Reuters
Thu 21 Feb
2008, 22:54 GMT
By MacDonald Dzirutwe
HARARE (Reuters) -
Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe on Thursday derided a
former ally now
challenging him in general elections as a prostitute, and
said he would win
next month's polls by a landslide and humble the
opposition.
Former
Finance Minister Simba Makoni was expelled from Mugabe's ruling
ZANU-PF last
week after registering to run as an independent in March 29
presidential,
parliamentary and council elections.
"What has happened now is
absolutely disgraceful. I didn't think that
Makoni, after all this
experience, would behave like this," Mugabe said in
an interview broadcast
on state television late on Thursday to mark his 84th
birthday.
"I
compared him to a prostitute. A prostitute could have done better than
Makoni, because she has clients. Don't you think so?" said Mugabe.
In
his hour-long interview, a relaxed-looking Mugabe also suggested some
party
officials had lacked the courage to openly express their views within
the
party.
The remarks were the veteran leader's first public comment on the
break with
Makoni, a reform-minded technocrat who has long been touted as a
possible
successor to Mugabe.
Makoni says he is backed by top
officials in the ruling party and analysts
say he could pose a strong
challenge to Mugabe.
On becoming finance minister in 2000, Makoni pledged
tighter fiscal
discipline to restore relations with donors and he has
suggested engaging
with Western powers to ease Zimbabwe's economic
hardship.
Mugabe has ruled the southern African country since
independence from
Britain in 1980 but critics say his economic
mismanagement, and contested
policies such as seizures of white-owned farms,
have ruined the economy.
Annual inflation has surged to over 100,000
percent, the official statistics
office said on Wednesday, but Mugabe says
the economy has been sabotaged by
Western sanctions imposed to punish his
land reforms.
The president, who denies opposition charges of rigging
past elections, also
said he would continue with his anti-British message
during the election
campaign until London ended what he said were plots for
regime change in
Zimbabwe.
Mugabe accused the West of funding the
main opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) in an effort to topple
him and predicted a
resounding defeat of the MDC.
He said there would
be none of the post-election violence witnessed in Kenya
after disputed
December general elections there, because there were no
ethnic tensions in
Zimbabwe.
The government would continue to pursue its programme to
transfer majority
ownership in mines to locals and focus on full economic
recovery after the
polls, Mugabe added.
(Editing by Jon Boyle)
Zim Independent
Dumisani
Muleya
SURPRISE presidential election candidate Simba Makoni is
making an
effort to win over main opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai to
beef up his
bid to challenge President Robert Mugabe in next month's
defining elections.
Informed sources said a meeting between Makoni
and Tsvangirai is set
for Sunday to discuss ways of joining forces to
confront Mugabe at the
polls. The meeting is expected to be uneasy after
Tsvangirai last week
described Makoni as "nothing more than old wine in a
new bottle" and accused
him of being partly to blame for Mugabe and Zanu
PF's failures.
However, if Makoni pulls it off, this would give a
dramatic boost to
his electoral prospects ahead of the polls.
On Wednesday Makoni's formation met in Harare to discuss election
strategy.
The meeting was convened by its national coordinating committee
chaired by
former Zanu PF provincial chairman Mike Madiro. Makoni, who
chairs the
organisation's national management committee, attended the
meeting.
The outfit's structures include the management
committee, coordination
committee, finance and administration, media and
communications, and
mobilisation. It also has youth and women's
leagues.
Makoni is reportedly working with senior Zanu PF officials
including
politburo members retired army commander General Solomon Mujuru
and Dumiso
Dabengwa. The two have had several meetings with Makoni in recent
weeks.
Mujuru and Dabengwa are leading the challenge to Mugabe within Zanu
PF
structures.
Dabengwa - detained and systematically tortured
by the government on
unfounded treason charges in the 1980s - has of late
been open in tackling
Mugabe, especially during politburo
meetings.
The sources said Dabengwa told a meeting in South Africa
last weekend
that senior Zanu PF officials, including Mujuru and himself,
supported
Makoni. It is understood he said Zanu PF needs a change of
leadership.
Dabengwa led opposition to Mugabe's unprocedural endorsement as
the Zanu PF
candidate at the party's extraordinary congress in December.
Makoni has said
many party officials were disappointed when Mugabe was
retained at the helm.
Makoni is said to be seeking to close ranks
with opposition leaders to
stage a united challenge against
Mugabe.
Political observers say Makoni's plan would have been more
viable if
he went for a united front against Mugabe instead of an
ill-defined outfit
which makes it difficult to secure buy-ins from strategic
allies.
However, Makoni's camp is trying to deal with this issue
via informal
alliances. Last Sunday Makoni met another Movement for
Democratic Change
(MDC) faction leader Arthur Mutambara to seal an informal
electoral pact.
Makoni met Mutambara at Ibbo Mandaza's farm in Mazowe to
iron out issues
after making inconsistent remarks last week about their
partnership.
The meeting was attended by Mandaza, who is a
parliamentary candidate
for Mazowe West, and other senior officials in the
Makoni camp, as well as
Priscillah Misihairabwi-Mushonga, an MP, and Miriam
Mushayi, a top official
in the Mutambara faction.
Makoni and
Mutambara, who dropped out of the presidential race to back
his new ally,
reinforced their working arrangement. Although Mutambara might
not have a
power base, MPs aligned to him command sizeable grassroots
support. The
Mutambara camp's MPs are likely to retain their seats in
Bulawayo which is
their stronghold.
Parliamentary election candidates working with
Makoni and Mutambara
are not challenging each other.
The
sources said Mandaza has been engaged in talks with Tsvangirai's
lieutenants
to prepare the ground for talks between their leaders.
"Talks have
been going on between Mandaza and senior officials in
Tsvangirai's faction
to find ways of striking a deal in which Tsvangirai
would drop out to
support Makoni," a source said. "It will become clear what
will happen after
Makoni's one-on-one meeting with Tsvangirai."
Tsvangirai has a
relatively large following on the ground and his MPs
are expected to retain
their seats in Harare, the faction's heartland. The
Tsvangirai camp might
also pick up a few seats in different provinces.
The sources said
the Makoni camp is anxious to secure agreements with
both MDC factions to
avoid splitting the vote in favour of the ruling Zanu
PF and Mugabe. There
are fears in opposition circles that the Makoni,
Tsvangirai and Mutambara
groups could split the vote and help Mugabe and his
party to retain power by
default.
Political observers say opposition groups might suffer the
"Kenya
syndrome" in which the incumbent wins as a result of splitting the
vote by
his rivals. The Makoni camp is trying to avoid this
situation.
Zim Independent
Augustine
Mukaro/Loughty Dube
THE turmoil which characterised last
Friday's nomination court has
divided the Zanu PF presidium as members
line-up their own candidates to
position themselves for
succession.
Ruling party insiders said Zanu PF bigwigs who openly
defied President
Robert Mugabe last Friday when they registered to stand as
Zanu PF
candidates in parliamentary and senatorial polls, despite having
lost in
primary elections, enjoyed backing from members of the
presidium.
Mugabe last week presided over a politburo meeting that
approved Zanu
PF candidates for the joint elections for the senate and
parliament to run
concurrently with elections for president.
Insiders said some of the candidates who had lost hope following their
defeat in primaries got instructions from members of the presidium to file
their papers, clearly showing that even the presidium meeting earlier in the
week had failed to resolve differences over candidates.
One
insider said in the case of Finance minister Samuel Mumbengegwi
who
registered as a Zanu-PF candidate for the Chivi/Mwenezi Senate seat and
acting chief executive of the Zimbabwe Football Association, Henrietta
Rushwaya, they had to hurriedly put their papers together and rush to
Masvingo before the closure of the nomination court.
"Rushwaya
left the capital well after midday on Friday," the insider
said. "She had
received a call questioning why she was not in Masvingo to
submit her
papers."
Most of the candidates who filed their papers without
being declared
Zanu PF official candidates have been linked to the Mujuru
faction. The
development has stirred speculation that while they stand as
Zanu-PF
candidates they could be Simba Makoni's silent
partners.
When Makoni, announced he would challenge Mugabe as an
independent
candidate, supported by other Zanu PF bigwigs speculation ran
high that he
enjoys the backing of retired army general, Solomon
Mujuru.
There is also speculation that presidium members want to
ensure as
many of their supporters are elected into parliament so that in
the event of
Mugabe deciding to leave before the end of his term they could
be
well-placed to succeed.
Disgruntlement in the ruling party
is again manifest in the
unprecedented number of aspiring candidates and
independents who have
registered to participate in the elections, forcing
the nomination court to
stay open until late into the evening.
The largest number of independent candidates has been registered in
Manicaland and Masvingo.
Zanu PF this week tried to defuse the
growing discontent in the party
when it announced that it would revert to
primaries in constituencies where
more than one candidate filed papers
representing the party.
The chairman of the party's national
elections directorate Elliot
Manyika said the primaries would ensure that
only one candidate contests on
a Zanu PF ticket.
Those who
filed their papers for nomination include Finance Minister
Samuel
Mumbengegwi, Senator Dzikamai Mavhaire and Eddison Zvobgo Jnr.
Mumbengegwi will clash with the Mugabe nominee, former Masvingo
governor
Josiah Hungwe. Mavhaire - distinguished in being the first party
member, 11
years ago, to call on Mugabe to retire - will challenge another
Zanu PF
official candidate, Maina Mandava.
Zvobgo will stand against
businessman and party appointee Edmund
Mhere. Henrietta Rushwaya is mounting
a challenge against the long-serving
and controversial politician Shuvai
Mahofa for the Gutu South constituency.
In Manicaland's Makoni
West, Nation Madongorere - a former Central
Intelligence Organisation
operative - registered as a Zanu-PF candidate
although the party had
endorsed Agricultural Engineering minister Joseph
Made as the official party
candidate.
Zim Independent
THE two MDC
factions yesterday accused South African President Thabo
Mbeki of
misrepresenting facts to Sadc heads of state when he said that
their talks
with Zanu PF had been concluded and that only procedural issues
were
outstanding.
In a statement, the formations' secretary-generals
Tendai Biti and
Welshman Ncube said the talks reached a deadlock after Zanu
PF reneged on
the issues of the date of the elections, the timeframe for the
implementation of the agreed reforms, and the manner of making and enactment
of a new constitution.
The formations said contrary to Mbeki's
suggestion that these were
peripheral matters of procedures outstanding in
the dialogue, there were in
fact issues of "substance that went into the
heart of the matter".
They said the unilateral proclamation of the
election date on January
25 by President Robert Mugabe amounted to a Zanu PF
repudiation of the Sadc
dialogue which "sadly and regrettably failed to
achieve its intended
purpose".
"As far as the date of the
election was concerned, it was always the
firm view of the MDC that this
date would be determined only at the time
that agreement on every
substantive aspect of the agreement had been
reached," the MDC formations
said.
The opposition formations say they will participate in the
March 29
elections under protest.
"The MDC's participation is
not different from its participation under
protest and 'with heavy heart' as
in previous elections. In the
circumstances, we hold the firm view that the
2008 elections which are being
held under the same conditions as previous
disputed elections cannot by any
stretch of the imagination yield a
legitimate outcome," the MDC said.
The MDC formations said
outstanding matters included transitional
issues, which would have gone into
the draft constitution as the sixth
schedule covering voter registration,
delimitation of constituencies, the
reconstitution of the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission and the diaspora vote.
The issues also included the role
of Sadc in monitoring and enforcing
the agreements, and the period and
manner of implementation of the
legislative and political
agreement.
On the question of a new constitution, the parties had
agreed on June
18 last year that they would negotiate a holistic supreme law
which was to
be debated in parliament before a final draft which would be
adopted and
enacted before the next election.
The MDC
formations said the failure of the dialogue is a catastrophe
for both the
people of Zimbabwe and the Sadc region.
However, during debate on
the amendments to Posa and Aippa in
parliament last year, the MDC and Zanu
PF indicated they were close to
agreement on all major issues at the talks.
Representing Zanu PF, Legal
Affairs minister Patrick Chinamasa told the
House on December 18 that "97%
of the work" had been done while Biti put the
figure at 30%.
