Zim Online
by Patricia Mpofu Friday 15 February
2008
HARARE – A relentless wave of political violence over
the past 12 months and
in which state security forces played a major role
has “already tainted”
Zimbabwe’s elections next month, the Zimbabwe Human
Rights (NGO) Forum said
this week.
The Forum said 2007 experienced
some of the worst violence and human rights
abuses in the last decade
despite South African efforts to mediate between
President Robert Mugabe and
the main opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC)
party.
“There is no doubt that politically motivated violence informs and
influences political thinking amongst citizens and ultimately voting
patterns in favour of those responsible for the violence,” said the Forum in
its latest report on Zimbabwe released this week.
“Given that the
electoral process includes incidents that occur and
influence elections, the
March 2008 election has already been tainted by the
violence that was
attendant on the year 2007,” it added.
Zimbabwe Justice Minister Patrick
Chinamasa was not immediately available
for comment on the
matter.
However, Harare has in the past rejected similar charges and
accused human
rights groups of spreading lies to help a Western campaign to
tarnish Mugabe’s
image.
The Forum, which regularly publishes reports
on politically motivated
violence in the strife-torn southern African
country, said it recorded 586
cases of torture in 2007 compared to 368 the
previous year.
The group documented 19 cases of politically motivated
kidnappings last year
against 11 in 2006, while 3 477 violations of the
freedoms of expression,
association and movement were recorded in 2007
compared to 1 866 in 2006.
“In the majority of the torture cases, members
of the Zimbabwe Republic
Police or the Central Intelligence Organisation or
both working in concert
were involved,” said the Forum that brings together
17 local groups involved
in human rights work and assists victims of
organised violence.
Zimbabwe, which is grappling with its worst ever
economic crisis, holds
local government, parliamentary and presidential
elections on March 29.
Analysts say an unfair playing field coupled with
political violence and
intimidation of opponents guarantees Mugabe’s
government victory at the
polls despite clear evidence it has failed to
break a vicious inflation
cycle that has left consumers impoverished and the
economy in deep crisis.
Mugabe - who turns 84 next week and seeking
another five year term to
complete more than three decades at the helm -
denies his government is
responsible for Zimbabwe’s collapse and has
promised a landslide victory in
March to once again prove he has the backing
of ordinary Zimbabweans. –
ZimOnline
Zim Online
by Own Correspondent Friday 15 February
2008
THE ZIMBABWE OF
TODAY
FEAR, STRESS AND TENSION
Zimbabweans are
experiencing stress and tension because of the
following :
a.. Poverty that affects over 80% of the population.
b.. Rampant
unemployment especially amongst the youth.
c.. Dispersion and
disintegration of the national and family fabric
as Zimbabweans become
economic refugees and live in the diaspora, many in
conditions of
deprivation and want.
d.. Spiralling inflation and high cost of
living.
e.. The cash crisis which results in people having restricted
access
to their hard-earned cash.
f.. Massive decline in the
condition and quality of education,
health, housing, energy, water,
sanitation, and other services.
g.. Transport problems nationwide and
the parlous state of road
network.
h.. Corruption and lack of
accountability in the conduct of national
affairs.
i.. Social and
political polarisation of our society. Division
between the people and
leaders.
j.. Siege mentality in the state with the state resorting
to
violence to suppress dissent.
k.. Lack of respect for the
law.
l.. Gross abuse of state resources which has contributed to the
economic decline in Zimbabwe.
m.. National institutions have been
corrupted, privatised and
politicised.
n.. Scourge of patronage
and gross abuse of power and culture of
“chefdom”.
o.. Lack of a
national vision and agenda on the basis of which all
Zimbabweans could be
mobilised for national reconciliation and revival.
DISEASE AND
POVERTY
a.. The food crisis affecting the majority of
Zimbabweans, resulting
in malnutrition, vulnerability to various infections
and dependence on
agencies dispersing food.
b.. High HIV
prevalence and mortality from AIDS.
c.. Lack of resources in
hospitals, resulting in poor health care
including many neo-natal
deaths.
DECLINE IN CAPACITY AND POLICY FAILURE
There has been a decline in capacity and capability to deliver
throughout
the economy and society:
a.. Human capital erosion,
attrition and lack of capacity to replace
and produce new skills and
capacities needed in different sectors of the
economy.
b.. There
has been failure in policy making and implementation,
resulting in stillborn
attempts to turn around the economy.
c.. There has been failure in
leadership, resulting in short-term
and ad hoc policies that have not
yielded positive results.
THE ZIMBABWE WE MUST
CREATE
NATIONAL RE-ENGAGEMENT AND DIALOGUE FOR ECONOMIC,
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL
REVIVAL:
a.. Undertake immediate
and urgent tasks to:
a.. Resolve the food, power and fuel, water
and sanitation
problems.
b.. Restore health and education
services.
b.. Determine national priorities.
c.. Develop
a policy framework for economic and social renewal, in
the short, medium and
long term.
d.. Re-engage key national constituencies namely youth,
women,
workers, students, employers, rural and urban people with the state
in
national development.
e.. Implement gender policies to ensure
equal rights and
opportunities for both men and women.
a.. The
youth offer a window of opportunity for future development.
Special focus
will be placed on the values and personal development of
youth as the
leaders of the future. A stronger emphasis on technical/
vocational
training to develop skills will strengthen employment creation
programmes.
b.. Develop a housing policy that addresses the needs
of the poor
and encourage the public and private sectors to institute house
ownership
schemes for their workers.
c.. Strengthen and
accelerate HIV prevention programmes and increase
support for HIV/AIDS
victims.
d.. Strengthen the implementation of environmental
improvement
programmes.
REVIVING PRODUCTIVE
CAPACITY
Land and Agriculture
a.. Affirm the
necessity for land reform.
b.. Ensure transparent and equitable
processes of land reform.
a.. Review the current land tenure systems
as a means of
rationalising and refining the land reform and stimulating
productivity.
b.. Institute comprehensive rural development
programmes to
transform the communal areas.
c.. Revive
agricultural production through programmes to ensure that
agricultural
inputs and other resources are available to farmers.
