Mugabe bans all political activities

Financial Times

By Tony Hawkins in Harare

Published: February 21 2007 19:16 | Last updated: February 21 2007 19:16

President Robert Mugabe's government on Wednesday imposed a three-month ban
on all political activities in Zimbabwe.

The ban, a week before the government imposes a four-month prices and
incomes freeze, followed an announcement by Mr Mugabe on Tuesday that the
country's fledgling diamond mining industry would be nationalised.

In a long, often-rambling, interview with state television to mark his 83rd
birthday, Mr Mugabe repeated that there was no vacancy for the post of
president. But he denied that the government's plans to harmonise
presidential and parliamentary elections in 2010 was a backdoor way of
extending his term in office from 2008 for two years.

"If I want to lengthen my term, I can stand next year. What prevents me from
standing and beating [the opposition]? I can stand and then have another six
years for that matter," he said.

In the interview Mr Mugabe criticised would-be successors, accusing some
senior members of his Zanu-PF party of trying to "push President Mugabe out
now".

"Every individual in the upper echelons is now looking at himself,
positioning themselves," he said, adding: "Those who think they are most
immediate are resorting to all kinds of nonsense."

This last comment is seen as indirect criticism of one of Zimbabwe's two
vice-presidents, Joyce Mujuru.

The ban on political meetings was imposed after Sunday's clashes between the
police and supporters of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change.

Police defied a court ruling and prevented Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC from
holding a rally in Harare, ostensibly to launch the party's campaign for the
2008 presidential election.

The MDC says it intends to go ahead with a rally in the country's second
largest city, Bulawayo, this weekend.

Next week's price freeze, part of a social contract between business, trade
unions and the government, is due to be agreed by the end of this month. But
labour unions have rejected it outright, while business is deeply divided.

Some executives, fearing angry retribution from the government should they
oppose the freeze, are prepared to give it a try, but others say their
businesses will collapse if they cannot pass on cost increases to customers.

The government hopes to use the freeze to counter a wave of strikes and
threatened strikes by doctors, nurses, teachers and civil servants.

With inflation reaching 1,594 per cent in January and forecast by some
private sector analysts to reach 5,000 per cent by the end of the year, the
government's offer of 300-400 per cent pay increases has been spurned by
public sector workers, who are demanding four-figure pay awards.

The threatened nationalisation of the country's two operational diamond
mines - Murowa, owned by the world's third largest mining company, Rio
Tinto, and River Ranch, held by private investors - comes as no surprise.

Diamond mining has become highly controversial following a diamond rush in
the eastern district of Marange.

Last month Gideon Gono, governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, announced
plans to take over the marketing of all precious minerals - diamonds,
emeralds and platinum. Mr Mugabe has now gone one step further, saying that
in future only the government would mine diamonds.

For the last three years the government has been working on legislation to
allow it to take over 51 per cent of large mining companies, which would
include South Africa's Impala Platinum, Anglo Platinum, Rio Tinto Zimbabwe,
Aquarius Platinum and the country's two ferrochrome exporters.

Protesters to defy Mugabe crackdown as police loyalty drains away

The Times

The Times
February 22, 2007

Jan Raath in Harare
Police banned rallies and demonstrations across much of Harare yesterday,
imposing a virtual state of emergency in the Zimbabwean capital.

In the clearest sign yet of government alarm at the deepening public
discontent over the country's economic collapse, it invoked the three-month
prohibitions under the draconian Public Order and Security Act.

The Act was brought into effect for the first time because existing
regulations were "insufficient to prevent public disorder," officials said.

Kembo Mohadi, the Home Affairs Minister, last week imposed a blanket ban on
all political meetings "due to the volatile situation all over the country".

The clampdown - in the 27th year of President Mugabe's rule - is taking
place as opposition groups begin campaigns for presidential elections due
next year. Rival factions within the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) have promised to continue public protests in defiance of the
prohibitions.

"This is a de facto state of emergency," said Tendai Biti, secretary-general
of the larger faction led by Morgan Tsvangirai, the former national trade
union head. "We are going to go ahead with our meetings. If they want to
beat us up, they can beat us up. We will not give up." Nothing would be
achieved "unless we get arrested, beaten up and shot at".

David Coltart, shadow justice minister for the faction led by Arthur
Mutambara, an academic, said: "For the first time in years, I am very
excited.

It looks like we are going somewhere." The bans were "an indication of the
sense of paranoia" within the Government, he said.

"It would be a worry if we felt that the Government was in full control of
all the service arms. But from what I have seen in Bulawayo last week, there
are elements in the police who clearly lack the will to enforce the regime's
will."

Witnesses cited unprecedented boldness by opposition supporters and timidity
by police during encounters at demonstrations last week. In Bulawayo, Mr
Mutambara stormed through the ranks of riot police to lead a march through
the city without being hindered. Under normal circumstances he could have
expected a beating and spent several days in police cells.

"[The Government's] intelligence is showing them that levels of anger are
higher than they have ever been," said Mr Coltart. "They also know that the
levels of anger and frustration in the police are very high."

Mr Biti said that they would continue to pursue legal challenges to the
Government, including charges of contempt of court against police for
defying an order not to interfere with a big MDC rally in Harare on Sunday.
Dozens of people were injured and vehicles stoned and burnt in unrest after
riot police used baton charges, teargas and water cannon to drive off people
arriving for the rally.

The ban on meetings came on Mr Mugabe's 83rd birthday, marked by many
advertisements in the state press showing a beaming Mr Mugabe, and
glorifying him for his "sublime qualities of leadership", On the eve of his
birthday, he rambled, often incoherently, through an hour-long interview on
state television, in which he expressed shock at the squabbling among senior
party officials to be next in line for the presidency before he had stepped
down.

"Even when they are not thinking of being president, they are thinking of
where they would be and who they should support. I didn't expect that," he
said. "There are no vacancies."

Tsvangirai vows to step up campaign against Mugabe

Zim Online

Thursday 22 February 2007

Own Correspondent

HARARE - Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai on Wednesday told foreign
diplomats based in Harare that Zimbabweans were in a "clear mood of
rebellion" and that he would continue mobilising resistance to President
Robert Mugabe's government despite a police ban on opposition meetings and
protests.

Tsvangirai said a government crackdown on his Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) party and the ban on peaceful political rallies and protests announced
by the police on Wednesday virtually amounted to a declaration of "a state
of emergency."

The police say the ban on political activity is necessary to calm the
situation in Harare's volatile working class suburbs, which are a hotbed of
opposition support.

Tsvangirai said despite the ban, the MDC would continue holding public
rallies and protests to force Mugabe to embrace sweeping political reforms
and that he abandons plans to extend his term, which ends next year, by
another two years without going through an election.

Tsvangirai said: "We are not trying to capture international headlines
through acts of reckless adventurism that might result in a carnage that
might not achieve our central objective. We will continue building our
resistance movement, gauging the pace and the resilience of the people.

"There is now a clear mood of rebellion among Zimbabweans. However, our job
is not simply to instigate rebellion, but to channel people's frustrations
and hardships into a constructive force for change."

Political tensions are rising fast in the southern African country as a
steep economic crisis takes its toll on a population grappling with
inflation of nearly 1 600 percent, the highest in the world and surging
unemployment and poverty.

The tensions have worsened following proposals by Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF
party to extend his rule under an election harmonisation plan, which will
see presidential elections scheduled next year coinciding with parliamentary
polls in 2010.

The MDC and civic society groups have condemned the move, saying Zimbabwe
cannot afford to have Mugabe in charge for an additional two years. They
have threatened to roll out mass protests to block the plan.

Police on Sunday fought running battles with MDC supporters in Harare's
working class suburb of Highfield when the police stopped a rally that the
High Court had sanctioned.

State media has said the police stopped the rally because they feared the
MDC wanted to use the rally to launch new protests against the government,
but the opposition party says it wanted to use the meeting to kick off
campaigning for the 2008 presidential election.

Mugabe's government appears under siege with civil unrest looking more
likely than ever before with state doctors, nurses, university lecturers and
lately schoolteachers all on strike to press for higher remuneration and
better working conditions.

The state's spy Central Intelligence Organisation has already warned Mugabe
that the wave of strikes could soon spread to all government departments and
the security forces and could easily turn into mass revolt against him.

Tsvangirai told diplomats that there was no easy option for Mugabe who must
grapple with a collapsing economy as well as manage a vicious struggle
within his ruling party over his succession.

"Those who gave Mugabe succour and comfort over the past 27 years have now
created a political trap for him and it does not appear that there is an
easy exit for him," the MDC leader told diplomats. - ZimOnline

Mugabe cracks whip to warn opponents

Zim Online

Thursday 22 February 2007

By Justin Muponda

HARARE - President Robert Mugabe's government has intensified a crackdown
against the opposition, arresting some of its leaders and banning street
protests, in a move political analysts said was meant to warn opponents on
the futility of challenging the veteran leader.

Police have arrested 40 people over the past few days following weekend
clashes with opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) supporters who
tried to march last Friday and following riotous scenes in Harare's working
class suburb of Highfield on Sunday when armed police stopped a High Court
sanctioned rally.

Some of those arrested included MDC secretary general Tendai Biti and Glen
View legislator Paul Madzore, who were later released on bail by a Harare
Magistrates court after being charged with public violence.

The police have been in a combative mood since then and on Wednesday
announced a ban on political rallies and protests in Harare's volatile
townships, a move analysts said was meant to reinforce Mugabe's view that
the government was still in control.

"This is a warning to all those who dare to challenge the regime," said John
Makumbe, a University of Zimbabwe political science lecturer and a strong
Mugabe critic.

"The government is marshalling all its forces to say 'if you want a fight we
are ready'. Make no mistake, the government will not let the opposition hold
a rally or protest because there is fear - presumably rightly so - that it
can explode and sweep Mugabe from power," he added.

Human rights lawyer and the coordinator of Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
(CZC), Jacob Mafume, said the government clampdown on dissension was meant
to dissuade ordinary citizens from a popular revolt that he said looked
imminent.

Mafume, whose CZC campaigns for democratic change in Zimbabwe, said: "These
strong arm tactics are synonymous with a state of emergency. The idea is to
dissuade people from a popular uprising which looks imminent."

Political tensions are rising fast in the southern African country as a
steep economic crisis takes its toll on a population grappling with
inflation of nearly 1 600 percent, the highest in the world and surging
unemployment and poverty.

The tensions have worsened following proposals by Mugabe's ZANU PF to extend
his rule under an election harmonisation plan, which will see presidential
elections scheduled next year coinciding with parliamentary polls in 2010.

The opposition and civil groups have condemned the move, saying Zimbabwe
cannot afford to have Mugabe in charge for an additional two years. They
have threatened to roll out mass protests to block the plan.

Some opposition officials said the weekend clashes signalled the start of
the protests.

MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai said on Monday Mugabe and ZANU PF were at their
weakest and now resorted to militia tactics to keep a tight lid on unrest,
but warned that the opposition's anti-government struggle was gaining
momentum.

MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa on Wednesday vowed that the opposition party
would resist the police ban on political meetings and protests, saying the
police action was akin to imposing "a state of emergency."