Biti is quoted in the Hansard of December 18 as
saying while
"Chinamasa said we have done 97% of the work . I would probably
say we have
done at least a third of the work but that work we have done is
very
important. We are very close to reaching a matrix; we can say we have
concluded these talks."
Biti added: "It is a question of degree
but we are very close. In
other words there is a great opportunity for
Zimbabwe to have a fresh
beginning in this dialogue." - Staff
Writer.
Zim Independent
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe is likely to be forced into a second
round of
voting after next month's elections due to the dynamic challenge he
is
facing from former Finance Minister Simba Makoni.
This could
result in an eventual defeat of Mugabe if he fails to win
51% of the vote in
the first round - which is needed for him to be declared
outright winner -
during the election on March 29.
In terms of the Electoral Act,
where two or more candidates for
president are nominated and no outright
winner emerges after the poll, a
second round follows within 21
days.
If the final two candidates are split evenly following the
vote,
parliament has to sit as an electoral college to choose the
winner.
It is generally held Mugabe is unlikely to win 51% of the
vote, a
situation that would force him to enter into a risky run-off with
either
Makoni or MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
If Mugabe were
to be forced into a run-off, it would almost certainly
give his rival -
either Makoni or Tsvangirai - unstoppable momentum.
The law was
amended in 2005 in the hope Mugabe would retire at the end
of his current
term in March and the new provision would thus not apply to
him.
Previously, a candidate could become president without
getting a clear
majority in the election.
In neighbouring
Zambia, President Levy Mwanawasa was re-elected with
27% of the vote. The
remainder was shared among other candidates.
In Kenya former
President Daniel Arap Moi defeated the fragmented
opposition by getting more
votes than they won individually, although
together they won a majority of
the popular vote. - Staff Writer.
Zim Independent
Constantine Chimakure
INDEPENDENT presidential candidate Simba
Makoni was unconstitutionally
expelled from Zanu PF last week amid reports
that the party's secretary for
legal affairs, Emmerson Mnangagwa, was
manipulating the constitution to
guarantee President Robert Mugabe's
continued stay in power.
Impeccable sources told the Zimbabwe
Independent this week that Makoni
was fired by the party using rules and
regulations governing primary
parliamentary polls, not a presidential
election.
"The rules and regulations the politburo relied on to
expel Makoni
were not crafted for the presidential election, but to govern
primary
parliamentary polls," a senior Zanu PF member said.
"His expulsion is unconstitutional in that due process was not
followed and
rules and regulations they cited do not refer to a presidential
election."
The source said if Makoni had breached provisions of
the party's
constitution, the chairperson of the national disciplinary
committee, John
Nkomo, should have suspended the former Finance minister and
instituted a
hearing.
"Due process was not followed because
Mnangagwa made a
misrepresentation to the politburo that Makoni had snubbed
rules and
regulations governing elections and had, therefore, expelled
himself from
the party," the source added.
Makoni was dismissed
from Zanu PF after announcing his presidential
ambitions on February 5 and
said he intended to contest the March 29
election representing the ruling
party.
Mnangagwa immediately issued a statement that Makoni had
expelled
himself from the party - a decision that was later rubberstamped at
a
hastily convened politburo meeting on February 11.
This
prompted Makoni to announce that he would stand for the
presidential poll as
an independent candidate. Makoni will fight it out for
the country's highest
office with Mugabe, the MDC's Morgan Tsvangirai and
independent candidate
Langton Toungana.
According to a statement issued by Zanu PF
secretary for information
and publicity Nathan Shamuyarira a day after the
politburo meeting, Makoni
had breached the central committee's "rules,
regulations and procedures to
govern the conduct of the party and its
members".
Shamuyarira said in terms of such rules, any member of
Zanu PF who,
after the due process of selecting candidates has been done,
decides to
stand as an independent, expels himself in terms of Section 19.1
of the
regulations.
The Section read: "Any member of the party
who stands as an
independent candidate in any parliamentary election shall
stand
automatically expelled from the party without recourse to any
procedure, in
which event the elections directorate shall be required to:
(1) enter the
name of such expelled member in its records including the
circumstances
giving rise to the automatic expulsion."
Shamuyarira claimed that in the case of Makoni, Zanu PF held its
extraordinary congress after giving two months' notice to all provinces
about the event and the agenda thereto.
"Neither Simba Makoni
nor Manicaland province forwarded his name for
consideration for party
candidacy for state president," Shamuyarira said.
He said paragraph
three of the resolution of the congress was clear
that Mugabe was to stand
as the party's candidate in terms of Article
6(30)(3).
"Therefore, any party member, Simba Makoni included, who decides to
stand as
a Zanu PF candidate after this due process, stands automatically
expelled
from the party," Shamuyarira said.
However, the sources said the
rules were meant for primary
parliamentary elections and would in no way
affect Makoni.
The source said it was Mnangagwa who was
manipulating the constitution
to the benefit of Mugabe.
"People
must understand that Mnangagwa also manipulated the
constitution to have
Mugabe endorsed and confirmed our party's presidential
candidate at the
extraordinary congress," a politburo member said.
The politburo
member said in terms of the ruling party constitution, a
congress of any
nature is convened to elect, not endorse candidates and
Makoni was correct
when he said he was denied the right to assume the reins
of power in Zanu
PF.
"The clause of the constitution that was used to endorse Mugabe
refers
to the party's annual all people's conference, which has the power to
confirm the party's president as state presidential candidate, not the
congress," another source said.
Mugabe was last December
reportedly endorsed party presidential
candidate fraudulently after
Mnangagwa manipulated provisions of the
constitution despite stiff
resistance from fellow politburo members Dumiso
Dabengwa and retired army
general Solomon Mujuru.
According to Article 6(30)(3) of the
constitution cited by
Shamuyarira, it is the Zanu PF conference that has the
power to "declare the
president of the party elected at congress as the
state presidential
candidate of the party".
Makoni, who
initially said he would only leave Zanu PF after due
process was followed,
last week declined to comment on his expulsion.
"That (expulsion)
now belongs to the past. I am now forward looking,
but let me say Mnangagwa
and Shamuyarira know the truth," Makoni told a
media
conference.
Mugabe last year roped in Mnangagwa, war veterans
leader Jabulani
Sibanda, and the women and youth leagues to drum up support
for his
continued Zanu PF leadership, amid serious divisions in the party
over his
succession.
Mujuru reportedly wanted Mugabe to quit
politics and be replaced by
his wife, Joice Mujuru, who is the country's
second vice-president.
Zim Independent
Lucia
Makamure
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe's financially beleaguered
government has
advanced loans, which run into trillions of dollars, to
disgruntled
soldiers, police officers and civil servants to "pacify" them
ahead of
elections on March 29.
Sources said the government
secured the money to dole out to uniformed
forces and the civil service from
the Reserve Bank, which by February 1 had
loaned the state over $137
trillion to meet its recurrent expenditure and
other obligations. The
sources said the RBZ last month deposited the money
into the accounts of the
Public Service Commission, the Defence Service
Commission, Prisons Service
Commission and the Police Service Commission for
on-ward transmission to the
beneficiaries.
Soldiers reportedly got between $1,2 billion and $3
billion depending
on their rank. Teachers, who have been on a go slow since
schools opened
last month pressing for a $1,7 billion monthly salary, got
$300 million,
while nurses and doctors were given over $700
million.
A private in the army, the lowest rank in the army, who
earned $310
million in January, this month got $1,2 billion.
It
could not, however, be ascertained at the time of going to press
why there
were discrepancies in the loans disbursed to the uniformed forces
and civil
servants.
The loans, the sources said, were doled out seven days
before the
beneficiaries' salaries were due and there was no prior
announcement on the
disbursement of the monies or when they were expected to
repay the loans and
at what interest rate.
Zimbabwe Teachers
Association chief executive officer Peter Mabhande
confirmed that civil
servants had received money from the government as from
last week, but
denied that it was a loan or a salary advance.
Mabhande, who also
sits on the Apex Council, a body representing civil
servants' interest,
claimed that the money was a balance of last month's
salaries.
"Whatever civil servants received recently was not a salary advance or
a
loan, but a balance of their January salaries," Mabhande told the Zimbabwe
Independent on Wednesday.
He said the Apex Council had been
negotiating with the government for
a salary review since the beginning of
the year and the negotiations were
only concluded on January 23. By then,
Mabhande added, civil servants and
the uniformed forces' salaries were
already processed.
"Salary negotiations were only concluded on
January 23, which happened
to be the pay day for the civil service, so the
money they got recently is
the balance of the agreed salary for January,"
Mabhande said.
However, sources in the public sector insisted that
they got loans
from the government not salary balances.
"No pay
slips were issued for the loans, but what we know is that the
armed forces
were the highest beneficiaries of the scheme," one of the
sources
said.
This is not the first time the government has advanced loans
to its
employees. In January, nurses and doctors went on strike to press for
better
remuneration and working conditions and government reacted by
advancing
loans payables at a compound interest of 5%.
The
country's civil service and the uniformed forces have of late been
losing
key employees who opt to go into the private sector or abroad in
search of
greener pastures. To arrest the human resources flight, the
government
introduced a technical retention allowance under the Skills
Retention Fund
to benefit professionals in the government.
Payments were made to
employees in the Ministries of Economic
Development, Finance, Health and
Child Welfare, Justice, Legal and
Parliamentary Affairs, and Local
Government
Zim Independent
Constantine
Chimakure
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe may face prosecution if he
loses the
forthcoming poll as the Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC has said it will
establish
a Truth and Justice Commission if it wins.
The
commission to investigate human rights abuses in the country since
Independence would recommend the prosecution of the perpetrators of human
rights violations, the party said.
In its policy document to be
launched alongside the party's manifesto
in Mutare tomorrow, the MDC said
there have been four main periods of gross
human rights abuse in the country
perpetrated by Mugabe's government. The
MDC said the commission would
investigate the 1980-87 Gukurahundi campaign,
the 2000 land reform programme
that resulted in the destruction of 10 000
farming properties, the 2005
clean-up operation, and the "violence and
destruction of property during the
struggle to restore democracy in Zimbabwe
between 1998 and
2008.
"In each of these four periods of intense political
suppression,
thousands of criminal acts were committed, hundreds of
thousands experienced
human rights abuses, and even the death of loved ones,
or suffered physical
injury of one kind or another," said the policy
document.
The party said it was committed to dealing with the needs
of the
victims of the four instances in a holistic and comprehensive
way.
"By this means, it is hoped to give those affected by the
abuse of
their rights the satisfaction of knowing that the truth about what
happened
has been revealed and that the culprits have been brought to
justice in some
way," the MDC said. "At the same time it is intended to
provide a form of
compensation for fixed property losses during these
episodes of abuse."
The MDC said the commission would be in place
three months after
assuming office.
"In the event that those
identified as being responsible for these
human rights abuses and the
destruction of personal assets and property do
not themselves, on a
voluntary basis, offer to come before the commission to
tell their side of
the story, the commission may, at its discretion, direct
the police to
investigate the case to determine the potential for a criminal
prosecution
and, if appropriate, to submit a docket to the prosecuting
authority in the
area where the incident occurred," the policy document
said.
Once in the court, the party said, the judiciary would deal with the
cases
in the normal way and under the laws of Zimbabwe.
The party said it
would establish special compensation courts and the
commission may direct
that a court attend to the establishment of the degree
and value of any
financial prejudice that may have incurred in any specific
case.
"Compensation will be restricted to the cost of any
medical procedures
that might have been necessitated by the abuse at the
time, any
consequential costs, and any future prejudice arising from the
abuse," the
party said.
Zim Independent
Shakeman
Mugari
THE National Incomes and Pricing Commission (NIPC) has
put in a
proposal to government to be allowed to control the price of fuel
and other
related products.
The NIPC wants to control the price
of petrol, diesel, paraffin and
other oil products.
The NIPC
chairman, Godwills Masimirembwa, told businessdigest this
week that the
commission has been looking for ways to control the fuel
sector which until
now has been allowed to operate without government
interference since
partial deregulation of the industry in 2005.