Industrialisation,
Empowerment and Employment Creation
Industrialization
a.. Establish the key role of the state in
facilitating and
regulating rather than controlling
industrialisation.
b.. Establish tax incentives and loans through the
banking system to
support industrialization and boost production.
c.. Generate greater national and foreign investment.
d.. Support the
manufacturing sector as one of the major drivers of
growth, employment and
generation of foreign currency.
e.. Generate competitiveness and
efficiency of the manufacturing
sector.
f.. Improve the supply of
raw materials for manufacturing.
g.. Establish frameworks for the
diaspora to play an important role
in support of industrialization as
both active participants and investors.
a.. Restore the rule of law,
particularly in the mining sector
which is critical for foreign currency
inflows through the sales of gold,
platinum, diamonds, chrome and other
minerals.
b.. Monitor transparency and accountability, particularly
in the
mining sector.
c.. Establish programmes to protect the
environment in the mining
industry.
d.. Support the
beneficiation of minerals in Zimbabwe to create
employment and grow the
economy.
e.. Support the improvement and expansion of the information
and
communications technology industries as a key for technological
enhancement
and employment creation.
Empowerment
a..
Establish people-centred processes closer to grassroots to
drive
development.
b.. Investigate and strengthen empowerment mechanisms
and tools for
specific groups including women, youths, rural and urban
dwellers
Employment Creation
a.. Establish state
policies and incentives for the private sector
and non-governmental sector
to facilitate employment creation
b.. Support the construction
sector as a major player in employment
creation across the
country.
a.. Increase public works programmes to develop
infrastructure such
as dams, schools, clinics and roads as a mechanism for
employment creation.
b.. Support housing construction as one of the
main drivers of both
economic development and employment
creation.
The Financial Sector
a.. Examine and
define the mandate of the Central Bank and its
relationship to the
state.
b.. Restore the autonomy of the Central Bank as a
regulator.
c.. Remove different foreign exchange rates as a tool for
doing away
with the parallel market and removing distortions in the
economy.
d.. Improve the relationship between the Central Bank and
the
financial sector.
e.. Restore the integrity of the financial
sector.
f.. Place emphasis on micro-finance to create employment and
grow
the economy.
SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
Education, Health, Housing and Other Services
a.. Provide
better, more effective and more efficient services to
the
people.
b.. Restore government commitment to universal primary school
education, affordable and good quality secondary and tertiary education in
order to build up skills base.
c.. Restore government commitment
to free preventive medical
services and affordable curative
services.
a.. Establish a top-up fund to finance policies and
measures to
attract and retain teachers, doctors, nurses and other skilled
and
professional personnel.
b.. Attract back skills from the
diaspora to strengthen service
provision.
The Public
Sector
State Services
· Strengthen the civil
service and provide better conditions of
service for more effective and
speedy service delivery.
· Remove patronage and corruption as
pre-requisites for service
provision.
Local
Authorities
a.. Revive and reinforce the capacities and powers of
local
authorities to deliver services efficiently.
Parastatals
a.. Rationalize parastatals to make them more
efficient and cost
effective.
b.. Adopt privatisation measures
where they would ensure more
effective service delivery.
The
Uniformed Services
a.. Enhance security and protection services
for the benefit of the
people.
NATIONAL
HEALING AND RECONCILIATION
a.. Address national issues that
separate and divide us as a nation
and institute a process of national
healing and reconciliation, including:
a.. Problems and challenges
based on race and ethnicity;
b.. Rural and urban
divide;
c.. Inter and intra party violence;
d.. The
fuller integration of war veterans into society. War
veterans are the
victims as well as the potential agents of national healing
and
reconciliation.
e.. Replacing the state/party patronage system with
rational and
effective social security provisions for war veterans as part
of the
national social security system.
b.. Constitutional
reform. A new people-driven national
constitution will be developed after
full consultation.
NATIONAL AGENDA
a.. Harness
the key political and technocratic skills required for
a representative and
efficient government after the elections.
b.. Our mission is
to:
a.. Restore people’s independence, dignity and
confidence,
b.. Increase respect for our institutions and
values.
c.. Project national interests before personal
interests.
d.. Restore Zimbabwe’s standing within the international
community.
SW RADIO AFRICA
HOT SEAT INTERVIEW:
Broadcast 14 February 2008
Link for
audio interview:
mms://swradioafrica.streamuk.com/swradioafrica_archive/hotseat140208.wma
Violet
Gonda: Nothing has caused as much controversy recently as the entry
into the
presidential race by a senior ruling party official and former
cabinet
minister Dr Simba Makoni. It’s reported that some key ZANU PF
members are
supporting Dr Makoni’s candidacy. One of the people involved
with Makoni’s
bid is Wilfred Mhanda, a former liberation war senior
commander. He is also
one of the people personally responsible for bringing
Robert Mugabe to
power. Mr Mhanda is the guest on the programme Hot Seat and
he is here to
set the record straight on a number of issues. Welcome on the
programme Mr
Mhanda.
Wilfred Mhanda: Thank you Violet.
Gonda:
You have not been actively involved in mainstream politics, why now?
What’s
your interest in this?
Mhanda: It’s not a question of interests
but the circumstances in which we
find ourselves in as a nation and as a
country. Things have really gotten
out of hand and we are all desperately
trying to make ends meet and to eke
out a living. So it is this which has
actually pushed me to see if I could
also contribute to the resolution of
the crisis that is gripping the
country.
Gonda: So who are
you representing exactly?
Mhanda: In what
terms?
Gonda: Are you representing ZANU PF…? Do you have a
political party…?
Mhanda: I am not representing ZANU PF and we do
not have a political party
and Dr Simba Makoni has just been expelled from
ZANU PF. But he has offered
himself as an independent candidate for the
Presidential elections. And we
are supporting him as somebody who is in a
position to lead the nation to
resolve the crisis. To lead us out of the
crisis.
Gonda: But why Dr Makoni as President of your group. Why
him in particular?
Mhanda: Firstly, he is the ideal candidate.
