus operators will be reduced
slightly.
Rates of interest on
unpaid taxes will be aligned with rates being charged by banks to borrowers
[this means an increase].
VAT will
be rationalised, resulting in some presently exempt or zero-rated commodities
becoming subject to VAT.
Mining Fees and Royalties
Implementing the use
it or lose it principle, unworked claims will attract a fee to discourage
the holding of claims for speculative purposes.
Royalties on precious
metals will be increased from 3% to 3.5%
Diamond
producers will have to reserve 10% of production for the local cutting and
polishing industry.
Looking Ahead – in the Longer
Term
New
Income Tax Act being prepared
A
committee of experts from the Ministry, ZIMRA and the private sector has been
working on the preparation of a new Income Tax in simplified language easily
comprehensible by tax-payers. This will replace the present Act, which is more
than forty years old and has lagged behind modern trends in tax law and
international best practices. Aspects being studied include: changing the basis
for income tax from source of income to residence [meaning that all income
accruing to a resident of a country is subject to tax in that country,
regardless of income source]; a flatter tax regime; and provisions to
incorporate standard transfer pricing guidelines based on international best
practice.
Public Service Pension Reform
The
current Defined Benefit Pension Scheme will be replaced by a Defined
Contribution Pension Scheme which will entail the establishment of a Civil
Service Pension Fund in 2011. Changes to present legislation will be needed.
Getting the Budget Package Through
Parliament
Portfolio
Committees have been conducting Post-Budget Analysis meetings since Thursday 3rd
December. These meetings will continue on Monday 7th December.
Commencing on Tuesday 8th December the House of Assembly will:
·
debate the
Minister’s Budget presentation, and if it is approved, the Minister will table a
Finance Bill to give effect to his taxation
proposals.
·
consider the
Estimates of Expenditure. This is done in a special committee of the whole
House called the Committee of Supply. If the Estimates are approved, the
Minister will then introduced the Appropriation (2009) Bill which will authorise
expenditure in accordance with the approved
Estimates.
Once passed,
the Bills will be transmitted to the Senate for consideration. As both are
“Money Bills”, the Senate cannot amend them, but may recommend amendments to be
made by the House of Assembly. If amendments are recommended, the House must
consider them but is not obliged to accept them, and the Bill may be presented
to the President for assent in the form passed by the House, with the
amendments, if any, made by the House on the Senate’s
recommendation.
Document Offered
Electronic version of full text of Budget Statement available on
request. Please note that this is a pdf document which includes graphs, pie
charts, graphs etc., [size over 500 kb].
Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot
take legal responsibility for information
supplied.
BILL
WATCH 43/2009
[7th
December 2009]
Both Houses will sit on Tuesday 8th
December
Last Week in Parliament
House of Assembly
The House
of Assembly sat on Tuesday and Wednesday
afternoons.
On Tuesday
the Prime Minister addressed the House and presented the Government’s Workplan
for 2010 [see below].
On
Wednesday afternoon the Finance Minister presented the Budget, predicting a
growth rate in 2010 of 7% [the revised growth rate for 2009 was 4.7%, better
than the predicted 3.7%] [See Bill Watch 42 of 5th November for more details on the
Budget]
[Budget speech available on request]
Bills: The
Public Finance Management Bill and the Audit Office Bill were given their second
readings. The Minister of Finance gave notice that he would ask for amendments
to be made to the Bills during their Committee
Stages.
Motions: No
motions were debated due to pressure of other business [two Bills, the Prime
Minister’s address and the Budget Statement].
Question
Time: The
usual Wednesday question time did not take place. By agreement of the House it
was deferred to make way for the Budget Statement.
Senate
The Senate
sat on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday.
Bills: The
Senate passed the Financial Adjustments Bill without amendment on Thursday. The
Bill will
be sent to
the President for his assent as soon as it has been reprinted. Also on
Thursday, the Minister of Finance made his Second Reading speech on the Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill; debate was then deferred to this week to allow
Senators time to study the Bill.
Motions: On
Tuesday there was brief debate on the President’s Speech opening Parliament and
the condolence motion for the late Vice-President Msika. On Thursday Senator
Muchiwa introduced her motion calling for a review of the Community and
Home-Based Care Programme for those living with and/or affected by HIV/AIDS.
Sitting
times: On each
of Tuesday and Thursday the Senate sat for only a few minutes over one hour. On
Wednesday the Senate adjourned immediately after prayers to listen to the Budget
Statement, so no business was conducted
Highlights of Prime Minister’s Address to House of
Assembly
The
Prime Minister presented the Government’s Work Plan for the fiscal year 2010
[January to December]. This plan forms the basis of the 2010
Budget.
Government’s Five Priorities and Related
Targets
In
September the Government had adopted five priorities
·
Promote Economic Growth
and Ensure Food Security
·
Guarantee Basic Services
and Infrastructural Development
·
Strengthen & Ensure
the Rule of Law and Respect for Property Rights
·
Advance and Safeguard
Basic Freedoms
·
Re-establish
International Relations.
These
reflect the Inclusive Government's priorities, including the commitments
contained in the Global Political Agreement. Ministries have worked on setting
“SMART” targets for these priorities – Specific, Measurable, Achievable,
Realistic and Time-bound. The Council of Ministers will track the performance
of Ministries against these targets to identify problems as they arise and find
solutions.
Oversight Role of the House
The
House would also be expected to play its role by tracking and questioning
Ministries on their performance. “Where
Ministries under perform, they should be held to account. If State resources
are misallocated, misspent or misappropriated, those responsible should be
brought to book by this House. In this you will have my full
support.” “Every public official
- whether a Minister, a policeman or a civil servant - who has broken the law,
acted corruptly or simply incompetently - must respect the supremacy of this
House.”