"The NIPC is mandated
to control the prices of everything including
fuel. It is unfortunate that
we are not in control of those prices at the
moment," Masimirembwa
said.
"We are in the process of negotiating with the parent
ministry and
stakeholders to find a lasting solution to the fuel pricing
issue.
"We want to achieve some stability in the industry because
fuel is a
very important component of the cost build-up in every
product."
Although Masimirembwa refused to give the specific
modalities of the
plan, businessdigest understands that the NIPC submitted
its plan to the
Ministry of Energy and Power Development. Sources said the
ministry has
promised to make a decision within the next two
weeks.
The sources said the ministry was not against the idea but
is hesitant
about the effects that the decision will have on the supply
side.
Every time government tries to fix the price of fuel,
supplies
immediately dry up.
It however emerged last night that
most private fuel companies have
not yet been consulted by the NIPC and the
energy ministry over the plan.
"They have not come to us with that
proposal," said a senior executive
with a local fuel company.
According to the plan the NIPC-approved fuel prices will hold for 30
days.
Although the NIPC plans to use the parallel market rate players in the
industry have warned that any attempt to fix the price could lead to massive
shortages that could cripple industry.
The other problem is
that the NIPC wants the fuel price to hold for a
month at a time when the
exchange rate is changing everyday due to the
shortages in the
market.
For example, since the start of the month the United States
dollar
rate on the parallel market, the main source of foreign currency for
the
fuel sector, has moved from US$1:$4,5 million to about US$1:$11
million.
Zim Independent
Kuda
Chikwanda
ZESA Holdings has been hit by a major staff exodus in
the past 18
months with the majority of top management and skilled labour
force leaving
for regional power utilities. Senior executives have joined
power companies
in the United Kingdom and Australia. Zesa is now
understaffed in key areas
like distribution and transmission.
Experts said this is why the utility is taking so long to respond to
the
national power outages. Zesa's two control centres in Harare and
Bulawayo
are also understaffed.
The remaining artisans have to make do with
dilapidated equipment and
a strained budget.
"The people at
control centres are not adequate in terms of both
numbers and skills. They
failed to control the load and this resulted in the
grid collapsing," said a
senior official at Zesa.
It is understood that 25 of the 28
executive level managers to emerge
from Zesa's unbundling exercise have left
the utility since June 2006.
Another 227 members of a senior
management staff complement of 312
have taken up other positions outside the
utility.
Businessdigest understands that some of the employees left
during a
voluntary retrenchment exercise that was recommended to Zesa by the
Energy
and Power Development minister Mike Nyambuya in June
2006.
The largest number is reported to have joined South African
power
utility, Eskom, while a sizeable number joined Namibia's NamPower.
Others
have joined the Botswana Power Company (BPC) and Mozambique's
Hidroelectrica
Cahora Bassa (HCB).
The United Kingdom's power
generation utility, National Power has
amongst its staff 22 ex-Zesa
employees. The South of Scotland Distribution
Board has eight ex-Zesa staff.
More than 50 skilled ex-Zesa staff left for
Australia where they have since
taken up jobs in the electricity industry.
Zesa was unbundled into
Zesa Holdings and five subsidiaries which are
the Zimbabwe Power Company,
the Zimbabwe Electricity Transmission Company
(Zetco), the Zimbabwe
Electricity Distribution Company (ZEDC), Powertel and
Zesa
Enterprises.
Those that opted for voluntary retrenchment include
group operations
director Engineer Cletus Nyachowe, group corporate affairs
director Fortune
Sambo, and general manager for corporate communications,
James Maridadi.
Zetco managing director, Engi-neer Edward Rugoyi,
joined BPC while
transmission director Carston Muzangazi left for the UK
together with
finance director, Amos Pasinawako. Zetco also lost its
business development
director, Steve Dhiwa.
The ZEDC lost its
commercial director Engineer Mike Gambe and
operations director, Peter
Simoyi. The financial director, Fidelia Gandia,
also resigned.
Muzangazi, Pasinawako, Gambe, and Simoyi are now based in the UK at
National
Power. Gandia has joined a non-governmental organisation with
Maridadi now
working for a regional transport company.
The ZPC's operations
director Misheck Siyakachana opted for voluntary
retrenchment together with
finance director Godknows Hofisi who is now with
the
RBZ.
Efforts to get comment from Zesa Holdings chief executive
officer Ben
Rafemoyo proved fruitless. Rafemoyo promised to respond to
businessdigest
but did not do so with his office later revealing he had left
for a regional
power conference together with Nyambuya.
Zesa's
total staff complement stood at 5 831 as of June 2006.
Zim Independent
Jesilyn
Dendere
THE recent price increases approved by the National
Incomes and
Pricing Commission (NIPC) are way out of sync with the real
prices that are
already prevailing on the market.
Most of the
prices gazetted by the NIPC are not the ones currently
prevailing on the
market.
The prices, which were approved on February 9, are valid
for three
months.
The reviews have also triggered a new wave of
price increases as
businesses feel that the NIPC-approved figures are either
not viable or have
been overtaken by events.
The increases in
prices came as inflation hit a new high of 100 580,2%
in January increasing
34 367,9 percentage points from the December figure of
66
212,3%.
A survey conducted by businessdigest this week shows that
by the time
the NIPC approved the price for cooking oil (2 litres) to $24,6
million the
actual price on the market was $35 million before increasing to
$55 million
this week.
The NIPC announced that that the new
price for a 2 kg packet of white
sugar should be $7,9 million when the
actual price was already $9 million.
According to the NIPC list
hospitals are supposed to charge $10
million consultation fees but most
medical institutions are demanding
between $35 million and $100
million.
Service providers such as the national airline Air
Zimbabwe have also
defied the pricing commission by pegging a return ticket
for the
Harare-Bulawayo route at $381 850 000 instead of the gazetted price
of $229
400 000.
The commission said a one-way ticket to London
was $2 864 700 000 but
Air Zimbabwe is charging $4 479 750 000 plus US$100
departure tax.
A room at Meikles costs $273 000 000 instead of the
$55 000 000
stipulated by the NIPC.
Other hotels like Rainbow
Tourism Group have also ignored the NIPC's
recommended prices for rooms and
meals.
Last week the National Bakers' Association said it wanted
the price of
a loaf of bread to be increased to $5,3 million but the
commission only
approved $200 000. NIPC chairman Godwills Masimirembwa, said
the commission's
prices were not always behind the market. "We are not
always behind. What is
ahead of us is the tendency by some businesses to
profiteer," Masimirembwa
said.
Zim Independent
A
LOCAL seed producing company says it has sufficient seed for the
forthcoming
winter wheat season although the country continues to import
wheat from
neighbouring countries.
Seed Co public relations and communications
manager, Marjorie
Mutemererwa said: "We are now adequately stocked for the
winter varieties
and farmers can now readily get seed this coming week. We
urge them to start
growing wheat soon, if they are to maximise
productivity," she said.
Mutemererwa attributed the flour shortages
to lack of proper planning
and over seeding.
She said farmers
should not exceed 100kg of seed per hectare in order
to ensure high
yields.
"The size of output can be determined by the time of
planting. For
every day lost, a farmer loses about 50kg per hectare," she
added. - Staff
Writer.
Zim Independent
BUSINESSES are accusing The National Incomes and Pricing
Commission
(NIPC) of delaying prices reviews. The consumer says the prices
controls
have pushed commodities on to the black market where they are going
for
higher prices. Some business leaders say the NIPC should not have been
created in the first place because it's destroying companies. Business
Editor, Shakeman Mugari spoke to NIPC chairman, Godwills Masimirembwa this
week. Below are excerpts from the interview.
Mugari: Would
you say the National Incomes and Pricing Commission
(NIPC) has achieved
anything since its establishment in October last year?
Masimirembwa: The answer is yes and no. I say yes because people saw
how
empty the shelves were after the blitz. We have been able to work with
industry to ensure that a significant number of basic commodities are back
on the shelves. I must however say that the situation is still far from
being normal.
Mugari: That sounds incredible. Surely it is far
from being true. The
latest that we hear is that capacity utilisation is
between 10 and 20%.
Masimirembwa: I don't agree that capacity is at
10%. The majority of
the companies that have made representations to us have
indicated that
capacity is above 40%.
Mugari: It's hard to
believe you because I have just spoken to Calisto
Jokonya, the president of
the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI),
who indicated that capacity
has slumped by close to 90%.
Masimirembwa: We have got a problem
with Jokonya because he likes to
exaggerate things. He has made it clear
that he does not agree with us. That
is why we are now dealing with
individual companies instead of the CZI as a
group. That 10% figure he gave
you is false. For example the cement industry
is operating at 90% as I speak
and Dunlop is at 65%.
Mugari: The NIPC was obviously not created to
control prices only. The
act says the NIPC should investigate and analyse
the causes of price
distortions in the market and come up with clear models
to solve the
problem. The NIPC has not come up with a single
model.
Masimirembwa: When a company submits an application for a
price review
we look at the pricing structure of the whole sector. We look
at the major
drivers and then come up with a clear pricing
system.
Mugari: That doesn't mean that the NIPC has come up with a
pricing
model.
Masimirembwa: What I am saying is that the
models are already there
because the companies have got them.
Mugari: How is it possible that the NIPC is able to come up with fair
prices
when it does not control the prices of other key inputs like fuel?
Masimirembwa: The NIPC is mandated to control the prices of everything
including fuel. It is unfortunate that we are not in control of those prices
at the moment. We are in the process of negotiating with the parent ministry
and stakeholders to find a lasting solution to the fuel pricing
issue.
Mugari: Will that work? Surely you will be the first to
admit that
fixing the price of fuel has led to huge problems in the
past.
Masimirembwa: Yes it will work.
Mugari: How will
it work now when it has failed dismally in the past?
Masimirembwa:
We are looking at the pricing structure of a litre of
fuel compared to the
same quantity of another product like cooking oil. We
believe that we will
reach a price that will be agreeable to everyone in
that sector. The
critical issue is that we have to get some buy-in from the
stakeholders.
Mugari: But are you aware that the price of fuel
hinges on the
exchange rate which the NIPC does not control?
Masimirembwa: We will not be addressing the issue of the exchange rate
but
rather we will be looking at what should be a reasonable price.
Mugari: It's amazing that you use such words like "reasonable" in such
an
environment. A week ago the United States dollar was at $6,5 million. Now
it
is around $10 million.
Masimirembwa: That is where we have a
challenge. Stability is a
function of many other issues. What worries me is
the attitude of other
businesses that want to profiteer in the name of the
exchange rate. We have
seen some companies selling imported goods at five or
six times more than
even the parallel rate. The mark up is just too big. In
order to come up
with a fair price for a commodity we use an equivalent of a
local good. The
issue is not the exchange rate but the context of the
parallel market. We
approach the issue from a reasonable
perspective.
Mugari: You still haven't said a word about how the
NIPC deals with
the movement in the exchange rate on the parallel
market.
Masimirembwa: The movement on the parallel market is
speculative. It's
not driven by any fundamental issues but people taking
advantage of the
shortages of foreign currency.
Mugari: Are you
trying to say that the shortage is not a fundamental
issue in this case.
Isn't the economy all about demand and supply?
Masimirembwa: Yes
shortage is a fundamental issue but we have to
realise that productivity is
the key to the stability of prices in the
market. We are saying imported
goods should be a buffer but should not be
used to exploit
people.
Mugari: Your commission has been accused of taking time to
approve
prices. Companies say by the time they get new prices things would
have
changed. Consumers say your approved prices are always far removed from
the
reality on the ground.
Masimirembwa: We are not always
behind. What is always ahead is the
tendency to profiteer. I must however
say that we have worked well with big
corporates.
Mugari: Does
the commission have the capacity to monitor prices
effectively?
Masimirembwa: Yes we have 37 monitors who are responsible for Harare
and all
Mashonaland provinces. We have enough people on the ground.
Mugari:
And resources?
Masimirembwa: We have four cars to cover that
area.
Mugari: Are you aware that you are talking about covering
half of
Zimbabwe with 37 people and four cars.