When we scouted around for
someone with a national appeal, a broad national
appeal, and also an
international appeal we found him to be an ideal
candidate for us. At the
same time he also happened to have accepted the
mantle of leadership for the
movement to re-direct and renew the
country.
Gonda: So what are the prospects of your group winning
given that some
believe that those who come from ZANU PF are not elect-able
because of their
connection with the regime?
Mhanda: If
somebody stands up against ZANU PF that means that person is
exactly on the
same footing as those people who are condemning ZANU PF.
Because if you have
the courage to stand up and speak out against Robert
Mugabe and ZANU PF that
means you are no longer in that camp in terms of
your aspirations, your
ideas and your objectives - they are now consistent
with the rest of the
people. So that is not a problem at all.
Gonda: So isn’t someone
like Dr Makoni only against ZANU PF now because he
failed to get his
nomination in the party?
Mhanda: No, no, no. He accepted the
leadership of our group long before the
nomination – long before ZANU PF
held its primaries. It was long before that
when he accepted the call to
lead the party and also one should recall that
Dr Makoni has in the past
stood up for what he believed in. Like for example
as Minister of Finance,
he clearly articulated and enunciated what needed to
be done to get the
economy back on course and that took courage for someone
to do that. Very
few people in ZANU PF have been able to do that.
Gonda: But why
did he even attempt to run for ZANU PF if he was intending to
run against
Robert Mugabe?
Mhanda: He never attempted to run for ZANU PF.
Where is that information
coming from?
Gonda: Did he not
submit his nomination papers for one of the constituencies
in Manicaland
province?
Mhanda: You mean as a member of parliament. We now
gather that CV was
forwarded by some other people. He did not appear there
personally. He didn’t
appear there personally.
Gonda: Are you
saying Dr Makoni did not hand in his nomination paper and
that he was not
going to stand as a ZANU PF candidate for the Makoni East
parliamentary
seat?
Mhanda: I am sure the best person to answer that question
would be Dr Makoni
himself.
Gonda: So in terms of your
support base who in ZANU PF is backing you?
Mhanda: We still
going back, you are still going back to the question of who
is backing us in
ZANU PF. This is for the people of Zimbabwe. The suffering
people of
Zimbabwe! It has nothing to do with ZANU PF! We don’t care who is
in ZANU
PF! Why do people in ZANU PF have to support us? What we are doing
is we are
appealing beyond ZANU PF, to the nation as a whole. If those in
ZANU PF are
happy – so be it.
Gonda: But in his first press conference Dr
Makoni himself said there are
key elements or key members of ZANU PF that
are going to come out and stand
for his group. So why is there so much
secrecy? Elections are next month;
don’t you think Zimbabweans deserve to
know who the players are – especially
the players that are coming from ZANU
PF? At least so that people can see
how much support he has from within ZANU
PF?
Mhanda: Why do we keep going back to showing support from
ZANU PF? ZANU PF
is an unpopular party! Why do we keep going back to ZANU PF
which is hated
by the people, as you already said? Dr Makoni has now got
candidates who are
prepared to support him. They don’t have to be from ZANU
PF! Where are we
getting lost here?
Gonda: But who are these
candidates? Where are these candidates?
Mhanda: The candidates
will be announced after nomination on Friday.
Gonda: But why
haven’t people heard anything about these candidates? So far
it’s been Dr
Simba Makoni, Dr Ibbo Mandaza and retired Army General Mbudzi.
Why is it
taking so long for people to come out and say ‘we are standing
with this
group’?
Mhanda: Do they really have to speak up? Dr Makoni was
encouraged and
approached by a wide range of people to stand and like I
said, why don’t you
wait till Friday after nomination and then you will find
that there are
actually people – there are candidates. There are candidates.
I for one will
be standing in Harare supporting Dr Simba Makoni. But why do
I have to go
the press to say I am going to stand for him? Let’s be patient
and wait for
Friday.
Gonda: Do you not think at this point in
time with elections around the
corner people need to know at least who is in
this party? In the planning of
this whole thing did you approach the
different factions in ZANU PF – I will
ask about the other groups like the
opposition – but I would like to find
out if you approached the different
factions in ZANU PF – like the Mnangagwa
faction and the Mujuru
faction?
Mhanda: It’s really not a question of approaching them
but consultations.
Wide ranging consultations were conducted with all manner
of people in ZANU
PF and outside ZANU PF. The Emerson Mnangagwa faction and
the Mujuru faction
and there was a consensus that they were opposed to
Mugabe standing as a
Presidential candidate for ZANU PF. That consensus was
there. But there was
no one to articulate this disenchantment within the
party. Hence the need to
have somebody like Dr Simba Makoni to articulate
that.
Gonda: So is it true that retired army generals Solomon
Mujuru and Vitalis
Zvinavashe are supporting your
group?
Mhanda: Like I said the best people to do that (comment)
will be themselves.
It’s an assumption to say they are supporting the
people. What I can say is
at best they are sympathetic but I am not
authorized to speak on their
behalf to say they support Dr Simba Makoni.
They would be the best people to
answer those questions themselves. The fact
that they haven’t come out in
the open is that there might be a reason for
that.
Gonda: What about the opposition? Why not form a coalition
with the
opposition
Mhanda: You know there are a number of
reasons for that. Here we are going
into elections and this grouping has
come about through the need to save the
country from disaster. The MDC has
tried that and from my perceptions it
would appear the majority of the MDC
MPs are not so concerned about
resolving the crisis, getting Mugabe out but
getting into parliament and
benefiting with the perks associated with that.
So you see there are a lot
of dynamics that is involved in all this. So if
people were candidates for
the MDC, all of a sudden you come as a grouping –
you don’t necessarily have
to inherit all those MPs from ZANU PF and the
MDC. And they won’t
necessarily step back for you. That will be very
difficult for them to do.
Gonda: If you really want change why
don’t you join forces with the people
who have been asking for this and the
opposition has been asking for this
from the very beginning, unlikely people
like Simba Makoni, who have been
largely quiet over the years, while the
country has been burning.