Prime Minister’s Question Time in
2010
“I myself stand ready to be
challenged or questioned by Parliament at any time. And I expect, and will
direct, all of our Ministers to do the same. I welcome the opportunity to
regularly attend Prime Minister's Question Time when this House reconvenes in
the New Year.”
Legislative Agenda – Details to be Presented in Early
2010
This was
dealt with in general terms only. “The
Government Work Program, informed by the key five priorities, will form the
basis for the Legislative Agenda, which, after it has been approved by Council
of Ministers and Cabinet, I will present to this House, early in the New Year.
In line with the legislation outlined by the President in his opening address,
such as the Human Rights Commission and ICT Bills and amendments to the Mines
and Minerals Act, Labour Laws and Public Service Act, we shall be introducing
legislation in keeping with Government's priorities and our commitments under
the GPA.”
Constitution-Making Process
The
Prime Minister also referred to Parliament’s role in the constitution-making
process, commending the work done to date under difficult circumstances and
expressing his satisfaction that the outreach programme “will begin soon”.
Parliamentarians’ Remuneration
The Prime Minister paid
tribute to all members of Parliament for work done over the past year under
trying circumstances. He acknowledged the inadequacy of their remuneration,
which he said would receive attention “within our constrained economic
environment”. [Electronic version of full address
available on request.]
This Week’s Parliamentary Agenda
House of Assembly
Budget: Tuesday
8th December – the House will debate the Minister of Finance’s motion for leave
to bring in the Finance Bill – last Wednesday’s Budget Statement introduced this
motion. The House will also commence consideration of the Estimates of
Expenditure for 2010 [for this purpose it will sit as a committee of the whole
House known as the Committee of Supply]. Approval of the Estimates will permit
the Minister of Finance to present the Appropriation (2010) Bill authorising the
expenditure proposed in the Estimates.
Bills: Also
down for Tuesday 8th December are the Committee Stages of the Public Finance
Management Bill and the Audit Office Bill. The Committee Stage is when the
House considers a Bill in detail, clause by clause, and may make amendments.
The Minister of Finance has given notice that he will be asking for a few
amendments to be made to both Bills. Mr Gonese’s Private Member’s Bill to amend
the Public Order and Security Act will not come up for consideration; Parliament
has not yet sent it to be printed.
Motions: Time
permitting, debate will continue on motions carried over from last week or the
week before, including the motion calling for an audit of the voters roll, and
the motion on the President’s Opening of Parliament speech.
Question
Time [Wednesday]: The
number of written questions awaiting Ministerial responses has now risen from 26
to 52, Recently added questions include one asking the Minister of Higher and
Tertiary Education for details of the Presidential Scholarship Programme over
the years and probing the welfare and privileges of present scholarship holders;
another asks the Minister of Justice and Legal Affairs for detailed statistics
of prisoners in the country’s prisons.
Senate
Bills: The Senate will continue the Second Reading debate on the Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill, as amended by the House of Assembly. It
remains to be seen whether ZANU-PF Senators will, as reported, seek to have the
Bill further amended. Any amendments made by the Senate would have to be
approved by the Parliamentary Legal Committee and then go back to the House of
Assembly for its endorsement. [Electronic version of amended Bill available on
request.]
Motions: Any time
not taken up with Bills will be devoted to the continuation of debate on
adjourned motions, including Senator Muchiwa’s new motion on the Community and
Home-Based Care Programme [see above]..
The ZANU-PF
Congress is not expected to interfere with Parliamentary sittings as its first
two days will be taken up with preliminary business.
ZANU-PF Congress Wednesday 9th to Sunday 13th
December
This takes
place every 5 years and this year will be in
Update
on Inclusive Government
Inter-party Dialogue Continues: The
three negotiating teams had more meetings last week, and again this weekend.
Emerson Mnangagwa replaced Patrick Chinamasa on the ZANU-PF team while
Chinamasa was out of the country on business. Press reports over the last few
days [based on “sources”, not on official pronouncements] have claimed that the
negotiators have made progress, that 15 items have been discussed and agreement
reached on 12 [including provincial governors and turning ZBC into a truly
public broadcaster, but not the Attorney-General, the Reserve Bank Governor or
the swearing-in of Deputy Minister Bennett].
South African Mediation To Return: President Zuma’s new mediation/facilitation team [see Bill Watch
41 of 30th November] arrived in Harare on Sunday 29th
November, met the three principals, separately, and the negotiators, all
together, on Monday, and left on Tuesday 1st December to make a report to
President Zuma. The team is to return to
New Chiadzwa Court Case
African
Consolidated Resources [ACR], confirmed by the High Court as the lawful owners
of mining claims over part of the Chiadzwa diamond field, have launched a second
court application to evict from those claims two companies the Minister of Mines
signed an agreement with to exploit the fields in a joint venture with the
Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation. In spite of the court order in ACR’s
favour, operations on the contested claims were recently inspected by a
ministerial delegation, and the joint venture was also referred to in Minister
Biti’s Budget statement.
Legislation Update
Bills in Parliament:
House of
Assembly: Public
Finance Management Bill [HB 9, 2009] and Audit Office Bill [HB 10, 2009].
[Electronic versions available on request.]
Both Bills await Committee Stage.
Senate: Reserve
Bank of
Bills Awaiting Introduction: Appropriation (2010) Bill and Finance (2010) Bill [Minister of
Finance]
Public Order
and Security Amendment Bill [Private Member’s Bill]. Parliament have not yet
sent this Bill to the Government Printer to be printed. It is unlikely to be
introduced this year.
Bill Passed and Ready for Submission for President’s Assent:
Financial
Adjustments Bill [HB 8, 2009]
Statutory Instruments: For the third week running, no statutory instruments were
gazetted last week.
Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot
take legal responsibility for information
supplied.