Masimirembwa:
But that is not the issue. What we want is a culture of
responsibility.
Mugari: You are trying to inculcate a culture
of responsibility in an
economy with 66 000% (now 100 000%) inflation. The
International Monetary
Fund says even this figure is
understated.
Masimirembwa: The NIPC does not sit in an abstract. We
look at an
application and its merits. We want stability. The price must
hold for 30
days.
Mugari: It seems that even the 30-day time
frame is not working?
Masimirembwa: we must realise that price
reviews are not a panacea to
our problems. The solution lies in
productivity. There are shortages in the
whole economy. We will still have
problems achieving this stability if
inflation continues to rise. We need a
total package to solve this problem.
Mugari: We last had a
consistent update on inflation figures in May
last year. As we speak now the
inflation figures are a month behind because
we only have the numbers for
December. What has NIPC been using to come up
with a fair
price?
Masimirembwa: I think I have answered that question before
by saying
that the NIPC does not use inflation figures to determine the
prices. We use
the pricing structures that we get from the companies. We
look at the cost
build up.
Mugari: Is the NIPC capable of
making independent decisions without
government interference?
Masimirembwa: The NIPC is a creature of statute which gets policy
directions
from government.
Mugari: So the commission is not
independent?
Masimirembwa: The NIPC has got a specific mandate to
operate within
the system.
Zim Independent
By Nhlanhla Nyathi
IT is quite certain that whoever called for
an inclusive stakeholders
forum to remove pricing distortions through a
social contract never expected
the country to subsequently degenerate into a
one-sided approach dominated
by price controls.
The unfortunate
breakdown of the well conceived Tripartite Negotiating
Forum (TNF) and the
proposed three economic stabilisation protocols as part
=of the social
contract initiative, brought about the existence of price
controls initially
through a cabinet task force and later through the
current National Incomes
and Pricing Commission (NIPC).
It is quite clear that the NIPC,
just like similar initiatives in the
past, has been largely unsuccessful in
crafting a sensitive all stakeholders
national pricing policy.
This is evident from the fact that since the advent of price controls,
the
Zimbabwean economy has struggled to emerge from the shortages of locally
manufactured goods because of haggling on pricing issues between the NIPC
and the business community.
The NIPC has been accused of
bureaucracy in approving new prices
rendering subsequent price adjustments
ineffective because of the rapid
movement of a hyper-inflationary
environment.
Consequently, the NIPC has been bogged down with
unending requests for
price reviews and has tended to lag behind the pace of
real inflation.
The end result has been shortages and supply of
poorly manufactured
goods to the formal market while the punitive black
market has become a
reliable source for a number of
commodities.
The NIPC has not made much headway in finding a
lasting solution to
the national pricing problem because it is part of a
system that
deliberately denies that inflation and the parallel market rate
are
significant input factors in a credible pricing model.
In
addition, the NIPC though set up by government should have been
managed by
independent thinkers or reform-minded people with an attitude
geared towards
crafting workable solutions for all stakeholders concerned.
Ideally, the role of this institution should not be perceived to serve
government interests but to provide feasible pricing models in a highly
distorted environment.
It should not be swayed by government
populist policies or by the
business community's insatiable desire for
profits.
The institution should assess from its own intelligence
structures,
the economic operating environment and thereafter proposes
policy to
government and lobby for the implementation of such policy on the
basis of
its fairness and on the good of the country.
If the
exchange rate for instance as a pricing factor was the bone of
contention,
the NIPC should have done its own assessment and proposed policy
variation
to the Ministry of Finance to ensure viability of business rather
than to
implement one-sided destructive policies to appease some
stakeholders.
It is unfortunate that the NIPC has not adopted
this stance and to a
certain extent is guilty of being inclined to
government thinking.
As long as there is no major policy shift on
the part of the NIPC in
this respect, bickering with the Confederation of
Zimbabwe Industries and
other business associations that frequently spill
over to the media will
continue to characterise their relationship while no
concrete steps made to
find a workable solution.
It is the
people who will continue to suffer.
It is very important for the
NIPC to realise that inflation data, the
parallel market rate and a workable
national pricing model are elements that
cannot be divorced.
The institution should have been the first to cry foul when the
government
conveniently swept inflation data under the carpet from October
last
year.
How the institution functioned all that time without such key
information is worrying.
Statements by the NIPC to the effect
that business entities should not
request for price reviews citing inflation
and parallel market rate
movements are an indication of how the institution
is not alive to the
situation prevailing in the economy.
They
indicate a serious shortcoming on the part of the NIPC.
For the
benefit of the hardliners, Zimbabwe is an import-driven
economy and the
importance of imported raw materials for the production
process cannot be
over-emphasized.
Over 50% of imported raw materials drive the
production process.
Once there is mention of imported raw
materials, the exchange rate
becomes an important component in the total
pricing structure.
Unfortunately due to the economic recession,
Zimbabwe has experienced
dwindling foreign currency inflows and the
government, through the Ministry
of Finance subsequently implemented a fixed
exchange rate that has continued
to exist well out of sync with reality
forcing a more potent parallel market
to dominate foreign currency
transactions at punitive rates.
Businesses have been subjected to
the same punitive parallel market
rates that they have to effect into their
final product pricing structures.
This fact cannot continue to be
ignored any further because the
difference between the official exchange
rate and the parallel market rate
has become insanely massive and in part
contributes to falling production
levels and company closures.
If the NIPC would rather ignore the fact that the parallel market rate
is a
significant pricing factor, then it would be better for the institution
to
lobby government on behalf of business for adjustments of the official
exchange rate in line with inflation differentials between Zimbabwe and its
trading partners.
For the sake of progress and for the good of
the country as a whole,
the NIPC needs to reform to remain
relevant.
A trigger pricing mechanism linked to a viable exchange
rate is
necessary to limit bureaucratic engagement with NIPC every time
business
requires price adjustments.
It would be fool hardy to
believe that all goods in the country can be
competently priced by one
institution without having distortion consequences
especially with the
parallel market, official market, subsidised loans,
cheap Noczim fuel and
expensive black market fuel etc. If the NIPC cannot be
done away with then
the other option is to limit the scope of the
institution's
influence.
*Nhlanhla Nyathi is a director of a private equity firm.
He can be
contacted at kexhe@yahoo.com.
Zim Independent
ZANU PF will do anything
to stay in power; it will even hold
elections, carefully stage-managed, of
course.
Despite the recent influx of new candidatures, new splits
and
fragmentations, new small parties and endless rumours and speculation,
the
Zimbabwe elections set for March 29 can only be viewed as illegitimate.
They
need to be treated as such in advance of the actual poll.
The coming polls will be managed with military precision to make them
appear
like a real election, when they will in fact be a charade, paying lip
service to the ideals of democratic elections.
The Zimbabwe
regime is fond of acting through "operations", such as
the infamous
Operation Murambatsvina - the urban informal sector and
informal housing
demolition of 2005 which was significantly militarised.
In
Operation Maguta, agricultural production was put under the command
of the
military, while Operation Chikorokodza Chapera (stamping out illegal
exploitation of resources) was mainly directed at asserting state control
(by military means) of the Marange and Chiadzwa diamond fields in the
eastern province of Manicaland.
All these operations were
conceived and carried out as a means to
protect the ruling elite's political
power and, where possible, provide
access to opportunities for enrichment.
The election "operation" is no
exception.
These operations and
coordination efforts are carried out by the State
Security Council and the
operational body, the Joint Operations Command,
which meets weekly, and
whose decisions become the policies implemented.
The reforming and
removal of the political aspect of the security
forces was an issue during
talks between Zimbabwean political parties
facilitated by the Sadc-mandated
South Africa, which was met with little
progress.
To determine
the legitimacy of an election, one has to look at whether
the various
players are interested in conducting real elections where voters
are able to
cast their votes and are adequately informed and know the
process,
procedures, the issues and the candidates.
In a fair election, the
electorate must feel free to vote without
constraint or coercion, and be
confident that their votes will be counted
accurately, and that the poll
results will correctly reflect the vote count.
The Sadc principles and
guidelines governing democratic elections clearly
set out what is needed in
terms of electoral institutions, and their
functioning.
In
Zimbabwe, opposition parties and candidates, including the two MDC
formations and new entrant Simba Makoni, an "independent" from within Zanu
PF, would relish a real election with a campaign period which allows mass
media access for all, political campaign meetings without constraints and
practical access to, and participation of, all eligible voters.
However, the ruling elite in Zanu PF has a wholly different interest:
the
control of the state must not be allowed to slip out of their hands. The
prospect of that happening is too ghastly for Zanu PF to contemplate -
entailing, as it would, the likely unravelling of its webs of corruption and
criminal mismanagement, its privilege and wealth, and the investigation of
the violence and repression it has visited upon the country.
Nevertheless, the ruling elite does have an interest in creating the
appearance of an election taking place, so as to claim legitimacy. But they
forget that legitimacy is not principally about how you come to power, but
rather the manner in which power is exercised. And so, in Zimbabwe, formal
institutions for elections have only been put in place to create the
appearance of correct practice.
The composition and
independence of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
(ZEC) is questionable, for
starters. Senior staff include serving or former
military personnel whose
subservience to Mugabe's government is clearly
evident.
The
Registrar-General's Office, which is responsible for the voters'
roll, is
packed with ruling party activists who make it very difficult for
individuals to confirm their status, for interested groups to check that
deceased voters have been removed, and for new voters to
register.
There is little confidence by the electorate in any of
the
institutions of state. And confidence can't simply be restored by the
tepid
technical voter education being carried out by ZEC, which has declined
assistance from highly skilled and professional organisations within the
Zimbabwe Election Support Network.
Meanwhile, behind its
attempt at a veil of legitimacy, Zanu PF has
worked to undermine any threat
to its rule. For example, the critical issue
of allowing Zimbabweans living
abroad (currently estimated at one-third of
the population) to vote has not
been adequately addressed.
The Delimitation Commission has
controversially amalgamated some urban
and rural constituencies, and
increased the number of rural constituencies
in ruling party homelands
without parliament's input.
The state has a broadcast monopoly and
is jamming shortwave broadcasts
into Zimbabwe by independent radio stations,
and there is no independent
daily newspaper.
The judicial
system has a history of bias and extreme delays in
electoral
matters.
The state's participation in the Sadc-sponsored, South
Africa-mediated
talks with the opposition was characterised by bad faith:
its provocative
announcement of an election date without the consultation of
other
interested parties, and the refusal to further examine the question of
a new
constitution before the polls, compromised the mediation
effort.
This was done despite the possibility that the chaos and
confusion in
the opposition may have presented the ruling elite with an
opportunity to
win a legitimate election.
But the party can't
risk it, and the conditions on the ground -
including the state of the
economy with the massive decline of agricultural
and industrial production,
the catastrophic crisis of employment, incomes
and inflation - have created
widespread discontent, antagonism and a desire
for change.
The
gradual, but now nearly total collapse of the education and health
systems,
the recent increase in electricity blackouts, the breakdown of
urban water
supply and sanitation, the crisis in the banking system, the
tenuousness and
inconstancy of telephone communications and the food
shortages all militate
against the successful holding of an election in
March, unless it's run as a
military operation, hiding behind all the
electoral
institutions.
This is why it must be clear to all that this
election won't be
legitimate, but instead an "election operation" whose real
objective is to
keep Zanu PF in power. It should be stated far and wide by
Sadc and African
leaders that the holding of illegitimate elections is
unacceptable and is
condemned in advance.
Zanu PF considers
fair elections a threat to its hold on power, and
the party has moved to
neutralise this threat by turning the polls into a
charade.
*
The authors - Abel Chikomo, Jonah Gokova, Primrose Matambanadzo,
John
Stewart and Pius Wakatama - are activists in civil society, media and
church
organisations in Zimbabwe, but write here in their personal
capacities. -
Kubatana.net
Zim Independent
By Maggie
Makanza
I KNOW my vote is my secret, if Zanu PF does not steal
it. I am one of
those Zimbabweans who were undecided whether to vote or not
in the upcoming
elections.