"We are going to defy that ban," said Chamisa. "We are going to continue
with the people's project of emancipation. The streets shall bring freedom.
It's now confrontation. We have lined up a series of demonstrations and we
shall not relent."

But analysts warned that Mugabe, who turned 83 years yesterday and a master
of political intrigue would continue to rely on security forces to crush
protests, which he sees as part of a wider strategy sponsored by Western
governments and meant to remove him from power.

Mugabe, one of Africa's few remaining big men rulers, has kept opponents at
bay through tough policing, vote rigging, and an elaborate political
patronage system, which rewards loyal supporters while imposing severe
punishment on rivals.

The analysts said the veteran leader - who has ruled Zimbabwe since
independence in 1980 - had ordered the crackdown to once again set an
example to would-be protesters that the government would not sit by and
allow itself to be swept from power through a popular wave of protests.

Makumbe said: "There is no doubt as to the extent to which this regime will
go to remain in power, it will defend itself fiercely and brutally too. I
see Mugabe taking advantage of this crackdown to abuse people's rights in
the name of defending national security." - ZimOnline

The day Highfield turned into 'little Baghdad'

Zim Online

Thursday 22 February 2007

Own Correspondent

HARARE - Three water canons suddenly turn into a side street and start
firing into a house where two old women have just sought refuge.

Behind the cannons, two truckloads of armed anti-riot police fire
threatening shots into the air, plunging the tranquil environment into a
typical war zone.

Inside the gate, the spluttering coughs and the rising cries for help are
the only sign that the two old women are still alive. A mean looking
policeman hits the gate to the house with his booted foot and orders the
wailing women to "shut up".

Abruptly, as they came, the police move away in their convoy and to the next
house, apparently in search of new "prey."

Elsewhere, the choking smell of tear smoke dominates the skies while the
occasional gunfire ensures the entire neighbourhood is plunged into silence.
The empty teargas canisters and spent cartridges strewn around a serene but
deserted shopping centre complete the sketch of an eerie scene from an
Alfred Hitchcock whodunit.

This not downtown Baghdad or Mogadishu.

This is Highfield, a working class suburb of Zimbabwe's capital, Harare,
where President Robert Mugabe's security forces on Sunday brought down their
might to prevent the opposition Movement for democratic Change (MDC) party
from holding a rally that the High Court had approved but which police said
should not go ahead because it could turn violent.

It all started as a somewhat harmless case of overzealousness on the part of
the police. On Tuesday, the mainstream MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai notified
the police of their intention to launch their campaign for a presidential
election next year at Zimbabwe Grounds in Highfield.

The police, who have in the past used tough state security laws to ban
opposition meetings, said they could not sanction the rally because they had
no manpower and moreover, the MDC had a propensity for violence.

The MDC filed an urgent petition at the High Court, which was granted. High
Court Judge Anne-Marie Gowora, ruled that the opposition party could hold
the rally and specifically ordered the police not to interfere with the
meeting.

But the drama took another twist. On Sunday morning, MDC supporters turned
up at Zimbabwe Grounds to find all entrances sealed, with armed police
officers shooing everybody away.

Even Jessie Majome, the MDC lawyer who showed the police officers the court
order sanctioning the rally to proceed had to race back to her car after two
police officers unleashed a vicious dog at her to indicate their
unwillingness to engage in any discussion.

"This is something else. It is actually frightening when an entire police
force which says it respects human rights fails to comply with a court
order," Majome told ZimOnline at Machipisa police station where she had gone
to seek an explanation from senior police officers.

Three hours later, Majome was still at Machipisa police station trying to
locate the officer commanding Harare south, Washington Jangara, to order the
officers to leave the venue. Jangara was never to be seen, having made his
last public appearance at the High Court on Saturday afternoon when the
police were ordered not to stop the opposition rally.

Outside the venue, the MDC supporters were gathering in large numbers. Some
had come from areas outside Harare such as Guruve, Shamva, Mhondoro,
Masvingo and Manicaland. The crowd was slowly getting agitated.

Sensing danger, the police quickly moved to pre-empt the situation. First
they ordered the crowd to disperse, but before people could clear way the
police swung into action, firing teargas canisters at a small group of MDC
supporters outside Zimbabwe Grounds. The tension that had simmered since the
early hours of the morning erupted into open confrontation.

The crowd, apparently caught unawares, scattered away in different
directions as more truckloads of police officers armed with guns, truncheons
and tear smoke poured into Highfield.

For a while, the police appeared to be on top of the situation but then the
fleeing MDC supporters regrouped, chanting slogans as they came back on the
police, throwing stones and whatever else one could get at their tormentors.
The brave ones would pick the tear smoke canisters and throw them right back
into the police trucks.

But the police were not going to lose this one. As if from nowhere, 11
Israeli-manufactured police water cannons rolled into the sprawling suburb
and indiscriminately started firing teargas into people's homes, at small
crowds, into the streets and at anything on two legs. It was chaos
everywhere!

Meanwhile, MDC president Morgan Tsvangirai and his entourage of senior
officials arrived at the venue and tried to reason with the police officers
but they refused to budge. He drove to Southerton police station just
outside Highfield hoping to talk to senior police officers there but they
locked their offices when he arrived.

When Tsvangirai came back to the rally venue, a crowd of about 1 000
supporters swarmed around him. He ordered them to sit down while police
constables milled nearby seemingly unsure whether to let Tsvangirai address
the group or to spray the opposition leader and his supporters with tear
smoke.

Tsvangirai climbed into the back of his Isuzu truck and made a short and
solemn speech.

"They have refused to allow us to enter the venue even though we have a
court order. Zimbabwe will never be the same again. The struggle continues
and we should not rest until we achieve our vision of a new Zimbabwe," he
said.

He immediately drove off.

But the fighting and chaos continued in Highfield as police and MDC youths
fought running battles. Soon it became a free-for-all with marauding gangs
looting shops, others simply took clothes and shoes left by fleeing street
side vendors, while others attacked any uniformed officer seen on the
streets.

The chaos, which had started around 10 o'clock in the morning, went on until
well after midnight, with the police patrolling the streets, firing into the
air and ordering everyone to go back indoors. At least if you failed to
listen, the teargas made sure you complied.

Today, a visit to Machipisa shopping centre in Highfield will give you the
eerie feeling that something is just not right in Zimbabwe - that the forces
that clashed on Sunday are gathering up somewhere in preparation for yet
another showdown.

The legacy of Sunday's event is still evident: the teargas canisters, empty
and broken bottles, police batons abandoned in the alleyways and even the
occasional Zimbabwe Republic Police badge dropped by a police officer
running for dear life. - ZimOnline

Striking teachers beaten up, forced to eat chalk in crackdown

Zim Online

Thursday 22 February 2007

By Nigel Hangarume

HARARE - Police yesterday immediately followed a ban on political rallies
and protests in the capital's restive townships by beating up schoolteachers
striking over low salaries.

The attack on teachers at several schools in Harare came after weekend
clashes between anti-riot police and opposition Movement for Democratic
Change supporters who had gathered in the high-density suburb of Highfield
for a High Court-sanctioned rally.

The crackdown also came as the main Zimbabwe Teachers Association (ZIMTA)
announced it had joined the strike started by the smaller but militant
Progressive Teachers' Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) on February 5.

ZIMTA represents the majority of Zimbabwe 's 96 000 teachers and their
resolution to join the strike might have incensed the government.

Armed police details reportedly stormed Shiriyedenga, Ruvheneko and Chembira
schools in the high-density suburb of Glen Norah, allegedly assaulting
teachers and forcing some of them to eat chalk.

Eyewitnesses said schoolchildren had to scurry home, with some scaling
perimeter fences and walls to safety.

"I went for an in situ inspection at the affected schools in Glen Norah but
when I got there they had been closed," said PTUZ secretary-general Raymond
Majongwe.

"There was nobody at the schools but we got reports that children had to
stampede out of schools as soldiers harassed and beat up teachers. We
understand they also went to schools in Epworth (a semi-urban settlement
just outside Harare)," added Majongwe.

Police spokesman Assistant Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena could not be
reached for comment.

However, the government last week called in the military and spy agents to
intimidate teachers into backing off the industrial action, which Education

Minister Aeneas Chigwedere said was meant to serve a "political agenda".

President Robert Mugabe, who turned 83 yesterday, is battling to preempt
possible civil unrest as doctors, nurses, university lecturers and lately
schoolteachers strike to press for higher remuneration and better working
conditions.

"It's nonsensical for anyone to say the teachers' action is a political
issue. It's a matter of life and death because surely one cannot survive on
a monthly salary of $84 000," Majongwe said.

Teachers rank among the worst paid civil servants, earning between $84 000
and $150 000 - meaningless figures with inflation nearly 1 600 percent and
the breadline pegged at $460 000 for a standard family of five people.

Chigwedere warned the striking teachers might be fired and replaced or
alternatively have their salaries cut and withheld.

However, Majongwe vowed the teachers would not end the strike until their
demands were met. "The strike continues as long as our minimal demands are
not met," he said.

ZIMTA president Tendai Chikowore said: "The action is countrywide and we won't
stop until government comes up with something better." - ZimOnline

Zimbabwe's central bank burns money

Zim Online

Thursday 22 February 2007

By Hendricks Chizhanje

HARARE - Zimbabwe's central bank is secretly burning millions of 'bearer
cheques' that were phased out during last year's monetary currency reforms,
ZimOnline has learnt.

Sources at the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) said the central bank has
since last January been ferrying millions of bearer cheques to state steel
company ZISCOSTEEL's furnaces in the Midlands for disposal.

Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor Gideon Gono phased out the bearer
cheques last year and introduced a new set of cheques with less zeroes to
help Zimbabweans cope with rampant inflation which stood at over 1 000
percent.

ZISCOSTEEL spokesperson, Augustine Timbe refused to discuss the matter when
contacted for comment yesterday.

"I can't talk about that issue," said Timbe curtly.

The RBZ also refused to discuss the matter yesterday saying it was a
security issue.

The bearer cheques are promissory notes that were first introduced in 2003
to deal with serious shortages of cash. They are used in the same way as
cash.

Gono last year hinted that he will this year introduce a new currency which
will see the country do away with the use of bearer cheques.

Zimbabwe is in the grip of an eight-year old economic recession that has
seen inflation hitting 1 593.6 percent, the highest in the world outside a
war zone. - ZimOnline

Protest march against Mugabe

Mugabe's speech is 'frantically' edited

IOL

          February 21 2007 at 03:07PM

      By Peta Thornycroft

      Harare - Zimbabweans sat anxiously through an hour of President Robert
Mugabe's annual birthday speech on Tuesday night hoping to hear when he
would retire, and who would succeed him.

      Instead they got a rambling hour-long interview in which all juicy
details, speculated heavily in Harare, on Tuesday, had been edited out by
the state broadcaster, the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation.

      Impeccable sources close to Mugabe's Zanu-PF party said there had been
"frantic" editing to cut out parts of the speech in which he anointed rural
housing minister Emmerson Mnangagwa as his successor.