Mhanda: Ok you say if we really want
change we should be working with those
who have been calling for it from the
very beginning. What have they
achieved in the last nine
years?
Gonda: And what have people like Simba Makoni achieved and
they were even in
decision making positions?
Mhanda: He was
not a leader of a political formation. Now he is and we have
to judge him
after he has stepped into the arena, not before!
Gonda: But were
they not in the Politburo, the party’s Politburo (decision
making body), to
do something about what was happening in the country.
Mhanda: As
you know in terms of democracy, if you are a minority and you are
beaten by
the majority you have to conform to the wishes of the majority! I
think that
is democratic ethics and ethos. So for them to then have to go
outside and
canvas against a decision taken by the majority it would not be
proper. In
any political setting that would not be proper. It’s like in
Cabinet - once
a Cabinet decision has been taken you are bound by that
protocol.
Gonda: But you must admit that a lot of people are
highly suspicious of
people who are coming from ZANU PF, and you have been
highly critical of
ZANU PF in the past. The party has also a history of
stuffing ballot boxes.
So what make you think that the people you are
supporting now from ZANU PF
will be any different?
Mhanda:
From what I can tell you, the MDC was a creation of ZANU PF. Morgan
Tsvangirai himself was a member of ZANU PF! Most of these people were
members of ZANU PF. They are breaking away from a rotten party. They are
breaking away. So you cannot stop by saying you are ZANU PF, you are so and
so. Then you will be reinforcing the polarization which has been taken
advantage of by Robert Mugabe to entrench his rule. We welcome anybody who
rebels against autocratic rule. Like I said the MDC is a creation of ZANU
PF. Most of those people were card carrying members of ZANU PF. Why should
it be different with Dr Simba Makoni and others?
Violet: But
you must understand, and as I go back again, the economy has
been going down
especially in the last seven years. 26 000% inflation,
unemployment, there
is no electricity, no water and food shortages. How
committed to change is
this group that has come out of ZANU PF when they
have not changed things in
the past?
Mhanda: For you to be able to change things you need to
be able to have the
power and capacity to do that. Surely you cannot expect
that Dr Simba
Makoni - as a single member - in a Politburo of about 44 could
have moved
things and changed things. He would have needed to win the
majority of the
Politburo for him to be able to make any decisions. In any
case Mugabe still
retains a veto power over anything. So what we are saying
is give Dr Simba
Makoni a chance. Let him be elected President and then you
will see that he
will deliver because he is motivated not by just wanting to
be President and
it was not something that he initiated. He was approached
by people who were
desperate for leadership – to take them out of the
crisis.
Gonda: You launched your policy document on Wednesday.
How are you going to
change things? For example what is your economic
recovery plan?
Mhanda: What Dr Makoni said at the launch is what
we want to do is to free
the people of Zimbabwe, to re-engage with them, to
empower them so that they
can come up with solutions themselves. Dr Makoni
is not going to dictate
solutions. There are a lot of competent people and
competent stakeholders in
Zimbabwe who can offer solutions but they were not
being listened to. But he
is going to open that avenue for people to be free
to discuss about the
crisis and ways out of the crisis whereas Robert Mugabe
was actually
stifling debate on the way forward. This is going to release
the people so
that they can actually participate on discussions on the way
forward.
Gonda: But is there really time to go back to the people
and listen to the
people about what the economic recovery plan should be.
Shouldn’t you as the
leaders – the people saying you want to bring about
change – shouldn’t you
be coming up with ideas on economic
reform?
Mhanda: The ideas are there but if you are talking in
terms of whether there
is enough time that is up to elections. But once we
get into power there
will be plenty of time for us to do that. Right now…
(Interrupted)
Gonda: How committed are you to constitutional
reform?
Mhanda: Come again?
Gonda: How committed
are you to constitutional reform?
Mhanda: We are. We are actually
committed to constitutional reform. A new
people driven constitution. That
is part of the manifesto. We will go back
to the people. We are committed to
a people driven constitution.
Gonda: And does this mean you are
going to work with the civic groups and if
so have you approached them –
that is civic groups and human rights bodies
in Zimbabwe? Like the National
Constitutional Assembly?
Mhanda: Civic society, human rights
groups and beyond. Not just the civic
groups. Everybody would be involved in
that.
Gonda: But how are you going to convince the country’s
civil society when
they issued a statement just a few days ago saying that
they support the
opposition led by Mr Morgan
Tsvangirai?
Mhanda: We are neither appealing nor courting civil
society. We are
appealing to the people of Zimbabwe not the civil society.
Our target market
is the people of Zimbabwe not civil
society.
Gonda: What about your stance on establishing private
poverty rights?
Mhanda: One of the key tenants of the manifesto
is to restore the rule of
law, respect for the rule of law that also entails
of necessity respect for
private properties. Lawfully acquired individual
properties should be
respected in terms of the law.
Gonda: So
would you take the war veterans off the land, those war veterans
who
violently grabbed land?
Mhanda: What you might term violently
raided the land, some of those things
have been regularised in terms of the
law. We will begin with the law and
then we will review the whole tenure
system and see whether the land is
being used productively. What Dr Makoni
emphasised was that land is an
important economic resource which should not
be viewed sentimentally and
emotionally but in terms of its benefit to the
people, to the economy and in
terms of alleviating
poverty.
Gonda: But still people will want to know what you’re
going to do with those
properties that were illegally taken especially by
the war veterans, what
are you going to do specifically with
those?
Mhanda: I wonder why you are just interested in war
veterans. There are a
number of politicians, ministers, judges who have been
involved in this but
you keep going back to the war
veterans!
Gonda: And even the ministers, everyone who took the
farms illegally, what
is your policy on that?
Mhanda: It will
be in terms of the law; the law will have to take priority.
Things will have
to be reviewed in terms of the law. I am not in a position
to say where and
when the law was violated. Like I said, restoration of
respect for the rule
of law is one of the priorities of Simba Makoni’s
presidency.
Gonda: What is your view on the ZANU PF issue
that power must be handed to
one nationalist generation to
another?