I have been pondering on what the
March elections mean to an ordinary
Zimbabwean suffering from cash
shortages, lack of electricity, water,
transport, housing and food. An
economy that has been taken five centuries
back with a collapsed health and
education delivery system reducing every
Zimbabwean into destitution and
sending many into exile.
The catalogue of tragedies suffered by
Zimbabweans is endless. I had
therefore come to the conclusion that a
contest between a split MDC and Zanu
PF was an exercise in futility and that
the outcome of the elections was
predictable. The elections would come and
go and the suffering of
Zimbabweans would continue unabated.
This time, votes stolen or not, after hearing that Simba Makoni has
thrown
himself into the race, I have decided that I am going to vote. But
the
decision of who I vote for like any other Zimbabwean has to be a very
well-considered position based on facts and devoid of the emotional
political rhetoric that characterises most discourse on
Zimbabwe.
That Zimbabweans do not want Zanu PF, or specifically
President Robert
Mugabe, is not a point of contention or discussion.
However, there are mixed
emotions on the vote for the MDC which has largely
been a vote against Zanu
PF.
The MDC, largely seen as the party
that made the first serious
challenge to Mugabe's power, may have many
sympathisers and has earned
respect for the many gallant fights that it has
engaged with the Zanu PF
government. They have been bruised and battered and
have wounds to show for
the struggle for democracy.
However,
the elections this March will be a test for the MDC's fitness
for
governance. We have proof that Zanu PF is not fit to govern and every
Zimbabwean can testify to that.
I am then going to soberly ask
the question: is the MDC fit to govern?
This may be seen as a highly unfair
and emotive question.
This reminds me of a boy-girl relationship.
Head over heels in love,
the girl marries the boy against the better
judgement of the elders. While
the elders saw it coming, she was too
emotionally involved to see.
Such is the plight of many of us,
being knee-deep in the political
saga, all bruised and battered and
emotionally charged to think rationally.
But the question is: how
could the elders have known before the
marriage was sanctified? What were
the signs and symptoms that allowed the
"elders" to see the future and
predict it with such accuracy?
It will not last, they had warned
the girl. But of course such advice
had fallen on deaf ears.
If
you were the political adviser on Zimbabwe, what would you be
advising
ordinary Zimbabweans to do with regards to the upcoming elections?
Boycott
elections or go and make their choices between Mugabe, Morgan
Tsvangirai and
Makoni?
It has been well argued that Zanu PF may have been
effective as a
liberation movement but did not have the capacity to govern
and rule a
nation. I think the same may apply to the MDC today.
While the MDC may have been at the forefront and championed the fight
for
democracy, the question must still be asked: is the party fit to
govern?
The harsh reality is that while a grader may be allowed on
the road to
clear the way, once the path is cleared and the road tarred, it
is not
allowed to travel on the very same road that it charted. Such may be
the
plight of the MDC in the upcoming elections.
The issue is
not whether the MDC should participate in elections or
not. They are damned
if they do and damned if they don't following a comedy
of tragic errors in
the Thabo Mbeki-brokered negotiations with Zanu PF and
the self-centredness
shown through the recent failure to unite the
splintered
Tsvangirai/Mutambara factions over a mere 20 seats in parliament.
Perhaps they do not understand the very democracy that they are
fighting
for. While Zimbabwe is burning, they haggle over 20 seats in
parliament and
are interested in protecting their positions. So what is the
difference
between them and Zanu PF?
I have warned already about the need to
be brutal with facts and not
be guided by emotions. An analysis of the MDC's
comedy of errors reveals a
party leadership that is naïve, politically
immature and obsessed with
getting to State House as an end in
itself.
Lack of clear leadership and capacity to take advantage of
the many
opportunities presenting in Zimbabwe for change have left me
doubting the
MDC's capacity not only to dislodge the Zanu PF regime from
power but also
to govern. The MDC has earned itself the description of "a
popular but
largely ineffective opposition in Zimbabwe".
The
MDC and Zanu PF have failed to move the country beyond their
differences and
judging by how conflicts have gone elsewhere in Africa, the
stalemate can
last for decades while people on the ground are suffering.
Zimbabweans are caught between a rock and a hard place; a brutal
dictatorial
regime and an ineffectual opposition. So the "makonifactor" as I
call it,
unlike any other third-force factors in the form of small political
parties,
will give Zimbabweans something to think about in the polling
booth. It is
no longer either an MDC or Zanu PF situation in the
presidential
choices.
If we had to make an unemotional decision, who would you
vote for on
the basis of capacity and potential to bring about real
change?
Most would vote with their hearts and not their minds in
this instance
and choose to reward Tsvangirai for the long battle against
Mugabe. Much as
we emotionally voted for [item ends here...]
Zim Independent
Constantine Chimakure
INDEPENDENT presidential hopeful Simba
Makoni may benefit from the
waning support of President Robert Mugabe and
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai
in next month's harmonised polls, which could
result in the country's first
ever election run-off since Independence in
1980.
Mugabe faces Tsvangirai, Makoni and nonentity Langton
Toungana in the
presidential election slated for March 29, which political
analysts view as
a three-horse race between the first three
candidates.
The political analysts said Mugabe and Tsvangirai have
since 2002's
presidential election and 2005 parliamentary polls lost
considerable support
among the country's over 5,6 million voters due to a
number of factors.
Mugabe's popularity dip, the analysts said, was
a result of his
government's lack of solutions and policies to extricate the
country from
its current political, economic and social crisis that has seen
over 80% of
Zimbabweans wallowing in poverty.
On the other
hand, Tsvangirai lost votes due to continued internal
squabbles in the MDC
that saw the party split into two in October 2005.
To make matters
worse, the Tsvangirai faction nearly split once again
last year over the
dissolution of the Women's Assembly chaired by Lucia
Matibenga and the
imposition of Theresa Makone to head the assembly.
This saw
Tsvangirai being labelled a dictator and further resulted in
his camp losing
more supporters.
The political divisions in Zanu PF and its poor
performance in
government; and the internal rift in the MDC, analysts said,
would result in
Makoni winning votes that were in the
"wilderness".
In the context of the four-candidate contest, the
analysts argued,
Section 110 of the Electoral Act becomes
relevant.
The law states that the successful candidate in a
presidential poll
must receive "a majority of the total number of valid
votes cast", that is
51%. If that does not occur, a second run-off election
must be held within
21 days, in which only the two candidates who performed
best in the first
round will participate.
If the second
election ends in a tie, parliament must sit as an
electoral college to
decide between the two candidates, by secret ballot and
without debate.
Rindai Chipfunde-Vava, the national director of the Zimbabwe
Election
Support Network (Zesn), said undecided voters were likely to split
votes and
this would result in a presidential election re-run.
Chipfunde-Vava
was doubtful of any candidate getting an absolute
majority.
"It's too early for Zesn to assess (the impact of votes in the
wilderness),
but obviously it will split the vote and (there is) a
likelihood of a
run-off among the top two candidates," she said. "I wonder
if any one
candidate will get an absolute majority in the first round."
Another political analyst who requested anonymity said while Mugabe
and Zanu
PF have been synonymous with rural areas and Tsvangirai with urban
constituencies, the two leaders may find themselves losing to
Makoni.
"Makoni's appeal in the urban areas will see him winning a
lot of
votes and erode greatly Tsvangirai's support," the University of
Zimbabwe
political science lecturer said.
"The erosion of the
MDC support in urban areas will not be of any
advantage to
Mugabe."
The analysts said it was the protest vote that would see
Makoni making
significant gains in both urban and rural areas.
"It is no longer a given that Mugabe and Zanu PF will win in rural
areas.
The economic malaise is affecting everyone in the country and who
doesn't
know that it is the result of the Mugabe regime," the analyst
argued.
Zimbabwean-born South African businessman Mutumwa
Mawere said he was
not convinced that Makoni would be a beneficiary of
protest votes.
"I believe that it is time to focus on the way
forward and attempt to
locate Makoni's candidature in the broader struggle
for change," Mawere
said.
"Zimbabweans must be exhausted by now
and the elections if not viewed
as a salvation will not produce the desired
outcome. The outcome has to come
not just from protest votes, but from
people who are prepared to say that
Mugabe and Tsvangirai have failed to
lead."
He argued that if Makoni introduced a new dimension in the
political
equation, no one should regard voting for him as a protest
vote.
"Makoni certainly comes into the picture with something to
offer and
when compared to his presidential competitors, I think it would be
correct
to say that he has an advantage," Mawere said.
"People
who care about Zimbabwe's future must think hard about the
choices and of
the four on the menu, Makoni certainly cannot be considered
to be a wrong
choice. If it was a beauty pageant, I am sure Makoni would be
top of the
crop."
He said Mugabe could benefit from voter apathy, Tsvangirai
from the
anti-establishment vote, while Makoni would capture the pro-change
vote.
Former cabinet minister and renowned political scientist
Jonathan Moyo
this week said there was a likelihood of disgruntled Zanu PF
and MDC members
voting for Makoni.
Moyo, the MP for Tsholotsho,
however said a run-off of the
presidential election was the most likely
scenario on March 29.
"Given what the law provides, the likelihood
of any of the candidates
getting 51% is between slim and none because for
the first time we have
three candidates who are likely to draw solid support
from their
strongholds, and their respective strongholds are different,"
Moyo told an
online publication.
"There is quite a sizeable
chance of disgruntled registered voters
from both Zanu PF and the MDC who
out of desperation believe Makoni is a
solution - even though he says he is
working alone - actually voting for
him."
Moyo, who is seeking
re-election In Tsholotsho in the harmonised
polls, said when there are three
candidates in an environment of
desperation, it was unlikely that anyone of
the contestants would command a
majority of votes cast.
"One
may get more votes than the other two, but not enough to get 51%
as required
by law," Moyo explained.
"The mathematics of it if you look around
where Tsvangirai is popular
and likely to get support, where Makoni is
popular and likely to get
support, where Mugabe is popular and likely to
pick more votes, none of them
is guaranteed 51%, and that's what will cause
a run-off."
It seems Makoni had the disgruntled electorate in mind
when he
announced his presidential ambition on February 5.
The
expelled Zanu PF politburo member said he decided to offer himself
for the
presidency after wider consultations in the ruling party and
outside.
"Following very extensive and intensive consultations
with party
members and activists countrywide, and also with others outside
the party
(Zanu PF), I have accepted the call, and hereby advise the people
of
Zimbabwe that I offer myself as a candidate for the office of president
of
Zimbabwe in forthcoming elections," Makoni said.
Zim Independent
By
Alex Magaisa
THE rural population is, perhaps, the most abused
political
constituency in Zimbabwe - remembered only during the time of
elections. All
too often, it is taken for granted that the rural communities
are President
Robert Mugabe's natural constituency.
Years ago,
in the early 80s, Zimbabwe suffered an excruciating
drought. Crops failed,
domestic animals became matungundu (rinder
pest-afflicted) and perished in
great numbers.
At the time, people were assembled at traditional
gathering points
across the country. There, truckloads of grain arrived and
each household
received a share of what became known as Chibage chaMugabe
(Mugabe's grain).
When the kids returned to the local schools, they
were offered
supplementary milk and mahewu. That, too, was called mukaka
waMugabe (Mugabe's
milk) or mahewu aMugabe (Mugabe's mahewu).
And when the first rains of the new season arrived, truckloads came
again,
with "Mugabe fertiliser" and "Mugabe seed maize". Even the plots on
which
the seed was planted are, to this day, referred as "munda wechibage
chaMugabe" (the plot on which Mugabe maize was planted).
And
with that the seed of allegiance to Mugabe was also planted. Never
mind that
the donated supplements may have come from donors unrelated to
Mugabe.
That the welfare came from Mugabe's charity became
lodged in the
subconscious and embedded in the everyday language of the
rural communities
across the country. It is hardly surprising that the
control over the
provision or withdrawal of welfare is a very important
source of power to
the Mugabe regime.
This language illustrates
the impact of the power wrought on these
communities by the Mugabe regime.
It went beyond the mental universe,
pervading even the local vocabulary,
that Mugabe was the benevolent
benefactor.