      In the unedited interview, Mugabe also turned on his vice-president
Joyce Mujuru, who was widely seen as the top contender to replace him as the
Zanu-PF candidate in the presidential election due in March 2008.

      Instead of hearing Mugabe speak out about his own intentions, he spoke
of corruption in his government, and of rampant inflation which he blamed
largely on local businessmen and "illegal sanctions" by the West.

      Mugabe has used divide and rule tactics to remain the undisputed
leader of Zanu-PF and Zimbabwe since the end of British rule in 1980, and
has been heavily backed by all the top generals in the security forces until
now.

      This article was originally published on page 4 of Daily News on
February 21, 2007

Comment: no sign of going, but crippled economy has weakened Mugabe

Times Online
February 21, 2007

As he turns 83, Mugabe shows little inclination to step down but economic
bungling has made him more vulnerable, says Times correspondent in Harare

Jan Raath, Harare
The pages of the state-controlled daily, the Herald, were stuffed today with
advertisements congratulating President Mugabe on his 83rd birthday and,
with no sense of irony, wishing him "many more."

His office went one better than most, putting in two advertisements, each
praising his "sublime leadership qualities." Another depicted him as a
granite statue atop a Greek temple with pillars marked "democracy,"
"reconciliation", "education," "health," "land reform" and "freedom fighter".

Other sections of the paper, however, told another story. Notices from
police announced unprecedented blanket bans on demonstrations and political
rallies in townships where most of the capital's poor live.

A report said the state-owned Zimbabwe Iron and Steel Company - which
managed to find the several million Zimbabwe dollars for a birthday
advertisement - had stopped production because it couldn't pay for the coal
needed for its blast furnaces. And the cost of the Herald had doubled to
3,000 Zimbabwe dollars - a sum that would have been 3 million before the
central bank removed three zeroes from the currency six months ago.

After nearly 27 years in power, Mr Mugabe has grown a legacy of brutal
repression and economic bungling that has driven inflation to 1,593 per
cent. Outside the small coterie of political henchman around him, he is
universally held responsible for the country's dramatic collapse into
poverty and corruption.

Despite his advanced years though, he shows no inclination to step down.

"Obviously, there will come a day when I will go," he said cheerily in an
interview on state television last night, but adding with a note of menace
that "there are no vacancies" for his job.

Three years ago, he indicated that he would probably retire in 2008 when his
current six-year term of office expired. But late last year he shocked
Zimbabweans with his announcement that he planned to postpone next year's
scheduled elections until 2010, effectively extending his tenure by two
years.

He could not stand down while his party was "in a shambles" he said, an
apparent reference to the deep splits within his ruling ZANU(PF) party
between rival factions fighting to be the first in line when he goes.

"The last 15 years have been littered with promises of retirement, but they're
always ambiguous," said a Western diplomat. "You can be sure he means to be
president for life."

Party insiders describe Mr Mugabe as physically fit and trim and mentally
alert. However, the accelerating collapse of the economy has made him more
vulnerable than ever, as discontent among the vast majority of the
population - living on barely survival rations - swells with each fresh
surge in inflation.

Mr Mugabe's ability to stamp on a looming outburst of labour unrest and the
potential for a mass uprising depends on the large and well-trained army,
police, paramilitary groups and state security agency.

However, these are being severely eroded by a flood of resignations from the
security forces - equally devastated by the soaring cost of living as
ordinary people, and crossing into neighbouring countries for work in
private security companies.

Memos from the head of the police and intelligence agency, leaked and
published here, have warned Mr Mugabe of an "explosion." His response has
been further repression, indicated by the ban on demonstrations announced in
the Herald today.

"He's tough and he won't go easily," said the Western diplomat. "But he's
like King Canute, trying to order the sea to go back. Things are happening
very fast now."

Mugabe 'plans diamond mine grab'

BBC

President Robert Mugabe plans to nationalise some of the country's diamond
resources in an attempt to prop up the flagging economy.
Zimbabwe has two diamond mines: Murowa, which is owned by Rio Tinto and
Riozim, and the privately-owned River Ranch.

In an interview on state television, President Mugabe said: "Only government
will mine diamonds."

There have been recent problems with people rushing to try to dig up
diamonds at a new deposit in Marange.

Thousands arrested

In December, the government evicted African Consolidated Resources from
Marange, after the discovery of a diamond deposit there prompted a rush of
miners to converge on the area.

It has now been cordoned off and handed to the state-run Zimbabwe Mining
Development Corporation.

Between November and January, 25,000 people were arrested for illegal
diamond and gold mining.

It is unclear whether President Mugabe's statements refer to the whole
country or just to the Marange deposits.

A spokesman for Rio Tinto said: "Having read Mr Mugabe's comments we don't
believe that government policy will change so we are not concerned."
Zimbabwe is the sixth biggest diamond miner in Africa.

The country has the world's highest rate of inflation, at 1,600%, and
unemployment of 80%.

Zim passport backlog at 300 000

News24

21/02/2007 12:53  - (SA)

Johannesburg - The Zimbabwean government has a backlog of 300 000
applications for passports and does not have the resources to process them,
Zimbabwe's Herald Online reported on Wednesday.

Registrar general Tobaiwa Mudede said as a result of the backlog emergency
travel documents were being issued to those who needed to travel outside the
country, but some countries such as New Zealand did not accept these.

Giving oral evidence on the challenges the registry faced before the
parliamentary portfolio committee on defence and home affairs, Mudede
complained that people arrested for forging documents were released on bail
and would then escape prosecution by leaving the country.

Another problem was the number of people approaching the registry for birth
certificates and other national identity documents who were not citizens of
Zimbabwe although they lived in the country.

"Quite a number of people seeking documents are not citizens of this country
and we have a problem. You go to the farms, you hear the same song, we are
not getting birth certificates, check on them, they are aliens," Mudede
said.

But Kambuzuma legislator Willias Madzimure from opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) questioned Mudede on why his office hastily withdrew
citizenship from people before firm reasons were established.

A decision to strip Mail & Guardian newspaper chief executive, Trevor Ncube,
of his citizenship was recently overturned by a Zimbabwean High Court.

Zim bakeries halt production

News24

21/02/2007 17:05  - (SA)

Harare - Shops in Zimbabwe were running out of bread on Wednesday after most
bakeries halted production, claiming government price controls and
escalating production costs had made their businesses unviable.

Bread shelves in major supermarkets across Harare were empty while others
had only a few loaves. A few stores did have scones, rolls and buns on sale
as the government does not set their prices.

"The bread industry is seriously bleeding from heavy losses despite the
gazetting of the retail price of Z$825 ($3.30) per standard loaf of bread by
the government in December last year," said the National Bakers'
Association.

"While the industry fully appreciates the government's sincerity in granting
the price review, we wish to point out that the prices of our essential raw
materials have been escalating at a tremendous rate to the extent that the
December 2006 price increase has been overtaken by events."

Many retailers raised prises

To break even, the industry requires a price of Z$1 158 a loaf, said the
bakers.

"But because the industry cannot be expected to be a loss leader, it will
require a 20 percent margin in order to operate at a profit.

"It therefore means that the viable wholesale price of a loaf of bread
should be $1 448 while the retail price should be set at $1 593."

There was no immediate reaction from the government.

In December last year, many retailers raised the price of a standard loaf
from the official $200 to $330 in defiance of government-imposed price
controls.

Following the price hikes, police were deployed across the capital resulting
in the arrest of a number of executives on charges of flouting price control
regulations.

The southern African nation, which is reeling under a 1 593.6% inflation
rate, introduced price controls five years ago.

Bread is a breakfast and lunch staple among low-income workers.

Shortages as Mugabe celebrates

News24

21/02/2007 21:13  - (SA)

Harare - Zimbabwe's state-run media lavished praise on veteran President
Robert Mugabe on the 83rd birthday of Africa's oldest-serving leader on
Wednesday, while stores in the capital Harare ran out of bread.

"President an unparalleled visionary," read the headline of The Herald
newspaper, which dedicated 16 pages to pictures and congratulatory messages
to the man who has ruled the country since independence from Britain in
1980.

The defence ministry took out a half-page advert in the same paper in which
a procession of military chiefs lined up to laud Mugabe for his "heroic
guidance and leadership during and after the liberation struggle".

But as constant refrains of the song "God bless President Mugabe" rang out
on state radio, the impact of the economic crisis being presided over by the
president came into focus as bakers halted bread production.

A lavish party is due to be held on Saturday in the city of Gweru to
celebrate Mugabe, but critics say the traditional birthday bash is
particularly ill-conceived this year with much of the population now forced
to skip meals.

With inflation running at nearly 1 600% and much of the public sector on
strike, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) is sniffing the
opportunity to capitalise on unrest with the country's founding father.

'A note of defiance'

But in an eve-of-birthday interview on Tuesday night, Mugabe struck a
familiar note of defiance by insisting that there was no vacancy at the top.

"There are no vacancies because I am still there. Can you see you any
vacancies? The door is closed," he told his interviewer.

And in a shot across the bows of any potential successors within his own
Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF), Mugabe also
denounced his cabinet.

"It's in regard to the issue of honesty that I find many of them deficient,"
he said.

Mugabe has previously said he would step down at the end of his current term
in 2008 but his ruling party last December passed a resolution - still to be
approved by the central committee - to extend his rule by another two years
in order to have concurrent presidential and parliamentary polls.

Despite attempts by police to ban protests, the MDC's leader Morgan
Tsvangirai has vowed to push ahead with his campaign to topple Mugabe.

The octogenarian ruler is also facing a mammoth task to stop unrest in the
public sector with doctors and teachers on strike over poor pay, while civil
servants are also contemplating a job boycott.

$1.2m for the party

The economic crisis has not dissuaded loyalists however from trying to raise
Z$300 000m ($1.2m) for Saturday's party.

"It highlights the insensitive nature of the regime to use so much money on
a single day when the money could be used to feed more people," said Jacob
Mafume co-ordinator of Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, a grouping of rights
and labour groups.

Opposition spokesperson and youth leader Nelson Chamisa said: "These people
have the audacity to be feasting when the money could have been used to
other critical areas like health or to start long-term projects.

Once unheard of food shortages in southern Africa's former breadbasket are
now commonplace. Products like milk and jam have long been struck off most
shopping lists as households struggle to make ends meet.

Until now, most families had at least been able to afford bread as the price
of a loaf was dictated by the government.

But most bread shelves in the capital lay empty on Wednesday after the
National Bakers' Association bakeries claimed the government price controls
and escalating production costs had made their businesses unviable and left
their industry "seriously bleeding".

Record number of key personnel leaving security forces

By Tichaona Sibanda
21 February 2007

Officers running away from their jobs have adversely affected every unit and
department of the country's security forces, defence analysts said on
Wednesday.

It's reported that more officers from the army, airforce, police and the
central intelligence organisation have deserted or resigned in the last
twelve months than in any other period since Independence.

Badly hit by the mass exodus of key staff is the airforce of Zimbabwe that
has lost many of its helicopter and fighter pilots, including technicians
from Manyame and Thornhill airbases in Harare and Gweru.