Mhanda: I am not aware of that policy myself. I don’t
think I understand
what you are saying.
Gonda: Robert Mugabe
and many people in ZANU PF have always said that
nationalists are the only
ones who can advocate on positions of freedom, do
you subscribe to
that?
Mhanda: I don’t think I have heard or read that. What I
recall President
Mugabe saying was that the West cannot teach us about
democracy. We brought
democracy to Zimbabwe. He has said that quite often
but for him to say that
the nationalists have the monopoly on democracy I
don’t think I have
actually captured that from him.
Gonda:
And speaking about the West or the International community rather,
what is
the support or attitude, to start off with of South Africa and SADC
to your
group?
Mhanda: Our intention is actually to bring an end to the
International
isolation now afflicting the country, SADC and beyond. We
cannot exist in
isolation during this era of globalisation, we need to
interact and engage
everybody else on fair and equal
terms.
Gonda: And what has been the response from South Africa
for example and SADC
to you’re group?
Mhanda: Like I said we
have just been, Dr Makoni only announced his
candidature last week and now
he is in the process of actually forming a
team in terms of candidates for
the elections and the next thing will then
be, just this afternoon there was
a briefing with the diplomats.
Unfortunately I did not attend that, and I
cannot give you feed back on that
but I am aware there was a briefing with
the diplomats. And Dr Simba Makoni
or Mr Chanetsa or maybe Dr Ibbo Mandaza
will be in a better position to give
you feedback on what actually
transpired during that interaction with the
diplomats. But I don’t foresee
any problems.
Gonda: Did the diplomats also include diplomats
from the West?
Mhanda: No, No, No, Diplomats from everywhere,
SADC and the International.
Gonda: Robert Mugabe told SADC that
he is not relinquishing power to the
opposition. How will you deal with this
if that happens?
Mhanda: We don’t foresee him winning the
election anyway. We are going to
win the election so that question does not
arise.
Gonda: But he had warned already that he will not accept
defeat. What would
you do if this happens?
Mhanda: He would
have staged a coup against the people of Zimbabwe and it
will be up to the
people of Zimbabwe to react to that.
Gonda: But hasn’t he already
compromised the vote by saying that he will not
accept
defeat.
Mhanda: Robert Mugabe, this is politicking, this is
campaigning. There is an
election coming no matter how flawed, how
unlevelled the playing field is
but there is an election coming about and we
are confident we are going to
win because we represent the embodiment and
aspirations and wishes of the
people of Zimbabwe - who wish to bring as
speedily as possible their
suffering to an end.
Gonda: But
what has been the response from the ZANU PF or Mugabe rather to
this
announcement that some people from his party are going to stand against
him.
So have you received any threats or what has been his
response?
Mhanda: The response was to expel Dr Simba Makoni from
ZANU PF and also to
threaten to expel anybody who supports him, that is as
far as I know. In
terms of physical threats I haven’t heard of any at the
present moment.
Gonda: And what about response from the grass
roots - people on the ground?
Mhanda: Ever since Dr Simba Makoni,
not even ever since Dr Simba Makoni
announced his candidate. Ever since word
appeared in the press that Dr Simba
Makoni was going to stand it has
generated a lot of interest. And also the
wave of people seeking to verify
whether their names appear on the voter’s
roll, and those registering
afresh, was clear testimony as to the
overwhelming positive response to Dr
Simba Makoni’s candidature.
Gonda: But is that really an
indicator; is it possible that people could be
going to check the voter’s
roll because they want to vote against ZANU PF?
Mhanda: Why all
the rush, why all the sudden rush all of a sudden - why?
Gonda:
Why not for the Movement for Democratic change for example? How do
you know
that these are your supporters, that these are people that will
support
you?
Mhanda: They had all the time to go and verify their names
and to go and
register but this coincided exactly with his (Makoni’s)
announcement. So
surely there is a co-relation there.
Gonda:
Before you go can you briefly give us your final thoughts on the
situation
on the ground especially as you only have a few weeks before
elections,
draconian laws are still in place, the state media does not give
enough
coverage to opposition members. How are you going to deal with all
these
things that are against the opposition parties in the
country?
Mhanda: I think it has been said on a number of
platforms and by a number of
countries that the Zimbabwean crisis can only
be resolved by the people of
Zimbabwe themselves and we have taken up the
challenge. The people who are
going to campaign are not Dr Simba Makoni per
se but the people themselves,
who will be campaigning, who will ensure also
that their vote is respected
and protected. It is up to the
people.
I actually call on all the people of Zimbabwe to take an
interest in this
election. Those who haven’t registered to go and register.
For those who
have registered to verify whether their names appear on the
voter’s roll and
with two days left for those people who wish to present
themselves as
candidates to do so as quickly as possible and present
themselves as
independent candidates so that they would support Dr Makoni
after he wins
the forthcoming presidential election.
Violet
Gonda: Thank you very much Mr Wilfred Mhanda.
Wilfred Mhanda:
Thank you Violet.
Comments and feedback can be emailed to violet@swradioafrica.com
VOA
By Brenda Moyo, James Butty, Thomas Chiripasi & Loirdham
Moyo
Washington, Harare & Mutare
14 February
2008
A senior official of one of Zimbabwe's two main
opposition formations said
Thursday that the Movement for Democratic Change
faction led by Arthur
Mutambara will join forces with Simba Makoni, a former
finance minister the
ruling party has expelled.
Vice President Gibson
Sibanda of the Mutambara MDC formation said the deal
would be announced
Friday in a joint news conference by Mutambara and
Makoni. Such an alliance
would undermine the candidacies of both President
Robert Mugabe, seeking
re-election, and Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC founder
who is also
running.
Sibanda told reporter Brenda Moyo of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe that his
formation strongly believes in a united front against
President Mugabe.
The Mutambara and Tsvangirai factions recently
announced that they had not
been able to overcome their differences to
reunite behind a single
presidential candidate.
Mutambara has not
formally declared his candidacy, and Sibanda's
announcement of a deal
suggests he may throw the weight of his faction,
generally considered to
have a smaller membership than Tsvangirai's
grouping, behind Makoni's
breakaway bid.