This Zanu PF
"welfare narrative" also obfuscates the fact that the
welfare came from the
tax contributions of the rural people's sons and
daughters.
Yet
not everyone was that lucky. There were a few zvimbwasungata - a
harsh
description of those that did not agree with the party, who found
themselves
marginalised from the welfare system.
The same tactics used against
opponents in the 1980s are still used
against perceived opponents. This
ability to provide or refuse access to
welfare in times of need has been a
key source of power and control over
rural voters.
Yet it
remains one of the great ironies that the poorest and most
marginalised are
at the same time deemed to be the kingmakers in Zimbabwean
politics.
The more recent controls over food aid have to be
seen within this
context: it is to ensure that Zanu PF remains the only
source of welfare and
to prevent any other party from drawing power from
this key source.
Allowing alternative sources to provide food aid
would be tantamount
to permitting the neutralisation of the long-sown idea
that only Mugabe and
Zanu PF are the caring benefactors. Zanu PF cannot
possibly permit an
alternative welfare narrative.
The second
and related source of power in the rural communities is the
fear of
ostracisation and violence. Not only does it mean that a mutengesi
(sellout)
is denied welfare, it also means that security can be withdrawn
from his
family.
The phenomenon of violence in rural areas has a long
history, dating
back to the liberation war period. While the most favoured
liberation war
narrative tends to paint a brighter picture of heroism, there
is also
another, less popular but sinister side that left a bitter taste in
the
rural communities on whose turf the war was mainly fought.
Much of this sordid violence took place in rural hinterlands. Stories
are
told of alleged vatengesi who were either maimed or killed mostly after
being found guilty by kangaroo courts.
Punishments were often
carried out in full view of the public. Many
who witnessed the reality of
violence still constitute a large portion of
the rural voters.
These historical circumstances cannot be dismissed out of hand,
especially
when the liberation party in power still uses the language of
"pasi
nevatengesi" (literally translating to "death to the sellouts").
It
is not surprising therefore, that in the language of Zanu PF, Simba
Makoni
has now joined the ranks of Morgan Tsvangirai and MDC members as a
"mutengesi". This is a language that is designed to bring back bitter
memories and instil fear in the rural communities.
Zanu PF
hopes to cash in on the seed of fear sown many years ago. It
is likely to
increase the tempo, characterising Makoni and Tsvangirai as
sellouts and
tools of the imperialists.
In order to cement this reputation and
the monopoly of this narrative,
Zanu PF creates practical barriers to
opponents in rural areas. They know
that rural voters are not gullible and
that if they have information from
other sources, they would make more
informed choices.
The deprivation of space for campaigns and
information dissemination
is part of an elaborate scheme, which includes the
monopolisation of the
media, so that rural communities are only ever exposed
to the
government-controlled radio and the party's
foot-soldiers.
But, surely, the failed promises and the bitter
poverty they have
endured for years despite voting for Zanu PF should have
taught the rural
voters important lessons. The breakdown of the economy has
led to greater
poverty and insecurity in these communities.
With not even functional shops at local townships, or unaffordable
items
where available, rural voters have been reduced to a primitive,
hunter-gatherer lifestyle. In place of soap some now resort to ruredzo - an
indigenous plant that produces slimy foam when immersed in
water.
Where once there were buses and cars, they now use
wheelbarrows and
ox-drawn carts to ferry the sick and wounded. They travel
long distances on
foot to the nearest service centre.
They are,
literally, on their way back to a bygone era, yet they are
told repeatedly
that the country will never be a colony again. Yet, in
truth, they have
become victims of a past they had seemingly escaped.
Nevertheless,
it is a constituency that is periodically manipulated
and coerced into
submission during election periods. The rural hinterlands
also provide
opportunities for cheating, there being limited vigilance.
The true
test of whether or not elections are conducted properly is
the access to
which the opposition is given to rural communities. It is
whether they can
hold rallies in those areas and freely engage in their
campaign activities.
That's where the main support is and so it follows that
that should be the
focus of campaigns.
It's well and fine to observe elections in
urban areas but the real
trickery is likely to take place in the
hinterlands.
It is not simply about opposition politicians leading
the campaign in
those communities. It is also about the citizens
participating in the
process of conscientising and reassuring their rural
counterparts.
The lack of media space can be filled in by
information dissemination
through individual citizens. Most rural dwellers
have relatives who reside
in the urban areas and in the absence of
government support they remain
their principal sources of
welfare.
The urban dwellers often have access to more information
and this has
to be transmitted more effectively to their rural counterparts.
They are not
gullible; they just want assurance and
confirmation.
They need to be aware that there are no hidden
cameras in voting
booths; that it is in their interests to do as their
hearts and stomachs
tell them; that their greatest fear is not
re-colonisation but the return to
a primitive existence.
But
this challenge can only be overcome if those that are better
informed can
play a role to disabuse their fellow citizens of the fictional
notions sown
in the communities years ago. The African family unit is wide
and closely
connected.
Even where rallies are banned, there are many forums
through which
information can be transmitted - those family gatherings,
those funeral
gatherings, the biras etc. It goes without saying that
transmitting
information to rural communities and ensuring the voters
exercise their free
choice will be the key factor in the outcome of this
election.
And for those lucky enough to be invited to observe
elections, they
had better focus on those poor rural constituencies, where
all the unsavoury
games take place, often without notice.
* Dr
Magaisa is based at the University of Kent Law School and can be
contacted
at a.t.magaisa@kent.ac.uk or wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
Zim Independent
By Rejoice
Ngwenya
ELLEN G White, the prolific 19th Century writer as
iconic in
conservative Seventh Day Adventism as Ayn Rand is in modern-day
liberal
philosophy, refers to prophets as God's messengers who bear a
critical
responsibility of exposing positive and negative facts on spiritual
status
of mankind, where necessary foretelling the evil that will befall a
whole
nation or community that defies the Creator's laws.
White
explains that, at any one time, God's people will always know
what the
future holds as long as they care to listen to the recitals of
prophets who
tend to be part of the local social fabric.
Therefore, I want to
assume a role of what the Zanu PF propaganda
machinery would label "prophet
of doom", neither being possessed by some
crude revelatory spirit nor driven
by cynical forces of pessimism, but by
empirical evidence.
This
puts me in an unenviable position of desecrating White's scenario
of
turbulence that precedes the coming of the Son of Man by placing it in a
context of one Robert Mugabe's post-election resurgence, also known as the
"son of the soil".
That scenario, minus earthquakes, is one of
untold human misery of
biblical proportions - the gnashing of teeth, war and
rumours of war,
brother against brother, hunger, disease, unprecedented
poverty, corruption,
crime and persecution of martyrs of the
truth.
The fact is that on March 31, Zimbabwe and the world may
wake up to
the reality that Mugabe has once again prevailed over the forces
of
democracy to assume another five-year term.
Of course,
knowing Zimbabweans - always the optimists - it is in bad
taste to consider
any such outcome that is incompatible with our fantasies.
From 1995, we have
always reassured ourselves that things will be all right
and would never get
any worse - the rock bottom mentality (RBM).
Every fifth year, we
have approached the ballot box with religious
zeal and conviction of a
priest in the vicinity of an altar who is convinced
that every ritualistic
act brings atonement as a just reward for confession.
Citizens of the
country have, for decades, walked out of polling stations
with a sense of
satisfaction and egotistical self-esteem bordering on
complacency that for
once the "X" they have placed in the "right" column is
a seal of future
prosperity.
The protagonists of RBM in Zimbabwe argue that there is
an imaginary
line below which economic decline, subjugation of rights,
subversion of
justice, poverty and human despair cannot go. Certain
components of Zimbabwe's
humanity, they insist, are indestructible - capable
of assuming and
retaining a residual state from which re-activation and
re-construction
remain possible.
In this category of the
"indestructible" are pride, hard work,
resilience, integrity, optimism,
constructive debate, self-belief and noble
intent. Placed in the paradigm of
a post-election Mugabe resurgence, such
attributes remain a figment of
philosophical self-delusion because while
they are important elements of
Zimbabwe's fundamental value system, they
count for nothing when pitted
against the theory of objectivism.
Students of geography and
tectonic science will know that the RBM
theory is totally discredited by the
mere fact that below the mantle there
is pressurised hot ash and lava always
ready to explode onto the surface.
Other than natural volcanic eruption, a
violent distortion and fracture of
fault lines deep in the belly of our
planet could result in volcanic
eruption - at sea, this would trigger a
tsunami.
Therefore for Zimbabweans to keep reassuring themselves
that were
Mugabe to retain his throne, our country would never sink to the
deplorable
levels of ethnic conflict experienced in the Democratic Republic
of the
Congo, Rwanda, Kenya, Darfur, Chad, Iraq and Afghanistan is
self-delusion
bordering on criminal neglect.
For the first time
since 1980, Zimbabwean voters are awake to the fact
that their vote will
usher the country's destiny into a proverbial pillar of
stone. We either
vote for the future and go forward, or we wallow in
lethargic self-pity and
sink.
I want to place my argument in a prophetic context that
requires
careful, analytical interpretation. Assuming that the trend of
catastrophic
events remains in the post-2000 negative mode, it is a correct
prognosis
that all elements responsible for volcanic action will trigger a
six-digit
reading on March 31's Richter scale.
The rationale is
simple: as long Mugabe retains power, national,
regional and international
confidence in the ability of Zimbabwe to
re-invent itself will remain low,
or altogether evaporate, unless he
undergoes a complete
transformation.
Mind you, the six-digit reading is not just mere
speculation:
inflation is already beyond 100 000% - thus living us with the
critical
figures of employment, migration, brain-drain, child mortality,
school and
college dropout, industrial, agricultural and mining
output.
As a voter, one has to enquire what it is about voting for
Mugabe that
will reverse the trend of negative social, economic, political
and
infrastructure decline Zimbabwe has been experiencing in the past twenty
years.
If, as Mugabe wants the world and us to believe,
Zimbabwe's woes are
traced to him being a victim of British and American
vilification, how is he
going to regain their confidence when George Bush,
Gordon Brown and the
"free world" have already condemned the processes
preceding the March 29
election as pointing towards "unfree and
unfair"?
As long as the Robert Mugabe brand name is dominant on
Zimbabwe's
post-March 29 political market, no known computer or prophetic
model can
extrapolate the magnitude of and resultant human catastrophe. I
will support
this statement by exposing the facts.
Zanu PF
leaders and their supporters term anyone who does not support
Mugabe an
enemy of the revolution, so you cannot rule out post-election
retribution.
All major and minor roads in towns and cities now
are now virtually
impassable, thus require a multiple-billion-dollar
resurfacing budget that
is beyond even Mugabe's wildest
imagination.
Public schools and hospitals require astronomical
capital injection -
in foreign currency - to be able to offer basic service,
since teachers and
doctors have abandoned conventional
practice.
Power outages require that Zesa - the national power
utility - invest
not less than US$100 billion to cope with industrial
demand.
No less than 1 000 professionals escape from Zimbabwe every
day,
including teachers, doctors and engineers, because of a pay packet not
sufficient even for monthly bus fare.
Universities, colleges
and high schools are operating with less that
30% of required staff due to
mass resignations.
The national banking system has completely
collapsed, with simple
money transfers taking more than 10 days to effect,
leaving millions of
account holders stranded every month.
Citizens cannot travel to and from rural homes because diesel and
petrol are
bought in US dollars, causing bus fares to double every week.
Home
development has altogether stopped because cement and brick
prices have
increased five-hundredfold in the past 12 months.
There is one
state-controlled television and radio station and one
daily newspaper in
Zimbabwe.
No public meeting can be conducted without police
authority.
Commercial farms have no title deeds.
Although duty for cars and petrol is paid for in foreign currency, it
is
still considered "illegal" to possess foreign currency in Zimbabwe!
Question: if Mugabe wins the March 29 elections, how and with whose
support
is he going to reverse the endemic trend of national emaciation? Not
a hope
in hell.
* Rejoice Ngwenya is a Harare-based writer.