Highly regarded detectives and officers from the police forensic department
have left in droves, so have nurses and many officers with university
qualifications. The national army has lost some of its battle-hardened
soldiers who have served in Mozambique, during the Renamo crisis and lately
in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The CIO has not been spared either. Computer experts from the spy agency's
intelligence directorate who monitor the Internet, phones and foreign radio
transmissions into the country have also left for greener pastures.

Giles Mutsekwa, defence advisor to MDC President Morgan Tsvangirai, said
that having proved their courage on the battlefield many soldiers were now
demonstrating the same courage by opposing the regime.

'Robert Mugabe should be worried by this because you never know what these
highly trained professionals will think next. Because they're disgruntled,
one theory is they might regroup as a unit and decide to strike back,'
Mutsekwa said.

Since January the army has been rocked by a number of cases involving
soldiers walking out of their duties because of low salaries and morale has
sunk to an all time low. Investigations are still on-going at the Zimbabwe
Military Academy in Gweru over a near mutiny involving trainee officer
cadets who were demanding better salaries.

SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news

Police attack striking teachers in Harare

By Violet Gonda
21 February 2007

The Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition reported that truckloads of anti riot
police embarked on a massive beating up spree of teachers in Glen Norah on
Wednesday. The state sponsored retribution is seen as an exercise in
punishing the teachers for embarking on a countrywide strike.

The gender secretary for the Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ)
confirmed that there were stampedes at schools in Glen Norah as police beat
teachers who were staging a sit-in. Children were sent home for their
safety.

This week the much larger Zimbabwe Teachers Association (ZIMTA) joined the
radical PTUZ that has been on strike for the last two weeks. The teachers
are demanding better working conditions and increased salaries that are
inline with the Poverty Datum Line, which is currently more than Z$580 000.
Teachers who are not aligned to the two main unions have also joined the
strike.

The PTUZ gender secretary said the attacks took place at Kudakwashe,
Shiriyedenga, Ruvheneko and Chembira Schools in Glen Norah and also Glen
View No. 9 School.

The Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition also allege that some teachers were forced
to consume chalk by brutal police.

We were not able to get a comment from the police.

SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news

Namibian sunset looms for desperate Mugabe

From The Star (SA), 21 February

Tabby Moyo

Windhoek - The Namibian government might offer Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe retirement in Namibia. Mugabe is to visit Namibia from Tuesday to
Friday next week - the first time since his close ally and friend, Sam
Nujoma, stepped down as Namibian head of state two years ago. During
Nujoma's reign, Mugabe - who turns 83 today - was a frequent visitor to
Namibia, both officially and privately. He is rumoured to have accumulated a
"substantial" amount of property in Namibia, including a game farm and a
stake in a hotel group. However, the incumbent Namibian leader, Hifikepunye
Pohamba, is not a close Mugabe ally. A senior Namibian government official,
speaking on condition of anony-mity, told the Independent Foreign Service
that Mugabe's visit to Namibia could be in preparation for his departure
from office. "The old man is under severe pressure. He knows that the people
of Zimbabwe are angry with him. His army is angry with him, his ministers
are angry. He has very few options left. It is certainly going to be
impossible for him to live in Zimbabwe when he is no longer in charge of
that country, so it is possible that he will consider settling in Namibia.
It has now become obvious that he can no longer rely on his friends from the
East," the official said, referring to Zimbabwe's close ties with China and
Malaysia, which have cooled in recent months.

Phil ya Nangoloh, head of the National Society for Human Rights, said his
organisation would mobilise demonstrations against the Zimbabwean leader's
visit. "President Mugabe is a dictator who is guilty of several human rights
abuses and, to a certain extent, war crimes," he said. "We don't want
President Pohamba to besmirch his name by receiving a dictator like Mugabe,"
he said. During his recent whirlwind African tour, Chinese President Hu
Jintao turned his back on Zimbabwe by not including it on his itinerary.
This was a bitter pill for Mugabe to swallow, as he has always touted his
"Look East" policy, citing China as Zimbabwe's major new partner in that
region. Mugabe is also understood to have been unhappy at France's decision
to exclude him from its Africa Summit. This week, the European Union
extended its targeted sanctions on Mugabe's regime by another year. The
sanctions include an arms embargo, travel ban and asset freeze on Mugabe and
other top officials. Mugabe's government has seen an upsurge in revolt as
inflation soared to 1 280% and the unemployment rate sits above 80%.

Zisco faces collapse

From The Daily Mirror, 21 February

Daily Mirror reporter

The Zimbabwe Iron and Steel Company (Zisco) has technically collapsed amid
revelations by the company's board chairman David Murangari yesterday that
production has declined to its lowest levels since independence from Britain
in 1980. No production has taken place this month largely because of
inadequate coal supplies throwing the company's turnaround strategy into
turmoil. All things being equal, Zisco exports 60-70 percent of its products
with the rest consumed locally, but at the moment it is selling nothing
other than "sludge" that had accumulated on its machinery over the last 20
years. Apart from the historic low production levels, the giant steel
manufacturer is riddled with a US$222 million debt (Z$55 billion) with
monies owed both to local and foreign creditors. Zisco's survival now rests
on the sale of grime that had accumulated to its machinery to local cement
manufacturing companies and South Africa.

Giving oral evidence before a parliamentary portfolio committee on Foreign
Affairs, Industry and International Trade yesterday, Murangari said:
"Between 31st August 2006 and 14 February 2007, steel production at the
plant declined to the lowest levels since 1980." He attributed the decline
to a number of challenges chiefly low coal receipts from Hwange Colliery
Company, deteriorating of plant and equipment, lack of working capital, high
turn over of skilled personnel and high input cost. Murangari said low coal
receipts were because Hwange was failing to deliver "adequate coking coal of
good quality throughout 2006" as it was undertaking a rehabilitation
programme. "No. 4 blast furnace developed a chilled hearth in September 2006
and December 2006 as a result of inadequate coal supplies and poor coking
coal quality. The furnace is still under a recovery programme," he added. He
indicated that in August 2006 Zisco required 24 000 tonnes of coal but only
received 3 600. This enabled it to produce 2 031 tonnes of hot metal, 1 468
tonnes of liquid steel, netting only $723 084 in revenue.

Coal deliveries significantly improved in November of the same year when
Zisco ordered 15 000 tonnes from Hwange and received 14 400 realising
$1,435.083 in revenue. However, in January and February 2007, Zisco received
10 180 and 4 860 tonnes of coal respectively after a placing an order of 30
000 tonnes but produced nothing. It, however, realised $1,527.195 from
stocks sales. From August 2006 to February 14, 2007, Zisco received 59 760
tonnes of coal when it required 114 000 tonnes and only managed to produce 8
268 tonnes of hot metal and 5 149 tonnes of liquid metal generating $7,
890.056 in revenue. Murangari revealed that No.4 blast furnace, the only
operating furnace, should have been relined in 2005 adding at its present
state it can only operate below 50 percent in capacity. In recommendations,
he said Zisco required an urgent injection of Z$4 billion working capital to
fund supplies for raw materials and services. He also proposed the urgent
identification of a strategic technical partner who can bring foreign
currency for the implementation of plant and equipment rehabilitation to
arrest further deterioration of the plant.

"Its estimated that US$144 million is required for the rehabilitation
programme over a 36 month period. Of this amount about US$56,17 million and
Z$3, 426,47 billion is required in 2007," Murangari said. He added there was
also an urgent requirement for US$4,7 million to start ordering refractory
relining material for No.4 blast furnace scheduled for a three month reline
programme beginning January 2008. "These materials have a six (6) to nine
(9) months delivery period," Murangari. Zisco's acting Chief Executive
Officer Alois Gowo highlighted the company's debt composition revealing it
owed local creditors slightly over $7 billion. It owes Hwange Colliery $1,9
billion, National Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ), $1,7 million, BIMCO (which
supplies limestone) $1,8 billion, Sables $63 million, ZESA $201 million and
millions of dollars to other local creditors. Gowo said in the last six
months the company had struggled to raise salaries for its employees and had
to rely on the stocks and "junk" sales. "We have generated a bit of revenue
from that. We have also tried to be innovative by selling non Zisco products
to close the gap," Gowo said.

Meanwhile, the current state of affairs at Zisco has also affected the
performance of its subsidiary companies in countries like Zambia, South
Africa and Botswana. Murangari, who professed ignorance on the existence of
the NEC report that reportedly exposed the massive looting of Zisco, said:
"That (subsidiary) in Botswana used to get raw materials from Zisco. The
operations have been obviously been affected." He added a directive has
since been given to the company to source raw materials elsewhere while two
of its companies in South Africa (SA) were merged. The SA subsidiary sells
Zisco products but is currently facing stiff competition while another one
in Zambia has not been spared either. On how far the board had gone in
identifying a potential strategic partner; Murangari said the board simply
forwards recommendations to government, the major shareholder. However, he
revealed a Chinese company MCC has expressed interest in Zisco and has since
visited the once giant steel manufacturer based in the Midlands province to
assess the situation. Murangari said problems at Zisco should be addressed
holistically by also solving challenges faced by other parastatals like
ZESA, NRZ and Hwange - whose services are fundamental to the steel marker's
operations.

Mugabe celebrates as Zimbabweans seethe

International Herald Tribune

By Michael Wines Published: February 21, 2007

JOHANNESBURG: President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe turned 83 Wednesday to the
strains of the song "God Bless President Mugabe" on state-controlled radio,
a broadcast interview on state television, a 16-page paean to his rule in
Harare's daily newspaper and the prospect of a birthday party costing 300
million Zimbabwe dollars - about $65,000 at black market currency rates -
Saturday.

Across the country, bread vanished from store shelves Wednesday after
bakeries shut down, saying government price controls were forcing them to
sell loaves at a loss. The price controls are supposed to shield consumers
against inflation, which now averages nearly 1,600 percent annually.

In Harare, the capital, the police banned demonstrations and political
gatherings in the city's sprawling townships, citing the threat of looting
and vandalism. Slum-dwellers had clashed with police Sunday after the police
blocked a court-approved rally by Mugabe's political opponents.

Mugabe's critics called the ban an act of desperation, and some said that
Zimbabwe's deepening economic crisis was beginning to goad ordinary citizens
into political action despite the threat of arrest and beating.

"It's a sign of panicking by the regime," Lovemore Madhuku, who heads the
nation's largest civil-society group, the National Constitutional Assembly,
said in an interview by telephone from Harare. "It's also a signal that this
regime will go down fighting. They're showing that they will continue to
rely on brute force to stay in power."

The decline in the Zimbabwean economy and quality of life is accelerating.
In recent weeks, the national power authority has warned of a collapse of
electrical service. A breakdown in water treatment has set off a new
outbreak of cholera in Harare.

All public services were cut off in Marondera, a regional capital of 50,000
in eastern Zimbabwe, after the city ran out of money to fix broken
equipment. In Chitungwiza, just south of Harare, electricity is supplied
only four days a week.

Doctors and nurses have been on strike for five weeks, seeking a mammoth pay
increase, and health care is all but nonexistent.