Makoni unveiled an election manifesto on the themes of
national
"re-engagement" and reconciliation Wednesday, and expanded on it an
interview with VOA's James Butty.
In other political news, two
parliamentary candidates of the Tsvangirai MDC
formation were said to have
been barred or chased from meetings in their
constituencies by supporters
angered at their imposition as candidates by
the party
leadership.
Two incumbent lawmakers of the same formation were unseated
in primary
elections. in Harare constituencies, reported correspondent
Thomas
Chiripasi.
Elsewhere, opposition rural candidates in
Manicaland Province charged that
the have been denied receipts showing they
have paid local service fees,
without which they cannot run for parliament,
as Loirdham Moyo reported from
Mutare, in the east.
HARARE, 14 February 2008 (IRIN) -
Political violence has been a traditional
staple of Zimbabwean elections,
but with the ruling ZANU-PF party now split,
next month's ballot could see a
whole new scale of trouble.
"Violence breeds destruction of property,
life and infrastructure, and we do
not want lives lost. We will stamp it out
and nip it in the bud," police
commissioner general Augustine Chihuri warned
this week after meeting senior
police officers.
In a veiled threat to
the opposition, he added: "We are tired of people who
complain when they
lose but endorse the results when they win. In any
election some win, others
lose, and this should be accepted."
With Kenya’s experience of
post-election violence fresh in people's minds,
senior judges Rita Makarau
and Lawrence Kamocha added their voices to
appeals for peace during the
voting on 29 March. Kamocha urged the police to
be impartial, and
politicians to demonstrate determination to fight violence
during and after
the polls.
Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has
long
complained about the unfairness of the political contest, from
restrictions
on campaigning to access to the media. Since the 2000 election
when the MDC
first emerged, election observers have routinely condemned the
organisation
of the ballot and the environment of intimidation.
A new
element, likely to make next month's election even edgier, is the
decision
by Zimbabwe's former finance minister, Simba Makoni, to challenge
President
Robert Mugabe, 83, as an independent candidate. This has
heightened tensions
in ZANU-PF, where a post-Mugabe succession debate has
been
simmering.
"The most vicious violence could be the fights among former
ZANU-PF allies,
who have been split into two factions: those supporting
Makoni and those
supporting Mugabe," political commentator Paddington
Japajapa told IRIN.
"Even more worrying is the fact that it is in ZANU-PF
where you find former
guerrillas of the war of liberation, and there is the
possibility that
former comrades in arms could turn their guns against each
other."
Feeling your pain?
Makoni, 57, told IRIN that he was
opposed to any form of violence. "No
presidential candidate is worth dying
for; certainly, no presidential
candidate is worth killing for. I appeal to
all Zimbabweans, especially the
youth, not to be used by anybody to engage
in violent behaviour."
The election is being held against the backdrop of
dire economic hardship.
Japajapa commented that the country's deep
recession, reinforced by the cold
shoulder from Western donors, has served
to heighten the drama around the
coming poll. The International Monetary
Fund has estimated Zimbabwe's
inflation rate at 100,000 percent and still
rising.
Unemployment is now over 80 percent, maternal mortality rates,
and infant
and under-five deaths are all above threshold levels that should
trigger
international concern. Although nutrition levels are not the lowest
in the
region, only in Zimbabwe are the trends in “stunting” and
“underweight”
deteriorating.
In announcing his candidature, Makoni
stated: "I share the agony and the
anguish of all citizens over the extreme
hardships that we have all endured
for nearly 10 years now. I also share the
widely held view that these
hardships are a result of failure of national
leadership, and that change at
that level is a prerequisite for change at
other levels of national
endeavour."
Makoni was one of the youngest
ministers in Mugabe's first post-independence
government in 1980. He was
appointed executive secretary of the Southern
African Development Community
(SADC) in 1984. After the shock of ZANU-PF's
near defeat in 2000 he was part
of a group of technocrats drafted into
government, but fell out with Mugabe
over economic policy and resigned in
2002.
Rindai Chipfunde-Vava,
executive director of the pro-democracy Zimbabwe
Election Support Network
(ZESN), told IRIN that a rushed timetable for the
local council, legislative
and presidential elections - the first time they
have been run
simultaneously - was undermining their credibility, despite a
SADC-brokered
dialogue between MDC and ZANU-PF.
"Two days before nomination courts sit
throughout the country, none of the
parties has completed the final list of
candidates ... We are going into the
elections before the SADC-brokered
talks have seen the signing of an
agreement," said
Chipfunde-Vava.
"We don't think there is enough time to implement some of
the agreed changes
to security and media laws that were agreed to under the
[SADC]-mediated
talks.”
Chipfunde-Vava said the onus was now on the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
(ZEC), appointed by Mugabe, to deliver a
credible vote. However, with only
six weeks left before the ballot, it was
still recruiting staff and battling
to find office space in some parts of
the country.
Lovemore Madhuku, chair of the rights lobby group the
National
Constitutional Assembly, told IRIN that piecemeal amendments to the
constitution would not deliver the required reforms for a free and fair
poll. "We are saying that Zimbabweans are participating in these elections
although they know that the elections are not
legitimate."
[ENDS]
[This report does not necessarily
reflect the views of the United Nations]
So many people have written about the "confusing" political environment in
Zimbabwe especially following the entry of Simba Makoni in the political
arena. Some political commentators are even talking about hard choices the
voters are facing. Non Zimbabwean observers are puzzled by the Zimbabwean
people's psych given the well-documented suffering they have endured under
ZANU PF failed policies and corrupt leadership. My response to some of these
quips has been that you should not expect clear thinking from a people who
has been beaten senseless and is being starved to death. A clear excuse on
my part covering my own foggy understanding of my own people of
course.
The people of independent Zimbabwe do not know any other
government apart
from the infamous ZANU PF government. Every hardship being
experienced in
Zimbabwe today lies firmly in the hands on a collective ZANU
PF leadership
and no further. Makoni was, until last week, part of this
leadership that
feeds on ZANU PF patronage while the country is burning.