Zim Independent
Comment
THE frenzy of excitement that has been created by the
emergence of a
three-horse race in the presidential poll should not blind
the nation to the
fact that the electoral process itself - currently being
manipulated by
President Mugabe's government - remains a key factor in the
outcome of the
election.
We have watched since last year - when
Zanu PF and the opposition
agreed on electoral processes as part of the
South African-brokered talks -
the deliberate violation of basic tenets of
fairness by the ruling party.
What makes this so egregious is the fact that
Zanu PF is thumbing its nose
at principles and processes that it committed
itself to respect during the
inter-party talks. It is our view that not much
has changed in Zanu PF's
mindset since the disputed elections of 2002 and
2005.
There appears to be a concerted effort by the Zanu PF
government to
place as many impediments in the path as possible to thwart
opponents and
their voters. Oppressive regimes the world over have been
accused of
employing crude methods of rigging polls like stuffing ballot
boxes and
destroying ballots cast in favour of rivals. While the Zanu PF
government
does not necessarily employ these tactics, it has mastered the
art of
manipulating the process to its advantage - from the voter
registration
exercise right up to the process of voting.
This
is despite the fact that the government has committed itself to
conducting
elections according to the norms and standards of Sadc and also
with due
respect to the laws of Zimbabwe.
When President Thabo Mbeki started
his mediation effort between Zanu
PF and the MDC last year, he said his
ultimate goal was to ensure that the
dialogue would lead to an election
whose outcome was acceptable to all
political players. This in our view was
tacit admission that for a long time
the electoral playing field has been
uneven and skewed in favour of Zanu PF.
It is still very much
so.
The dialogue has failed to render dysfunctional the traditional
Zanu
PF election-rigging machinery. It is business as usual as is evidenced
by
events on the ground. There have been reports of police preventing the
opposition from campaigning by banning rallies and public meetings. The
amendment to the Public Order and Security Act allowing parties to canvass
support without impediments do not appear to matter here as police continue
to take instruction from politicians. We still have a police force that has
been schooled to associate opposition politics with criminality and to treat
the ruling party with reverence.
There are also glaring
disparities in the allocation of airtime to
political parties with Zanu PF
getting unlimited coverage in the public
media, both electronic and print.
We see little hope in efforts by the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to right
the situation. At the moment Zanu PF
campaign stories - all with a refrain
imploring television viewers to vote
for Zanu PF - are receiving at least
80% of airtime on the main news
bulletin. The commission has said it is
putting together a team to monitor
the media and correct the situation. This
is a futile exercise which will
only result in cosmetic changes a few days
before the polls when opposition
parties will be featured on television and
radio. State broadcaster ZBC
would rather take instruction from government
spin doctors than engage in
the ethical practice of providing equitable
media access to all political
parties.
The irony of all this is
that shadowy political parties which popped
up this year have been receiving
extensive coverage on television and radio
compared to the MDC.
On the issue of the media, there are still areas in the country where
intelligence officers and Zanu PF hoodlums prevent independent newspapers
from being distributed, therefore blocking voters' access to information
about alternative political voices.
We also noticed a myriad of
impediments placed in the path of urban
voters during the voter registration
exercise where in places young voters
staying with parents were asked to
bring in bills with their names on them
as proof of residence. It has been
reported that known opposition supporters
and officials trying to check
their names at inspection centres at police
stations were subjected to
serious abuse by suborned officers.
While other countries in the
region have ceded the responsibility to
invite observers and monitors of
polls to independent electoral bodies, our
commission still does not have
such powers. The task of inviting monitors
and observers has continued to
rest with the government which invites only
cheer leaders for Zanu
PF.
There is all the evidence that our government has ceased to
care about
the legitimacy of its actions especially now when there is a real
threat to
its rule. It is all about political survival and not how a stolen
election
would sink this country further.
Zim Independent
Candid Comment
By Joram Nyathi
PRESIDENT Robert
Mugabe turned 84 this week. It is a ripe old age by
any standard. There were
a lot of congratulatory messages, up to 10 full
colour ads in the Zanu PF
party paper, The Voice.
In our African culture, the attainment of
such age should have been
cause for celebration, particularly for someone
now regarded as the founding
president of independent Zimbabwe. But that was
not to be. Mugabe has simply
confirmed his place in the league of Africa's
"Big Man" rather than the
venerable honour of world statesman.
Two remarkable things stood out in the ads in The Voice: one is that
they
came mainly from parastatals such as Zimpost, GMB, Agribank, Zinwa and
Zesa,
all of which are a huge drain on the fiscus. This can only mean that
these
ads have been wrung out of them against a promise of future
largesse.
The implication to me is that most private companies
don't feel the
same debt of gratitude to President Mugabe which parastatals
are forced to
express on the president's birthday. Many operate at less than
30% of
capacity.
The few private companies still able to make a
profit feel done in by
Mugabe's costly policies; many have shut down or
relocated to neighbouring
countries. For them the 21st February Movement,
the day commemorating the
president's birthday, has become synonymous with
toil, economic decline and
social decay and dislocation; it is a Zanu PF
thing to be rebuffed by all
right-minded Zimbabweans.
These
images of revulsion erupt as though instinctually. They reflect
how much
President Mugabe has transformed from a revered revolutionary at
Independence in 1980 to a feared and resented taskmaster whose legacy evokes
the worst tyrannies Africa has experienced in its checkered history through
slavery into independence.
The revulsion is a result of
overstaying one's welcome, and the future
doesn't look good as we enter what
could prove his Waterloo in next month's
elections.
The outcome
of that election will be an embarrassment Mugabe could
easily have avoided
by stepping aside for someone younger. The very sight of
him racing against
men of 50-60 years portends ill for democratic succession
in our body
politic. It elicits derision rather than admiration.
It has been
argued in the past that Mugabe could not leave office
because he was haunted
by his "moment of madness" ghost called Gukurahundi.
Others alleged a number
of skeletons he treaded on the road to his first
"landslide victory" in 1980
and thereafter.
If that were entirely true, one would expect him in
his golden years
to become a more gracious, lovable person. Instead he has
continued to beat
up political opponents, launch Murambatsvina and land
reform while
engineering starvation on an unimaginable scale across
Zimbabwe.
To win the elections, Mugabe needs a lot of charm. He has
none. He can't
use violence or his repressive laws if he wants a veneer of
legitimacy. It
is allegations of the same which have plunged the nation into
this
unprecedented economic and political crisis.
Mugabe cannot
claim to be fighting for Zimbabwe's sovereignty when he
should know his
victory in the March elections can't guarantee it. That
spectre can only
make Zimbabweans angrier, more desperate.
It is the perception that
Mugabe has overstayed and now wants power
for its own sake and not to
safeguard the interest of the nation that has
caused the rebellion and
defiance in Zanu PF symbolised by Simba Makoni's
decision to challenge him
for president.
The other remarkable thing about Mugabe's birthday
is his age
vis-à-vis those of the youths who will be celebrating with him in
Beitbridge
on Saturday. For most of them in their 20s and below, 84 years
must sound
like the Second Coming. They require a huge leap of faith to
contemplate
that age even without the Aids scourge which has ravaged the
population.
Under Mugabe's stewardship, the life expectancy of
Zimbabweans has
collapsed precipitously from around 60 years at Independence
to below 40
years for both men and women. The excellent health and education
facilities
which he inherited from Ian Smith and expanded so well soon after
to cater
for the previously margined blacks, he has single-handedly
wrecked.
With inflation above 100 580% and unemployment around 80%,
the youth
who will be celebrating with Mugabe have no golden past to be
nostalgic
about nor a future to give them hope. It is in fact a supreme
irony that for
the majority of them any hope in the future is premised on
his vacating the
political stage as soon as his birthday celebrations are
over, that is on
March 19, because he now constitutes a major threat to
their dreams of a
better future.
This on its own should be a
sobering thought for any leader who wants
the youths to wish for his
longevity and his virtues. But they have little
to admire in those who
should be role models for so-called "future leaders".
By virtue of
his age, and the fact that he still wants to contest an
election, President
Mugabe now inspires dread rather than reverence that
should go with old age,
for when they look at him engaged in a fight with
Morgan Tsvangirai or Simba
Makoni, they can't fathom the latter also staying
in power for 30 more years
before they (youths) can try their luck at the
ultimate political post.
Zimbabwe is indeed crying out for change.
Zim Independent
Editor's Memo
By Vincent Kahiya
ON Sunday Cypriots go to
the polls for the second time inside a month
to choose a president in second
round elections after President Tassos
Papadopoulos was eliminated on Sunday
in the first round of Cyprus's
presidential election.
Associated Press reported that the cliffhanger election saw three
candidates
neck-and-neck until the very last minute, the first time in
Cyprus that a
poll has been so closely contested by three candidates.
Communist
party leader Demetris Christofias and former Foreign
Minister Ioannis
Kasoulides of the right-wing DISY party will now vie for
the five-year
presidency in the runoff.
Final results showed Kasoulides with a
very slight lead, on 33,51%
compared with 33,29 % for Christofias.
Papadopoulos was close behind with
31,79 %.
Both are seen as
more moderate and have said they want speedy
negotiations with the Turkish
Cypriots who have been split from the Greek
Cypriot south since 1974, when a
failed bid to unite the island with Greece
triggered a Turkish
invasion.
The island's division has proven a major stumbling block
to Turkey's
efforts to join the European Union.
Despite coming
from opposite ends of the ideological spectrum,
Kasoulides and Christofias
have both stressed the need for a "diplomatic
offensive" to stave off the
threat of permanent partition.
Talks to reunite the island have
been deadlocked for years.
There are parallels between the politics
in Cyprus and our own. There
are now very realistic prospects of a first
ever presidential election
run-off in Zimbabwe.
President
Mugabe's chances of winning an absolute majority of 51% of
the vote have
dimmed since the entry of Simba Makoni into the political
race.
There are salutary lessons from Cyprus for Mugabe.
Like
Papadopoulos, his two opponents Morgan Tsvangirai and Simba
Makoni may be
coming from opposing ends of the political spectrum but they
share one
school of thought which is also a cross-cutting factor among their
respective supporters.
They believe that Mugabe is the problem
just as supporters of
Christofias and Kasoulides saw Papadopoulos as a major
bulwark against any
attempts at unification and ultimately admittance into
the European Union.
He has been removed from the race and in the second
round of polling,
Cypriots now have to decide between a communist leader and
a right winger to
fulfill national aspirations.
Next month,
Mugabe goes into the race as the fall guy here because
supporters of
Tsvangirai and Makoni regard Mugabe as the greatest impediment
to social
development because of his government's paper trail of disaster
spanning
over two decades.
Mugabe's adversaries in the poll have adopted
campaign themes that put
pressure on the octogenarian leader.
Tsvangirai is promising voters "a new beginning" and Makoni has
adopted
"dawn" as his war cry.
President Mugabe's Zanu PF is yet to come up
with its manifesto and
campaign theme.
But pronouncements by
the party's candidates in rallies lately present
clues of what this election
is about for Zanu PF. It is about consolidation.
It is about continuity. It
is about history. More accurately, it is about
stagnation.
The
people are yearning for freshness and innovation. This will not
work for
Zanu PF especially when there is nothing new about the supposed gem
in the
window.
Mugabe today cannot be associated with any novelty. The
best
propaganda handlers in Zanu PF can do is to continue to package the
aged
leader as a sabre-rattling gladiator fighting the evil ghost of
colonialism
and imperialism.
This is an environment dominated
by general shortages, poverty,
hyperinflation, low productivity in industry
and an embarrassing collapse of
social services and
infrastructure.
But Mugabe will still get votes albeit a much
reduced tally when
compared to his achievements in 2002.
There
is scope in concluding that Mugabe has lost ground since then;
so has
Tsvangirai due to his failure to capitalise on the doom and gloom
engulfing
the nation.
The lost ground by both Mugabe and Tsvangirai presents
a good
opportunity for the protest vote which could see the presidential
poll
returning figures not very different from the recent Cypriot
elections.
Depending on how Makoni and Tsvangirai put together
their campaigns,
they have a real good chance of relegating Mugabe to third
place in the poll
and effectively condemning the Zanu PF system of
governance to the scrapyard
of history.