The Harare police chief warned in a recently leaked memo that if officers
did not get a substantial raise, they might riot.

In his hourlong television interview, broadcast Tuesday evening, Mugabe
showed no sign of concern that he was unpopular. Rather, he said he was
confident that voters would add another six- year term to the 27 years he
has spent in power, should he run for re-election.

Mugabe has proposed postponing the next presidential election, now scheduled
for 2008, to 2010, and he mocked the ambitions of underlings who, he said,
were hoping to push him from office before he was ready to retire.

"Can you see any vacancies?" he asked. "The door is closed."

The Wednesday edition of The Herald, the state-managed newspaper, included
among its 16 pages of tributes to Mugabe an editorial that called him "an
unparalleled visionary" and "an international hero among the oppressed and
poor."

Money for his annual birthday party in Gweru, a regional center southeast of
Harare, was said to have been raised from the public by the 21st February
Movement, which was formed in 1986 as a youth-welfare organization. The
weekend event, to be held in a stadium, features a parade of specially
chosen children who deliver birthday greetings.

In Harare, some citizens were caustic in their assessment of Mugabe's
festivities.

"The guy is insensitive," John Shiri, a 41-year-old primary-school teacher,
said. "There is no bread as we are talking, but he will be feasting and
drinking with his family and hangers-on when there is no wheat in the
country."

Tawanda Mujuru, who runs a vegetable stall on Samora Machel Avenue in the
city center, said that she would be working in a factory were it not for the
failure of Mugabe's economic policies.

"He has the guts to eat and drink when we are suffering like this," she
said. "Let him enjoy. Every dog has his day. We shall have our day."

US condemns Zimbabwe's police crackdown on protesters

International Herald Tribune

The Associated PressPublished: February 21, 2007

WASHINGTON: The United States on Wednesday condemned police crackdowns on
peaceful protest in Zimbabwe and urged President Robert Mugabe's government
to let people exercise their political rights.

Because Zimbabweans "have made clear their desire for democratic change,"
current political ferment can be solved only through dialogue with the
opposition, civil society and the people, State Department deputy spokesman
Tom Casey said.

Protests broke out over the weekend after Mugabe declared his plan to
postpone elections scheduled for next year and continue his presidency. He
has been in power since 1980 and celebrated his 83rd birthday on Wednesday.

Police banned demonstrations for three months in two districts of the
capital, Harare, where opposition forces have extensive support.

"We condemn the actions of the government of Zimbabwe over this past weekend
in suppressing peaceful opposition political activity," Casey said. "Scores
were injured and arrested for attempting to assemble peacefully and exercise
their political rights."

One of the rallies broken up was where Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of a
faction of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, was to have
announced his candidacy for the 2008 presidential elections.
Mugabe repeated on Wednesday that he has no intention of stepping down.

"We call on the government of Zimbabwe to respect the country's judicial
decisions and the rule of law and allow the people of Zimbabwe to exercise
their political rights," Casey said.

Mugabe slams 'corrupt' ministers

Mail and Guardian

      Harare, Zimbabwe

      21 February 2007 07:44

            Zimbabwe's veteran leader Robert Mugabe reiterated on Tuesday
there was no vacancy for the country's presidency, warning ambitious
government colleagues to stop jostling to succeed him.

            In a defiant interview marking his 83rd birthday, Mugabe also
lashed out at "corrupt" ministers in his Cabinet and what he regarded as
growing avarice among senior members of his ruling party.

            "Obviously there will come a time when I will go," Mugabe said
in an interview aired on national television and the country's four radio
stations on the eve of his birthday.

            "Of course they can debate [the succession] process, saying how
do we do it and so on. But what it has done, goodness me, is to let out
ambitious people going out in various directions and every individual on the
upper echelon is now looking at himself, saying, wondering which position
they will occupy."

            "Even where they are not thinking of themselves being president
they are thinking in terms of where they will be and who they should support
and those who think they are most immediate are resorting to all kinds of
frauds."

            Mugabe, in power since independence from British rule in 1980,
is coming under growing pressure with inflation running at around 1 600% and
escalating strike action in the public sector.

            Previously unheard of food shortages are now widespread, with
around 80% of the population living below the poverty line.

            Mugabe has indicated in the past he would step down when his
current term elapses in 2008.

            But his supporters passed a resolution at the ruling Zimbabwe
African National Union -- Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) annual convention to
extend Mugabe's term by another two years next year in order to have
presidential and parliamentary polls at the same time in 2010. The move
still needs to be approved by the Zanu-PF central committee next month and
by Parliament.

            The succession issue has divided the ruling party into camps
between supporters of Vice-President Joyce Mujuru, anointed by Mugabe as his
possible successor, and those backing rural housing minister Emmerson
Mnangagwa.

            Mugabe has also previously castigated senior party officials he
said were consulting traditional spiritual healers to enhance their chances
to succeed him.

            Mugabe said in the interview the majority of his Cabinet was
lacking in honesty, had a propensity to amass riches and was involved in
corruption.

            "It's in regard to the issue of honesty that I find many of them
deficient," he said. "I don't want to work with people who cheat and who
think they should work in every company that makes money."

            Mugabe also attacked his arch-foe, the British Prime Minister
Tony Blair, accusing him of ganging up with Bush on a false pretext to
impose sanctions on Zimbabwe.

            "We have not wronged the Americans," he said, adding that his
problems with Blair were over Mugabe's controversial land reforms.

            "But Blair has persuaded Bush to support him on Zimbabwe. Bush
says 'Blair has supported me on Iraq so I must be seen to be supporting him
on Zimbabwe'." - Sapa-AFP

TRANSCRIPT: Hot Seat teleconference on civil unrest in Zimbabwe

Violet Gonda: Zimbabwe has been witnessing a wave of strikes by many groups including junior doctors and teachers demanding better working conditions in a country which now has the highest inflation rate in the world and the fastest shrinking economy outside a war zone. The country has also been seeing a spate of spontaneous demonstrations from several pressure groups and the opposition. To discuss the issue of the growing discontent within society, we welcome on the programme ‘Hot Seat’ Raymond Majongwe who is the Secretary General of the Progressive Teachers Union of

Zimbabwe, David Coltart, a legal expert and member of the Mutambara MDC and Arnold Tsunga, the Director of the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights. Welcome on the programme.

All: Thank you Violet. Good evening Violet. Thank you.

Violet: Now let me start with Raymond Majongwe, what are your thoughts on the clashes between the police and the people this past week?

Raymond Majongwe : Apparently I think nobody must apologise. People in Zimbabwe are demanding their space back that has been taken over by both the politicians as well as the Military and the Police. And, if we really sit down on our laurels and think that we will be able to reclaim that space without blood, without sweat, then we will be fooling ourselves.

Violet: Now, we have also seen scores of people getting arrested for exercising their rights. We have seen MDC supporters, WOZA activists, NCA, Students, now, is it not also the case that you were arrested about a week ago for saying teachers earn the equivalent of 17 bananas a day?

Raymond: Ya, apparently I think I have no apology to make. 17 bananas was actually an overstatement. Teachers are actually earning four and a half bananas a day and I think we cannot tolerate and allow that to continue and I think somebody has to say the buck stops here. Because, ultimately, the most important factor and the most important thing is that the world over, and citizens of this particular country must know that when ZANU PF say they liberated this country, it does not mean that they are going to take this country and run it like their own tuck-shop or say that everybody must shut up because they took us from the dungeons. That must not be allowed. We must, as citizens, be allowed to freely express, freely question and be citizens of this particular country.

Violet: And, Mr Tsunga, people are now beginning to retaliate. We saw how the WOZA women, in defiance, were throwing back tear gas canisters that had been thrown at them by the Police and also this past week we saw how Students and the NCA activists and also Opposition activists fighting back and some also assaulted police officers in Harare. Now, has Zimbabwe, has the nation now reached a tipping point?

Arnold Tsunga: Ya, you see the problem of the heavy handedness on the part of the police in dealing with peaceful protests by people on legitimate concerns about the economy, about the social-political situation in our country, it has reached a stage where we were beginning to predict that at some point people will not always be sitting and waiting to be attacked. So, I think the way to sum it up, there’s no better way than to look at what Tibaijuka (UN envoy) said in her report when she was commenting about Operation Murambatsvina. She said that the State in Zimbabwe in particular the Police, they need to show respect for the Rule of Law before they can credibly begin to ask citizens to in fact comply with the Rule of Law. So you are actually beginning to see that her prediction that in the absence of the State showing genuine commitment to the Rule of Law then you are going to see a situation where the culture of impunity, the culture of lawlessness, the culture of violence begins to permeates and pervades the whole of society.

Violet: We’ll come back to the issue of the Rule of Law, but, Mr Coltart, what are your thoughts on the unfolding events in Zimbabwe and also what is the mood of the people.

David Coltart : Well Violet we warned about this many years ago, going right the way back to the early 90’s. We said that if the ZANU PF regime refuses to respect fundamental human rights, they refuse to respect the democratic process; the right of people to choose their own government, their leaders through peaceful democratic means, that ultimately, people will lose faith in the democratic process, and that is what we are seeing happening in Zimbabwe. We have had a succession of elections stolen since 2000 and we’ve seen how the regime has responded by imposing oppressive legislation and oppressive policies on the people of Zimbabwe and now the tension is rising. I liken this to a pot on the fire. You’ve got this pot on the fire with ZANU PF stoking the fire all the time through inflation, through corruption, through mismanagement, and instead of allowing the contents of the pot just to bubble and simmer they are actually putting a lid on, and the lid is through this oppressive Police action, through trying to suppress the legitimate rights of people and this has resulted in this massive build up of pressure and tension in the country and it is inevitable that this will explode. If the regime does not allow this pressure to be released through allowing people to vent their emotions and their feelings through legitimate peaceful demonstration, it is inevitable, unfortunately that this will unravel and spin out of control. So, I fear that this tension will increase and that if the Regime does not sit down and genuinely negotiate with civil society, with labour leaders, with all political parties, with the Churches to work a way out of this mess, that Zimbabwe could explode.

Violet: Also you know, the Police defied a High Court order this week, or this weekend rather, and blocked a rally organised by the Tsvangirai MDC and they also disrupted a public meeting organised by your party in Bulawayo. Has Zimbabwe officially become a police state?

David Coltart: Well, what was very worrying about this weekend was the statement made by the Minister of Home Affairs, Kembo Mohadi to Professor Ncube on Friday afternoon that a decision had been taken the previous Tuesday to ban all public meetings that is a very serious development, it means that the Regime has now decided to clamp down on legitimate expressions of discontent and, as I said just now, that is just going to increase tensions. We’ve seen how the Police over the last few years have used force against organisations like the NCA, WOZA, my colleague Raymond Majongwe and many others have been subjected to this abuse. But, never before have we seen a blanket ban like this imposed. So this is a very serious development and I think it’s a sign of increasing paranoia by the regime.