Zimbabweans should
not care whether the suffering is caused by " Western
sanctions", drought,
or just bad luck. The steel of a national government is
measured by how it
leads its people through such hardships. Instead what we
have witnessed in
Zimbabwe is a regime that has successfully led some chosen
families to the
green pastures awash with the national loot. You all know
them and how they
amassed "their" riches. Hard choices? No!
Those who
witnessed the so called land redistribution would have been
forgiven to
think that the colonialists were back but disguised as black
Zimbabweans.
Vulnerable, poor and unconnected Zimbabweans were left
wondering what the
hell was happening around them. Never have I seen so much
innocent
Zimbabwean blood being shed by a black Zimbabwean sovereign
government for
the benefit of the chosen few. In doing so, the Mugabe
government told the
nation that they were actually fighting the Blair
government some 6,000
miles away. That "war" is yet to come. Hard choices?
No!
On 29 March
Zimbabweans are going to vote for almost any public office you
can think of.
Given the prevailing socio-political environment in Zimbabwe
it should not
matter how many will go to the polls or where the delineation
of new
constituencies are, the result should be the political burial of ZANU
PF as
a governing party. Surprise surprise some people will still be
confused
about who to vote for. Some will still want to vote for more of the
same or
for the recycled ZANU PF. Hard choices? No, just ignorance and some
don't
even believe they have a choice. Educated (academically that is) as
the
Zimbabwean populace might seem, many think that the power to run the
country
is vested in Mugabe, Tsangirai, Makoni or Mutambara. They do not
realise
that the power is vested in them through their vote. For me the
choice is as
they as it could be. Nobody is perfect but there is no way I
will vote to
have more of ZANU PF rule in whatever guise it takes. By
process of
elimination, I will leave you to do the rest. Absolutely no
contest. But is
it still a Hard Choice? What a Hard Choice?
These choices come once every
four to five years. Go for a wrong choice and
you will have 28 more years of
the same. Be patriotic. Think of others. Be
smart.
The fight for
freedom in Zimbabwe is not going to end with Mugabe's
departure.
John
Huruva
East London
VOA
By Carole Gombakomba
Washington
14
February 2008
Zimbabweans continued to register to vote
and inspect voters rolls on
Thursday after the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
and the Registrar General's
office announced a further 24-hour grace period
on top of a previous
extension of nearly one week.
The Electoral
Commission had announced through the state-run Herald
newspaper that
registration and inspection of voter rolls would conclude on
Wednesday.
But the Herald on Thursday quoted Registrar General
Tobaiwa Mudede as saying
registration and inspection would continue through
Thursday. The further
extension was also announced to the nation on state
television late
Wednesday.
Chairman Noel Kututwa of the Zimbabwe
Election Support Network told reporter
Carole Gombabkomba of VOA's Studio 7
for Zimbabwe that the conflicting
statements reflected the confusion in the
electoral process ahead of ballots
set for March 29.
Elections
director Dennis Murira of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change
faction led by Morgan Tsvangirai said that although the extension was
needed, many would-be voters may not have benefited from the last-minute
announcement.
Zim Online
by Thenjiwe Mabhena Friday 15 February
2008
HARARE - The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and
Malaria, has agreed
to help pay salaries of Zimbabwean doctors and medical
staff in bid to stem
a massive brain-drain that has seen the best qualified
health professionals
leave the country.
Health Minister David
Parirenyatwa on Thursday told ZimOnline that at least
44 medical doctors,
pharmacists and laboratory technicians based at district
hospitals would
have their salaries topped up by the Global Fund.
"Some doctors will have
a top-up (of salaries) in local currency. The money
is from our partners. It
is going to help us retain doctors and curb the
current brain-drain," said
Parirenyatwa.
Since its creation in 2002, the Washington-based Global
Fund has become the
dominant financer of programmes to fight AIDS,
tuberculosis and malaria,
providing well over 20 percent of all
international finance against AIDS and
two thirds of global financing for TB
and malaria.
The Fund has over the past few years shifted towards
supporting the salaries
of health staff in an attempt to retain their
services in impoverished
African countries. Its decision to help fund
salaries will come as a relief
to Zimbabwe's health professionals, among the
poorest paid in southern
Africa.
Hundreds of doctors and nurses as
well as other professionals such as
engineers, lawyers and accountants had
fled Zimbabwe over the past eight
years to seek better paying jobs and
living conditions in neighbouring
countries and as far afield as Britain,
Australia and New Zealand.
The brain-drain has helped exacerbate the rot
in a public health sector -
once among the best in the developing world -
but now barely functional at
the best of times due to under-funding, drug
shortages and an overload of
HIV/AIDS cases. - ZimOnline.
Nehanda Radio
15 February 2008
By Andrew Mudzingwa
Zimbabwe
has produced a plethora of intellectuals, academics and technocrats
who have
occupied cabinet posts and senior government positions since
independence.
Below are a few notable examples:
Dr Simba Makoni, PhD (Chemistry)
–Minister of Finance, when inflationary
economics became entrenched;
Minister of Industry and Energy, when Zimbabwe
experienced its first fuel
shortages in the early 90’s.
Dr Jonathan Moyo, PhD (Political Science) –
Minister of Information,
declared a war on independent media and introduced
draconian legislation and
proclaimed that title deeds should be worth less
than toilet paper.
Dr Joseph Made, PhD (Agriculture) – CEO –ARDA,
Minister of Agriculture,
blamed monkeys for sabotaging the country’s sole
fertiliser plant and
formulated a ludicrous idea of trying to grow winter
maize in 2002.
Dr Sydney Sekeramayi, (Medical Doctor) – Minister of
Defence, responsible
for sending 1256 Zimbabweans to their death in the DRC
War and appeared
barefoot inspecting hillsides in Chinhoyi for diesel oozing
from rocky
outcrops produced by a clairvoyant.
Dr Dzingayi Mutumbuka
( Chemistry) - Minister of Education, barred the
construction of private
universities in the early 80’s and became one of the
Ministers nabbed by the
Sandura Commission for corruption over the
Willowgate motor vehicle scandal
.