Arnold Tsunga : You see the history of defiance of court orders is a history that associates itself with the present government and there is nothing entirely new in terms of this government agreeing with Court Orders that favour the Ruling Party and being contemptuous and defying all those judgements that are seen as not in the interest of ZANU PF or maybe propping up the Oppositional Forces. So there’s a litany of cases that Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights has been tracking where there’s been defiance of Court orders

It started in the 80’s but I think the most notable one which led to the situation in which we find ourselves now, you know, it started with the Mark Chavanduka and Ray Choto cases where they got orders against the Minister of Defence when they had been arrested by the Military Intelligence who have no policing responsibilities in the country, and then from there you saw Andrew Meldrum, he was kicked out of the country like a dog, you know sent out of the country in violation of a Court order. Then you had the Daily News case where there were various orders that had been given to restore property back to the Daily News owners and there was a Chief Superintendent Madzingo and the Commissioner of Police who defied Court Orders. The list is completely endless, you know the Roy Bennett, Chimanimani; there were numerous Court Orders in respect of the expropriation of his property, the killing, extrajudicial execution of his workers etc.

Violet: And the lawyers for Human Rights actually took some of these cases to the African Commission. What was the outcome?

Arnold Tsunga: You see what the African Commission has done is to safely frown at the flagrant defiance and disregard of Court orders by the Zimbabwean Government. But, they have also come up with recommendations generally around the issues of creating an environment that is conducive to democracy and human rights where they have made a specific recommendation that the Government should abide by the judgements of the Supreme Court and other Courts before they can begin to expect citizens to want to comply with the Court Orders and the Rule of Law. They’ve also made very specific recommendations about the independence of the judiciary; that it needs to be guaranteed in terms of legislative processes and administrative practices. But, I think one of the most telling recommendations that they made is that you need a professional Police force that is not politicised. They made a very specific observation that the current law and order Unit is operating under political instructions and without accountability and that they needed to remove the Youth Militia from policing responsibilities.

Violet: But t hese are just recommendations that are never enforced; that can never be enforced in Zimbabwe, isn’t it?

Arnold Tsunga: Ya, the issue of enforcement is one thing, I think in terms of the political acceptance, you know, the findings by an organ that has been set up by the African Heads that Zimbabwe as a State is in violation of the African Charter which is the instrument that the African leaders have said they want to bind themselves in terms of how they practice democracy in their countries, I think it’s a very telling finding that the African Union has made. And then, the defiance of the Government of Zimbabwe on that recommendation is consistent with the defiance of decisions in local Courts. And, it’s now up to the African Heads of State to show political muscle.

Violet: OK but the State continues to defy court orders and get away with it. Now, Mr Majongwe, is this why there are civil wars because people are then forced to take matters into their own hands, to defend themselves?

Raymond Majongwe: Let me start by commenting and looking back at what Coltart was saying, I think I agree with him when he says the issue of the boiling pot and I think I would present it poetically and say ‘no Regime will put and keep its hand on a boiling pot forever’. But, the weakness and the tragedy in Zimbabwe is that we don’t have one pot, we have five hundred pots, some that are simmering, some that are boiling, some that don’t even have firewood or anything beneath them. Because the tragedy here is we have so many organisations doing so many things at the same time and thereby confusing everybody. Because, if we don’t explore this particular fundamental then we would be lying and fooling ourselves. Look at it, when you speak you say NCA, PTUZ, WOZA, The Lawyers for Human Rights, the MDC, that small group there – Why are we making reference to a plethora of all these organisations and not talk of one single powerful movement? Because, people, many of the comrades who are talking and speaking are doing it for commercial purposes, and, if we ignore that particular fundamental then we might not be looking at this particular thing and seeing it’s results. There are so many people who are engaging in this thing for material benefit, and there are people who are praying that the crisis in Zimbabwe goes to eternity.

Violet: Mr Coltart, what are your thoughts on this and also some critics say the objectives are generally too broad. They say for example the ZCTU has in the past planned to march in protest against high levels of taxation and inadequate ARV’s for HIV/AIDS. Now these are all crucial issues but in Zimbabwe today are these objectives achievable and are they not too broad?

David Coltart: Well I think that there’s a general consensus about what solution should be offered to Zimbabwe. I think that there’s a broad consensus in Zimbabwe now that the way out of this crisis is through a new constitution which enjoys support from all parties and that elections must then be held in terms of that new constitution which is supervised by the International Community and endorsed by the International Community and especially SADC. So, I think that, as I say, there’s a broad consensus regarding the goal and a broad consensus regarding ideas on the way out of this mess that we’re in. However, where Raymond Majongwe is correct is that there are so many different groups pursuing their own different means of achieving that end. But I’m not sure that you can ever contain that or change that because ultimately human beings have their own personalities and you get selfish people and ambitious people and I think that in one sense the wide spectrum of organisations that we have constitute quite a headache for the regime.

For example, take the MDC split, many people look at it very negatively and in many ways it has been a negative phenomenon in our recent history, but if you look at this last weekend, had the MDC been united, you would have had the entire leadership up in Harare for example focused on that meeting and the Regime would have been able to focus all it’s resources on that single meeting in Harare. Ironically, because of the split, there was a meeting in Bulawayo on the Saturday and a completely different caste of actors protesting down in Bulawayo on the Saturday and then of course on the Sunday and that must have created a headache for the Regime and the same thing with the different Unions, you’ve got different Teacher’s Unions.

WOZA is a completely separate organisation with a separate leadership, a separate agenda and I think that an absolute headache has been created for the CIO and the Regime as a result of this plethora of different organisations, all single minded in terms of the ultimate goal but pursuing different agendas and different avenues to get to that goal. So I don’t fully agree with Ray Majongwe where he says that you know diversity is a problem. Diversity is a problem if we are pulling against each other but I think that there are increasing signs that people are starting to pull together even in their diversity, like for example the Save Zimbabwe Campaign.

Violet: But do you agree Mr Coltart that workers have been left with no choice because there’s growing frustration with the slow pace that the Opposition is engaging in resolving the crisis?

David Coltart : I can see that, of course, and I certainly agree with Ray when he says that there are people ostensibly who are civil society activists who actually are doing very well out of this crisis. There are people in NGO’s who are paid in salaries that are denominated in hard currency. But not everyone’s in that position, in fact I think that there’s a small clique of people, but your point is absolutely correct that it is the workers who are suffering more than anyone else and the unemployed as well and they have been left out on a limb, but I think that the economic collapse is becoming so intense now that the middle class and even people that considered themselves fairly wealthy are now facing economic destruction and are as a result, being pulled into these campaigns in which the Unions have been the vanguard up until now.

Violet: Let me go back to Raymond Majongwe. Others have said that the other problem is that it’s not just the country’s workforce that is suffering and that there are all these other people like housewives, farm workers, other people that are self-employed. How do you get all these groups involved?

Raymond Majongwe: Ya, apparently the most important thing that really needs to be understood, if you really go back to history; a lot of people dismiss history as nothing; but history should be able to teach us that where people are going to be united, where people are going to rally behind the necessary few things, where people are going to be led by a single leadership in terms of directing operations, you are likely to find out that results come easier and quicker. You look at the South African process, you look at Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo, you look at many other African countries. You are really not going to succeed if you’re going to have splinter-ism and so many of these small groups doing a lot of things here and there. Whilst it is correct that people might see the CIO being stretched, but I honestly don’t want to believe that the CIO will not be stretched because there are a group of seven people gathering under a tree singing a song or wanting to do that thing there. Ultimately, the whole thing is that if people want to see real political change, the housewives, the workers in the farms, the people who are suffering with HIV and AIDS, those people who are failing to get transport, the people who are failing to send their children to school, we need to correctly agenda-set.

And, agenda-setting will be correctly done by a group of people who will sit down, come up with the correct credentials in terms of how they are going to build the momentum within the country, because, it’s not going to be good and nice because the ultimate beneficiary of what is happening in the country is ZANU PF and Robert Mugabe. We are going to have a lot of this confusion and the people will continue suffering! I’ll just maybe end this particular submission by saying the more people have these splinter organisations that are going to be fighting and most of all, if you really trace them back, many of the people who are in all these NGO’s were at one point in one organisation in the past.

In 1986, ’87, ’88 many were at one institution, then you come to 1995, ’96, ’97 there is one organisation then the organisation split and these same people still belong to the same organisation because they are still members in the other organisation. So much so that I honestly want to believe that the split between the MDC is not a solution to the crisis. The split in many of these small organisations worsens the situation in the country and ZANU PF becomes the biggest beneficiary. Only until and unless all these organisations come back, discuss, have at least a correct shared vision under a correct leadership. Because, democracy doesn’t mean that everybody must be doing their own thing separately and independently, because if democracy means that then Zimbabwe will be far away from what we are seeking to achieve.

Violet: What about Mr Tsunga can you give us your thoughts on this, some have said that strategies and tactics are not clear because there is no core issue in which people can base the struggle on. Do you agree with this?

Arnold Tsunga: You know, I think generally Zimbabweans have an idea about what they want. They obviously want a democratic society. They believe that a constitution that is arrived at after involvement, you know, genuine involvement of people in terms of process is desired, and that you hold elections that are going to be supervised by the International Community around giving life to a constitution that will have been established with popular people participation. I think, in terms of that being the end-game, there’s absolutely no doubt that there is clarity. But then, the how to get there; which is basically the methodologies and the processes; that’s where, unfortunately, there seems to be disagreement or lack of clarity as to what route we are going to take. And, the issue of diversity, in terms of having many organisations that are involved in the pro-democracy movement, in the human rights movement as well as in the political processes; in the absence of a clear, coherent strategy, yes, there is going to be confusion.

So, on the strategy side, what you need is a method of cohering these organisations if they cannot come under one umbrella organisation. The ideal thing would be for all of them to be participating in one organisation under one umbrella and agitating for change as one. But if, for some reason, the diversity or the disagreements are such that it’s not going to be possible to do that, then you need to be moving towards a strategy of coherence where the different groups are interdependently working but in a coherent manner, which then emphasises what David Coltart was talking about, that you have a number of spontaneous activities in many parts of the country. It stretches the Police, it stretches the CIO, it stretches the justice delivery system, it’s becomes very expensive for the dictatorship and that’s one way in which you can actually continue knocking on the pillars that support dictatorship.

Violet : And Majongwe, would you agree that as Arnold Tsunga has just said and David Coltart, that strikes and CBD protests could be just merely tactics and if so, how do all these things connect and feed into a broader strategy that encompasses the concerns of the general population

Raymond Majongwe: Ya, I think it is there that I differ with a lot of people. If you are going to have the Teachers going on strike in one week, then the doctors and the nurses in the other week then the farm workers in the other week, then so and so in the other week, I honestly want to believe that it is there that we will fail because I am convinced that a wholesale approach when all of us come together will really be the best in terms of having people to say - now we are going to be doing this. But nonetheless I honestly am convinced that maybe the people in this country haven’t come to a point where they necessarily agree because ultimately you are going to find out that so many small things happening in different places will obviously stretch the people who are then following these things up. But, in terms of the strategy, in terms of the ultimate political goal and vision, nothing changes, because I go to prison today, so and so goes to prison the next day. Because ultimately if you really look at it this country does not have political prisoners anyway. People still are talking about POSA and AIPPA, laws that we have all seen that they are discredited. If we really say we want to liberate this country, POSA and AIPPA are nothing but just laws, and people must ignore them. People must be prepared to challenge the system and say this is what we believe in even if it means death, even if it means going to prison. But then the people that are here are not ready to do that!

Violet Gonda: Mr Coltart?

David Coltart: Violet Ya I did want to chip in there. I think that what Ray is saying is the ideal. Look, obviously the ideal is that you get a co-ordinated strategy, you get all these different groups working together with agreements and strategy and tactics. But I think that in very few struggles throughout the world has that happened. I think that our best and perhaps closest example is what happened in South Africa in the struggle against apartheid, there were many different political organisations. There was the ANC, the PAC, the IFP; there were civic organisations, the Legal Resources Centre, Black Sash and the Churches, a wide variety of organisations with different agendas. But, ultimately, what changed things was when they agreed to work under the UDF and you had an inspirational figure who had no political ambitions in the form of Desmond Tutu who provided leadership along with other people - brought all these disparate organisations together. But, even then, they didn’t manage to co-ordinate things perfectly but there was a broad mass of organisations with a single goal in mind, the removal of apartheid.

And, ultimately, it worked and I think that we are getting to a similar stage in Zimbabwe and whilst I understand Ray’s ideal, I just want to encourage him and other Zimbabweans. I think that what we’re seeing in Zimbabwe, certainly in the last few weeks, is resistance and defiance taking on a life of its own. And I’m no longer worried because I see so many different organisations now realising that unless there is fundamental change in this country which is only going to come through a new constitution, through a new order, life will just get tougher and tougher. And, what we desperately need now is an organisation like the UDF in South Africa which we may find in the Save Zimbabwe organisation; we may find in the Christian Alliance a neutral body, a body of men and women who have no political ambition themselves, who act to coalesce all these different organisations, to give it some structure, to give it coherence and then I think you will see this process of defiance and resistance gather momentum.

Violet Gonda: Be sure not to miss this crucial and frank debate next week

Audio interview can be heard on SW Radio Africa ’s Hot Seat programme (Tues 20 February 2007). Comments and feedback can be emailed to violet@swradioafrica.com

Seven men in army uniform arrested for stealing Z$11 million

Zim Online

Thursday 22 February 2007

By Chenai Maramba and Hendricks Chizhanje

KAROI - Seven men in Zimbabwe army uniform were arrested last weekend for
allegedly stealing Z$11 million at a gold buying centre in Karoi, about
200km north west of the capital Harare.

The seven, who were armed with machetes and AK47 rifles, raided the
state-owned Fidelity Printers and stole the cash that was meant to be paid
to gold producers in Mashonaland West province.

Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena confirmed the incident when contacted by
ZimOnline yesterday.

"I am aware of an incident in which seven people, three of whom were wearing
camouflage armed with AK47 rifles and pistols made off with Z$11 million and
groceries near Karoi. We have since arrested seven people in connection with
the case," said Bvudzijena.

There have been reports over the past few years of Zimbabwean soldiers
involved in serious crimes such as armed robbery to help make ends meet.

A junior soldier earns about Z$84 000 a month, an amount that is far less
than the Z$460 000 that the Consumer Council of Zimbabwe says an average
family of five needs per month to survive.

Junior soldiers within the army have not been spared from Zimbabwe's
economic crisis with army commanders last year telling President Robert
Mugabe to hike salaries for soldiers to help stem rising discontent within
the security forces. - ZimOnline

Flowers rule out Zimbabwe return

Zim Online

Thursday 22 February 2007

By Nigel Hangarume

HARARE - Brothers Andy and Grant Flower have ruled out a return to
international cricket as Zimbabwe face a possibly harrowing experience at
the World Cup starting in West Indies next month.

Zimbabwe Cricket had been desperate to lure back some of the experienced
players who left the game before announcing the final 15-man squad for the
Caribbean showcase.

However, former captain Andy Flower, who fled Zimbabwe in 2003 after staging
with bowler Henry Olonga a black-armband protest to "mourn the death of
democracy" in the country, said he was not interested in a return.

"I walked away because of the state of affairs and not much has changed,"
said the 38-year-old Andy, arguably Zimbabwe's best ever player who was once
ranked the top batsman in the world.

"Since then it has gone further downhill. I don't believe things will change
unless the government changes, so that's the stage we are at."

Grant, two years younger than Andy, left in 2004 together with 13 other
white players who rebelled against Zimbabwe Cricket over selection policy as
well as the sacking of Heath Streak as captain.

"As Andy said, a lot needs to be done to save the game of cricket in
Zimbabwe. We would love to help, but we can't work under the present
 bosses," said Grant.

"Zimbabwe has been forced to field a team of kids and we have all seen the
results. It's not the players' fault but I don't see them doing very well in
the World Cup."

However, Zimbabwe coach Kevin Curran has expressed confidence his
inexperienced side could leave the ICC Cricket World Cup "in honour" despite
struggling to compete at the top level since a number of experienced players
left.

Losing all but one of their last 16 one-day internationals is a sobering
record, but Curran still has faith in his charges.

"We have a lot of youngsters playing good cricket," Curran said.

"We have a pretty sharp front line attack in Anthony Ireland, Chris Mpofu
and Edward Rainsford. And there has been some fine batting performances
lately, notably by (Vusi) Sibanda, (Elton) Chigumbura and Terrence Duffin. I
believe we can be very competitive all round."

None of Zimbabwe's selected players - except Stuart Matsikenyeri - has
played at the World Cup before, but the batsman has been struggling for form
and averaging below 20.

Zimbabwe, fresh from a 3-1 ODI series defeat to Bangladesh this month, will
face hosts West Indies, Pakistan and Ireland in the group stages of the
World Cup.

"Whether we get through to the Super Eight has to be doubtful, but I think
we will leave the World Cup with honour," said Curran. - ZimOnline

Student leader jailed for 'Free Education' demonstration! Please act now.

The Zimbabwean

(21-02-07)
The National Union of Students UK have  launched a major campaign calling
for the immediate release of Promise Mkwananzi, the President of the
Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU).

Promise Mkwananzi, and several other student leaders, were arrested on the
13th February 2007 after organising and taking part in a peaceful protest
for free, quality education.

More than 600 students, trade unionists, and supporters were demonstrating
peacefully when the crowds were dispersed by ruthless riot police and
non-uniformed state security agents.

Today, Promise and many of his colleagues are still in prison in Zimbabwe ,
and fears for their personal safety are mounting.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Please take 5 minutes to send the following letter to the Zimbabwe
Ambassador in the UK via as many of these contact details as you can:

Fax: For the Attention of: His Excellency Gabriel Machinga, 020 7379 1167
Email: zimlondon@yahoo.co.uk <mailto:zimlondon@yahoo.co.uk>
Snail Mail: His Excellency Gabriel Machinga, Zimbabwe High Commission,
Zimbabwe House, 429 Strand, London . WC2R 0QE

And make sure you cc zinasu@gmail.com <mailto:zinasu@gmail.com> and
kat.stark@nus.org.uk <mailto:kat.stark@nus.org.uk> in too.

Dear Ambassador,

We are writing to you today as committed student activists, fighting and
defending the rights of all students world-wide.

We are appalled to learn about the recent developments in Zimbabwe . The
situation for students in this country is already extremely oppressive and
all peoples should have the opportunity to express their opinions and
beliefs, whether popular or not.

We are deeply concerned about the continued harassment and victimization of
students and their leaders by the Zimbabwean government, its agents and
supporters. In the past week alone, 74 students and their leaders including
the ZINASU President, Promise Mkwananzi were rounded up, assaulted and are
still being tortured and detained under Zimbabwe's version of the colonial
punitive detention law, the Public Order and Security Act.

This act is a clear breech of right to education as guaranteed in the
Universal Declaration on Human Rights Article (21). 1 and in the African
Declaration on Human and Peoples Rights article (17).

We implore you to do all that you can to ensure these people are released
and given the freedom to oppose political parties that they deserve.

The National Union of Students in the United Kingdom demand the following:

1.      The immediate release of all students and their leaders currently,
and likely to be detained as a result of their demand to learn

2.      A stop by the Government of Zimbabwe on organized acts of terror
against ZINASU and its members
3.      An investigation and prosecution of those agents and supporters of
the Zimbabwean government who have been involved in assaulting and torturing
ZINASU leaders and their members

Yours in hope,

--------------------------

Kat Stark
National Women's Officer
e: kat.stark@nus.org.uk
t: 0871 221 8221
NUS
Floor 2, Centro 3,
Mandela Street,
London
NW1 0DU

The Politics of Hunger

OhMyNews

      [Analysis] A revolution beckons in Zimbabwe

      Masimba Biriwasha

     Published 2007-02-21 17:50 (KST)

Zimbabwe's mushrooming labor protests threaten to open a new chapter in the
country's tumultuous political scene. The growing unrest -- especially
within the security forces, President Robert Mugabe's traditional bulwark
against dissent -- could influence a major upheaval in the country.

Since 2000, when Mugabe decided to forcibly appropriate white-owned farms,
the country's economy has been in a Humpty Dumpty-like tumble. Making
matters worse, social services in the country are in decay, exacerbated by
the AIDS epidemic.

Agriculture, the mainstay of the country's economy, is in a shambles. Today,
many of the country's once prosperous farms lie fallow, a clear testimony of
Mugabe's failed land reform program.

Once labeled a bread basket of Africa, today Zimbabwe stands as a mere
basket case. According to the World Food Program (WFP) more than two million
people in the country are facing starvation.

Over five million citizens have fled the country to become economic refugees
throughout the world, taking away with them knowledge and skills that are
critical to any recovery plan.

Both unemployment and poverty rates in the country are over 80 percent,
driven largely by a shrinking economy and hyperinflation. The International
Monetary Fund (IMF) predicts Zimbabwe's inflation, currently at 1,300 per
cent, will exceed 4,500 per cent this year.

Stopgap measures to plug holes in the economy over the past seven years have
only emasculated the political root of the country's problems. Now rapid
economic decline, characterized by a 1,300 percent inflation rate, is
fueling widespread labor unrest. Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF government has no
real solution in sight.

With foreign exchange reserves almost non-existent, the country cannot
afford to pay for imported electricity and fuel. Electricity cuts and
shortages of basic commodities are endemic in the country.

Since December last year, doctors and nurses have been on a strike that has
all but paralyzed the public health delivery system.

There is also evidence that there is growing unrest within the army and
police over paltry salaries. Already, the army and the police in the country
is gripped with massive resignations and absenteeism over low pay.

Conditions in the country today are increasingly ripe for a revolutionary
uprising, given that there is growing discontent within the rank and file of
the country's army, the missing link in Zimbabwe's struggle for democracy.

However, since the election defeat in 2002, the official opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) has not been able to take advantage of the
popular discontent within the country. A power struggle within the party
which resulted in a split last year further weakened the prospects of the
opposition.

Over the past seven years, Mugabe has been able to suppress dissent through
a combination of repressive legislation aimed at limiting press freedoms and
freedom to associate. Heavy-handed tactics have been used to punish the few
that dared to take to the streets.