Dr Gideon Gono – (Honorary) - Governor of the RBZ, the godfather of
cash
barons, has predicted the mother of all harvests. His poverty stricken
housemaid found a stash of illegal foreign currency under his bed and
converted it to her own use. The charges were dropped against her.
Dr
Simon Muzenda – (Honorary)-Life Vice President, “Chero tikakupayi gudo
kuti
murivhotere muZANU (PF) munotorivhotera.” Even if we nominate a baboon
for
you, you have to vote for it, that’s the ZANU way. His security details
shot
Mr. Kombayi (Mayor of Gweru) in the gentilia in his presence in Gweru
during
parliamentary elections in the 90’s.
Dr Fay Chung (Education) – Minister
of Education, "I think, to say that as
many as 20 000 people were killed
during Gukurahundi is not true. I think it
is a few hundred.”
Dr
Eddison Zvobgo- PhD (Law) - Minister without Portfolio, the architect of
the
1987-1990 constitutional amendments that created Mugabe’s powerful
position.
Other intellectuals that have been part of the ZANU (PF)
machinery since
independence include; Dr Naomi Nhiwatiwa, Dr Bernard
Chidzero, Dr Felix
Muchemwa, Prof Walter Kamba, Dr Robbie Mupawose, Dr Ibbo
Mandaza, Dr Nkosana
Moyo, Dr Nthuli Ncube, Dr Julius Makoni, Dr Chenjerai
Hunzvi, Dr Sam Moyo,
Dr Herbet Murerwa, Dr Utete, Dr Taka Mutunhu, Dr
Ignatius Chombo, Dr Samuel
Udenge, Dr Tafataona Mahoso, Dr Samuel
Mumbengegwi, Dr Sikhanyiso Ndhlovu,
Dr Nathan Shamuyarira, Dr Stan Mudenge,
Dr Kombo Moyana, Dr Liberty Mhlanga
etc
The only visible monument the
above-mentioned collective intellegencia has
left on our landscape is a
gleaming cemetery (the National Hero’s Acre).
What did the country get in
return? Hyperinflation, the world’s fastest
shrinking economy, the world’s
lowest life expectancy, and shortages of
everything from electricity to
toilet paper.
“Tisarove imbwa takaviga mupini – lets call a spade a
spade.” At
independence in 1980, ZANU (PF) inherited an economy and
infrastructure that
had been built by farmers. 60% of the Rhodesian
government cabinet and
indeed its leader were farmers. To the contrary 70%
of the ZANU (PF)
government ministers are doctors, academics, intellectuals
and its leader
holds a Masters in Economics and various other degrees in
violence.
In other words it has taken educated people twenty-eight years
to dismantle
an economy which rebel settler farmers, albeit using cheap
black labour,
built over one hundred years.
One does not need to be a
nuclear physicist or molecular biologist in order
to lead a nation. Common
sense, principled African values, universal norms,
tolerance, and the
rudimentary understanding of sadza and gravy issues, must
be the hallmarks
of our next leader.
"The agricultural sector faces a decline of 24.6
percent," Makoni told the
House in July, 2002 when seeking approval for a
$52.97 billion supplementary
budget for food imports and farming inputs for
farmers resettled under the
government's land reforms. The same year he
allocated $4 billion to Minister
Elliot Manyika and his permanent secretary
Dr Thompson Tsodzo, PhD, for the
establishment of youth militias training
camps at the former 2 Brigade Army
Barracks in Mount Darwin.
On 1
August, 2000 Dr Makoni announced a 24% devaluation of the Zimbabwe
dollar
against the US greenback, taking it down from its pegged level of
38:1 to
50:1. On August, 3, 2000 in his address to parliament Dr Makoni
announced
that Zimbabwe’s total revenues were Z$87.2 billion with total
expenditures
of Z$141.9 billion, a budget deficit as a percentage of GDP of
14.9% with an
average annual inflation of 59%.
Zimbabwe is now endowed with
presidential aspirants who are qualified to fly
unmanned drones to outer
space, interpret the sexual behavior of monkeys,
yet have failed to perform
the simple task of creating a national balance
sheet for communal
farmers.
We must be careful what we wish for. Let us interrogate the issues
at hand
before we make another monumental mistake. If we do not change
direction we
will get to where we are going.
Parade Magazine
By Jabulani
Moyo
Published: February 17, 2008
Growing up in Zimbabwe, I dreamed of
being a teacher. My mother taught
elementary school, and I was inspired by
the world of ideas. When I was
young, my country was a highly educated
society with a strong economy. We
had plenty of food to eat and a sense of
freedom.
Everything changed under Mugabe’s rule. I finally realized my
dream of being
a college professor by 2000, but inflation was so bad that I
couldn’t afford
enough food. Sometimes I’d eat only one meal a day, making
it hard to
concentrate. So I’d often stand in front of the class embarrassed
by my
weakness and hunger, even though the students were fainting or absent
because they were starving too.
I decided I couldn’t go on pretending
that everything was fine. As a teacher
responsible for young minds, I felt I
had an obligation to speak out. But
immediately after I began to talk about
the political situation, I got phone
calls telling me to stop. Spies were
placed in my classroom. I was followed
and could go out only with a group
for my own safety.
Then one day I was sitting in my office when six
police officers showed up
and dragged me out in handcuffs in front of my
students and colleagues. They
took me to the station, told me to strip off
my shirt and shoes and beat me
badly. None of my friends or family knew
where I was, and I was terrified I’d
never be seen again. I was let go two
days later, but it was a real turning
point for me. I realized I had to
leave Zimbabwe, or I would die there.
It’s been two years since I left,
and I still have nightmares, but I’ve
never regretted speaking out. There
are times when you simply can’t remain
quiet no matter how dangerous it is.
I still have family in Zimbabwe, and I
miss them dearly. I hope that one day
my country will change, and I can go
home again.
Jabulani Moyo is now
teaching at a small college in the United States, where
he was placed by the
Scholar Rescue Fund of the Institute of International
Education.