"It's defiance or death for us. We are saying it's an all out war in
Zimbabwe to stop Mugabe's plans," MDC faction leader told
Zimbabwejournalists.com, "The price of freedom is death. If as Zimbabweans
we are not prepared to sacrifice our lives then we don't deserve democracy."

Like Mugabe's populist rants against U.S. President George Bush and U.K.
Prime Minister Tony Blair for harboring imperialist intentions against
Zimbabwe, this bellicose rhetoric by the opposition often leads to nothing.

Zimbabweans have been variously described by political analysts as docile
and resilient, but this has been so because people fear for their lives to
protest against the government.

But it's the economy which may well prove to be Mugabe's undoing.

As the economic bug bites deeper into the lives and livelihoods of many
Zimbabweans, including in the rural areas -- traditionally regarded as a
stronghold of ZANU PF -- it looks like a common ground is now available for
a nationwide rebellion.

The alleged discontent within the army and the police against the government
could prove the spark that will light the fires of a political revolution in
the country.

Diplomatic brief

The Zimbabwean

(21-02-07)

THE PRESIDENT OF THE MDC, MR. MORGAN TSVANGIRAI 'S BRIEF

                        TO THE HARARE DIPLOMATIC COMMUNITY

                                                                            
        Harare, February 21 2007

Your Excellencies,

Interesting political developments have transpired since we last met and a
new political terrain shows signs of emerging.

You are all aware of the events of the last few days, but they cannot be
properly understood if they are not placed in the proper context. These
events are part of a broader scenario.

In our opinion, the ZANU PF National Conference has unleashed political
forces within ZANU PF, which Mugabe might not be able to control.

The coalition of forces that sustained Mugabe over the past 27years, once
cemented by force and material inducements, has virtually crumpled. It is
doubtful whether he will be able to reconstruct a consensus, even if he
tries to use the old carrot and stick strategy. ZANU PF is split in the
middle.

As the warring factions inside ZANU PF continue to tear each other apart,
the country might gradually move towards a power vacuum which, as you know,
in other countries, such a vacuum has led to adventurism and disaster.

That is the greatest threat facing Zimbabwe as we grapple with various
strategies to ensure a solution which achieves a soft-landing for the
country from a long crisis.

Mugabe's primary concern now is simply to manage factions which no longer
share a common denominator of interests. In turn the factions themselves
have abandoned any hope of achieving a consensus or compromise. They are now
involved in a 'winner-take all' political game.

Those who gave Mugabe succor and comfort over the past 27 years have now
created a political trap for him and it does not appear that there is an
easy exit for him.

Every strategy for the survival of the regime has now provoked unworkable.

1.     In particular, the monetary policy as a strategy of economic revival
has proved to be a false start. The so-called 'social contract' is simply a
ruse that will never work. As we have always said of other aspects of
degeneracy in Zimbabwe are mere symptoms of the fundamental problem, which a
political one. As long as that problem remains unresolved, all attempts at
economic recovery are simply idle propaganda.

2.     The only contract that would be workable is one that produces an
agreed political path forward, leading to a new legitimate political
dispensation.

3.     In a nutshell therefore, the monetary policy strategy has become
simply a battleground in which Mugabe tries to read the riot act at his
warring factions. It has no relevance to the fundamental problems facing the
nation.

Given this political situation, the question that might be in the minds of
the diplomatic community is what the MDC is doing in these political
circumstances? We have had many sentiments expressed. At best some of these
sentiments are plainly uncharitable, at worst they are down right abusive
and mocking. We remain stoical in these circumstances.

But we are not about capturing international headlines through acts of
reckless adventurism that might result in a carnage that might not achieve
our central objective. We will continue building our resistance movement,
gauging the pace and resilience of the people.

People are being pushed physically by the state apparatus of repression,
their material well being is daily eroded by the deteriorating economy.
There is now a clear mood of rebellion among Zimbabweans. However our job is
not simply to instigate rebellion, but to channel people's frustrations and
hardships into a constructive force for change. And this we are doing. The
tragedy is that the only answer available to the Mugabe regime is state
sponsored violence. Zimbabweans have reached a stage where they are not
prepared to have peaceful protest crushed by state violence.

A large cross- section of society is now in a rebellious mood. There is now
open defiance of violent autocratic authority. Teachers, nurses, doctors,
the general civil service and the public at large, have now reached the
limits of their suffering and are no longer prepared to suffer silently.

The events in Bulawayo two weeks ago and in Harare over the past few days
are a clear demonstration of the people's determination now, to embark on an
irreversible course to their freedom.

In particular, the events in Harare are still fresh in your minds and let me
give you a brief about what actually transpired.

1.     On Friday, last week, sporadic and spontaneous actions of peaceful
protest in the Central Business District were met with police brutality.
Those targeted by this unprovoked police action sought to defend themselves
and this resulted in a series of skirmishes throughout the city. Police
action degenerated into random attacks of all and sundry including people in
bus queues. Several people were arrested with no specific charges preferred.

2.     The MDC had made an earlier application to hold a major rally at the
Zimbabwe Grounds in Highfields in order to launch our presidential campaign
for 2008. As you know, under the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) any
organization intending to hold a political rally is required to simply
notify the police. In turn the police have no authority to arbitrarily seek
to prevent such a political rally. However the police sought to do precisely
that.

3.     We challenged this in the High Court and an order was granted, on
Saturday mid- morning. The order barred the police from interfering with the
rally.

4.     Immediately after the order was granted, the police arrested Hon.
Tendai Biti, MDC Secretary General, and MP for Harare East and Hon. Paul
Madzore, MP for Glen View. Throughout Saturday, police went on a rampage,
effecting sporadic arrests. Some activists were arrested at midnight on
Saturday and the early hours of Sunday.

5.     Throughout Saturday night and Sunday morning, the police unleashed a
programme of general harassment, intimidation and beatings across the entire
Highfields suburb. The venue for our rally was sealed off by heavily armed
police and riot control vehicles with water cannon equipment went about
targeting people heading for the Zimbabwe grounds.

6.     Early on Sunday morning I personally made several trips to Highfields
to assess the situation. Throughout the morning, police reinforcements
continued to arrive. There was no rioting in Highfields at anytime from
Friday to Sunday morning.

7.      At the time of the rally, I proceeded to the Zimbabwe grounds where
I confronted the police who informed me and my colleagues that they had
orders to bar anyone from accessing the rally. We proceeded to Southerton
Police Station, looking for the local police commander. The local police
commander went into hiding.

8.     The atmosphere was now very tense. Thousands of people were milling
in the streets of Highfields in the vicinity of the rally venue.

9.     We went back to the rally venue, to be confronted by an even larger
group of armed police. In some sections of Highfields, the police had
already started brutalizing and harassing people. I sensed that the mood
among the people at and around the venue was electric. I then gave the
instruction that people disperse and go back home.

10. Immediately after I left the rally venue, the police unleashed a wave of
indiscriminate violence throughout the suburb of Highfields. People were
beaten up with truncheons, teargas was liberally used and for the first time
ever, water cannon were target on anything that moved. Several people were
injured and others arrested.

It is important for me to set the record straight because of the regime's
claims that the MDC started the violence. The regime, through the police was
determined to stop the rally from the very beginning and they used arrests
and indiscriminate violence to achieve their objectives. Obviously the
cutting edge of their strategy was to unleash indiscriminate police violence
on people going about their business peacefully.

As you might have read in today's Herald, by arbitrarily banning peaceful
political protest and rallies, the regime has for all practical purposes has
declared a State of Emergency.

We are not and will not be intimidated by this state-sponsored violence. We
will go ahead and launch our presidential campaign for 2008. The position of
the party is that presidential elections must be held as scheduled in 2008.
But this must be under a new Constitution, ushering enabling legislation to
create an electoral framework that guarantees free and fair elections. There
is ample time for that.

We are totally opposed to the postponement of the presidential poll and we
are of the firm and unshakable opinion that there should be no more
constitutional tinkering.

Constitutional reform cannot be a technical process of voting in parliament
where ZANU PF has an in-built advantage through its illegitimate majority.

Instead, Constitutional reform must be a broad and all-inclusive political
process that incorporates a wide spectrum of the views of the majority of
Zimbabweans.

These views are broadly shared by our colleagues within the broad alliance.
As partners in the broad democratic forces, we shall embark on common
programmes to achieve this objective.

We shall relentlessly fight until this objective is achieved.

I thank you

As Floods Continue, Mozambique Now Prepares for Cyclone

VOA

      By Joe De Capua
      Washington
      21 February 2007

A cyclone is bearing down on Mozambique and is expected to make landfall
tomorrow. Mozambique is currently trying to deal with heavy flooding and the
storm is only expected to make matters worse.

Mike Huggins is the UN World Food Program spokesman for southern Africa. He's
currently in Johannesburg after having just returned from Mozambique. He
spoke to VOA English to Africa Service reporter Joe De Capua about
conditions there.

"More than 120,000 people have already been evacuated to higher ground in
the flood zone. And we anticipate if the flood gets worse, either because of
more rains in neighboring countries or because now this oncoming cyclone,
then the number could quite easily shot up to 285,000 people that would be
affected by the floodwaters," he says.

Huggins says the government of Mozambique compares the current floods to
those of 2001, which devastated many areas. But some things have changed. He
says, "A lot has been put in place since then, including a government
resettlement scheme to try and entice people out of the flood plain area to
higher ground. And they have also been allowed to go back to their ancestral
homes in between to do their planting. So people have been given the option
to come and go."

The WFP is helping many in the flooded areas. Huggins says, "The World Food
Program is feeding about 30,000 people so far.and clearly as we move on
these people are going to need long term assistance. They have all lost
their crops. Many people have lost their homes. And the first thing that
people need of course is shelter, food and clean water. So, there's a long
term implication to all of this."

Huggins has been following the path of the cyclone and says it's forecast to
make landfall around 5pm local time Thursday. "It's projected to pass up
parallel to the Zambezi River, which is where all the flooding is right now,
and then pass into Zambia and Zimbabwe. Which of course does spell potential
hazard again for the flooded people in Mozambique because they are
downstream from the river systems in both Zimbabwe and Zambia."

The Mozambique government is making preparations as a cyclone approaches
flood-stricken regions. Paulo Zucula is director of the National Institute
for Disasters and Calamities. He tells VOA English to Africa Service
reporter Joe De Capua what's being done to get ready.

"It's a strong one.it's going to hit a good part of the coast and part of
inland, even the area where we just evacuated people from the floods. We
have people on the ground now in several districts. The army, the Red
Cross.teachers, nurses on early warning systems advising people about the
danger. And advising people on what to do and where to go. And at the same
time we did find places where people can take shelter and take cover and
store some food and water," he says.

The Mozambique government will survey the areas hit by the cyclone.
"Actually, during the cyclone we start to first (make) a preliminary
assessment. The people we have in the field, they will start drawing
information on what they see.in damage and loss of life if is the case. And
then right after we definitely have to do a more careful assessment and put
together a recovery plan," Zucula says.