What stands between
success and failure for oppositional forces is
their shortcomings in
mobilising against Mugabe's cunning.
Zim Independent
MuckRaker
NEW Zealand Foreign minister Winston Peters, recently
visiting South
Africa, had some pertinent remarks on Zimbabwe's electoral
process. Peters,
whose government has imposed a series of sanctions against
Robert Mugabe
after he allegedly rigged his 2002 re-election, said New
Zealand would only
have "positive thoughts for Zimbabwe" if the elections
were fully
democratic.
"Unless an election is free and fair it
is not an election," he said.
"It is a jack up. It is a construction... It
is organised deceit," he told
reporters.
His remarks came as
the state media in Zimbabwe farcically announced
Zanu PF had taken "an early
lead" in the polls because it didn't face a
challenge in two parliamentary
constituencies.
Speaking with Peters at a Pretoria press
conference, South African
Foreign minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma said
Zimbabwe's elections next month
would be free and fair only so long as new
laws on security and the media
are fully implemented.
Dlamini-Zuma said it was vital that legislation which was agreed on
between
the Zimbabwean opposition and the ruling party in talks mediated by
South
African President Thabo Mbeki is put into practice.
"If the
Zimbabweans implement everything that they have agreed upon
during their
negotiations on matters that had kept them apart - if they
implement the
laws passed by parliament around security, information, media
and all those
laws - the prospects for free and fair elections should be
good," she said.
"The important thing is all those things should be
implemented now in the
run-up to elections and during the elections."
But did Zanu PF get
the message? It is becoming increasingly clear
that this is once again a
flawed election and that agreements reached in the
inter-party talks are
meaningless.
The police continue to deny the opposition the right
to demonstrate
and even lecture the opposition on the futility of marches
while letting
those organised by the ruling party proceed.
Worse still, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission which claims to be an
independent body, has written to the Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network
telling them that they should not proceed with their voter education
campaign without the commission's approval.
Nothing could be
more calculated to thwart democratic rights and
prevent voters from making
an informed choice at the polls. Warning: This is
about to become another
pointless election.
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights have
written to the Zimbabwe
Independent to correct remarks made in this column
last week. We lamented
the failure of civic organisations such as Zimbabwe
Lawyers for Human Rights
to stand up for the rights of unpopular state
targets such as Simon Mann and
Sobusa Gula-Ndebele.
"Nobody in
Zimbabwe's self-satisfied civil society said anything," we
commented on
Mann's extradition. "Very simply they didn't want to be
identified with a
mercenary leader and thought it prudent to keep quiet.
This reflects the
immaturity of our civic and paralegal watchdogs. Outfits
like Zimbabwe
Lawyers for Human Rights need to speak out for all victims of
the regime,
not just the politically correct."
ZLHR responded: "ZLHR released
press statements, which were widely
circulated, relating to both the
extradition of Simon Mann (dated 5 February
2008) and the current events
around the suspended Attorney-General (dated 21
December 2007).
"In addition, ZLHR lawyers from our Human Rights Defenders Unit and
our
Public Interest Litigation Unit attended the tribunal hearing for the
suspended Attorney-General when it first commenced and was postponed on 28
January 2008.
"We released an information alert on the same day
in relation thereto.
Our lawyers attempted to observe the hearing, but were
barred after being
advised that the proceedings were being held in
camera.
Due to the fact the proceedings are ongoing, we will
not comment
further until the matter is finalised and we have verifiable
facts, or else
we subject ourselves to contempt of court proceedings. Do not
take this to
mean that we are not monitoring the developments and compiling
evidence of
violations in the interim.
"ZLHR, since 2003, has
continuously issued press releases condemning
the harassment of judicial
officers, including magistrates and judges, as
well as law officers within
the AG's office, and I refer you in this regard
to a 2004 publication of
attacks on the judiciary and legal profession in
which all the attacks are
documented and commented upon, as well as the 2007
publication of ZLHR and
the Law Society of Zimbabwe entitled Self-Regulation
at a Crossroads:
Attacks on lawyers and the independence of the legal
profession, both of
which have again been widely circulated."
ZLHR also responded to
accusations that it did not stand up for the
rights of commercial
farmers.
"In relation to what I presume is the Campbell matter, I
wish to
inform you that ZLHR filed a communication with the African
Commission on
Human and Peoples' Rights challenging the ouster of the
jurisdiction of the
court in matters relating to land acquisition brought
about by CA 17 and the
matter is pending before the Commission.
"We were the first organisation to take action in this manner
following the
passage of CA 17. We cannot comment on the outcome of the
constitutional
challenge, or any related cases, as this will form the basis
of our further
submissions to the commission on the exhaustion of domestic
remedies, and
public comment again could be seen as contempt of the
commission's
procedures.
"Whilst we appreciate that Muckraker is usually a
necessary satirical
commentary on the state of affairs in Zimbabwe and
further afield, it would
be appreciated if the commentary is not false or
misleading and does not
denigrate the efforts of human rights organisations
in Zimbabwe working in
an extremely oppressive operating
environment.
"ZLHR is a non-partisan organisation and we subscribe
to the fostering
of a culture of human rights throughout the country, where
the fundamental
rights and freedoms of all people are protected and
promoted.
"For an idea of the impact of our work, I would urge you
to visit the
website of the Zimbabwe Ministry of Home Affairs and read the
publication
entitled: Opposition Forces in Zimbabwe: The Naked Truth to see
what our
efforts have led to."
Russia under President Putin
is becoming increasingly assertive as it
reclaims its place on the world
stage. Viewers of CNN and the BBC will have
been struck in recent
documentaries by the purchasing power of the country's
new middle class
which has built luxury mansions in Moscow's suburbs and
doesn't hesitate to
flaunt its new-found wealth.
But in one area Russia is still very
backward. Much of its media
continues to serve a public relations function
rather than hold up a mirror
to the regime.
Nowhere is this
more evident than in the regular press conferences
Putin holds which have
become set-piece affairs where journalists ask him
questions that would make
ZTV interviewers sound aggressive.
They compete among themselves to
see who can ask the most
unchallenging and in some cases grovelling
questions which serve only to
make the Russian ruler appear omnipotent. And
these are the cream of Russia's
media profession.
"How can I
give you a St Valentine's Day present?" one female reporter
asked last
week.
"Come here," was the presidential response!
"How
would you spend your first day out of office," a senior official
helpfully
enquired ahead of Putin's retirement.
"By spending an extra hour in
bed," Putin replied.
These and other such gems provided us with
much insight as to how the
press in some societies fails to perform its role
as a public watchdog and
allows leaders to evade accountability. The press
conference lasted several
hours.
ZTV interviewers may care to
review the tape to pick up helpful hints.
Here are some thoughts
from Muckraker ahead of the birthday interview:
"Mr President, you have dug
a very impressive hole for the nation. How much
further do you propose to go
on digging?"
"Mr President, you have had 28 years to rescue the
country's economy
and provide a better life for our people. How long do you
think you need to
go on doing what you have failed to do over the past
quarter century?"
"Mr President, you are surrounded by Class A
Bootlickers like Emmerson
Mnangagwa, Didymus Mutasa, Obert Mpofu, and
Nolbert Kunonga. What quality of
advice have these admirers offered to you
and what tangible examples can you
provide of where that advice has
benefited the nation?"
Mpofu was in fine form recently urging
the people of Umguza to support
him. While there were no whites actually
standing against him, he said, "it
was imperative for the people to know
that the whites had already sent their
stooges". They were making lists of
farms they wanted to restore to their
former white owners, Mpofu
charged.
The only way to prevent reversing the gains of land reform
was to vote
for President Mugabe, he said.
"I assure you that
as long as you give me your mandate nobody will
come between us. Anyone who
pokes his nose into Umguza should know that he
would have entered my bedroom
and should be wary of the consequences."
Mpofu took a swipe at
local rival Mark Mbayiwa who he said was not a
registered party member. It
was said he had been sent by the elders to stand
against Mpofu. In which
case, Mpofu said, the elders should come themselves
to oppose
him.
In a revealing remark, Mpofu claimed some members of the
ruling party
were using party resources to support independent candidates
such as those
who nominated Mbayiwa.
What is so revealing about
this campaign is that the ruling party is
hanging out its dirty laundry for
the edification of voters. And it's not a
pretty sight!
We
can imagine the gnashing of teeth and fist-waving going on at State
House
last weekend. There was President Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania,
portrayed as
one of Zimbabwe's closest allies in the region, receiving
President Bush
amidst pomp and ceremony.
What was striking about the Bush visit
was the warmth of the
reception. This was a great deal more than protocol
required. And the US
first couple obviously felt at home.
President Mugabe has repeatedly told us that Zimbabwe's allies have
stood up
for us in the councils of the world. They have provided no purchase
to the
Bush-Brown stance on Zimbabwe, we are told.
But last weekend Bush
rebuked Mugabe as "a discredited dictator"
saying he looked forward to the
hour when "the nightmare is over and the
people of Zimbabwe regain their
freedom".
Speaking ahead of his five-nation African tour, Bush said
Zimbabweans
deserved a better leader.
"In Zimbabwe a
discredited dictator presides over food shortages,
staggering inflation, and
harsh repression," the US president said. "The
decent and talented people of
that country deserve much better."
A couple of days later he was
being embraced by Tanzania's leader.
What a fitting rebuke to Zimbabwe's
state propagandists who have told us how
hated Bush is in
Africa.
There was no mention by his hosts on his five-nation tour
of
solidarity with Zimbabwe. Nobody said sanctions against the Zanu PF
regime
should be lifted.
So who do we listen to: the regime's
public relations officers who
tell us how popular Mugabe is elsewhere in
Africa; or the tens of thousands
who turned out to greet Bush on his sweep
through Africa?
Zim Independent
By Eric
Bloch
IN the course of a radio interview last week, Godwills
Masimirembwa,
chairman of the National Incomes and Pricing Commission (NIPC)
stated that
the commission would vigorously combat and destroy the parallel
market.
Very correctly, he said that that market was a major stimulus of
the
pronounced hyperinflation which is devastating the Zimbabwean economy,
and
subjecting almost all Zimbabweans to intense poverty, horrendous
hardships,
and gross deprivations.
He said the NIPC cannot allow such
conditions to endure and, therefore, it
would ensure the demise of the
parallel market.
The motivation and intent evidenced by this declaration
is very, very
commendable, but demonstrates at total lack of awareness that,
however good
that intent, it is beyond the ability of NIPC to bring parallel
market
operations to an end, and that NIPC's proposed endeavours to do so
can, in
reality, only worsen the already grievously distressed economy, and
exponentially increase the adversities which confront Zimbabwe's peoples
endlessly.
There are two hard, incontrovertible facts that negate the
NIPC intentions
to terminate all parallel market operations.
The
first is that until such time as Zimbabwe has a sufficiency of foreign
currency, readily available in official money markets, to meet all needs of
the economy, there will always be currency trafficking in unofficial,
generally unlawful, markets, be they known as parallel markets or as the
black market. Regrettably, it is not within the capacity of NIPC to assure
that necessary foreign currency sufficiency.
The prerequisites of
adequacy of foreign currency availability are, first
and
foremost:
lZimbabwe's government must desist from its determination not
to move
exchange rates, other than only very occasionally, and then always
to a
ludicrously minimal extent. Undoubtedly its resistance to devaluation
is
driven by three misguided beliefs. The first is that devaluation is
counterproductive, for it causes the landed cost of imports to rise, thereby
fuelling inflation.
Normally that is so, but when almost all imports
are already effected at
parallel market rates, as distinct from official
rates, that inflation has
already been sustained.
Secondly,
government clearly believes devaluation to be an admission of
failure and,
as it is convinced of its absolute omnipotence, admission of
failure is
inconceivable.
Thirdly, government (and its underlying parastatals) are
the greatest users
of foreign currency and, therefore, devaluation would
increase the state's
deficit astronomically.
Ideally, the exchange
rate should not be regulated, but should be
market-determined, but until
there is a stable balance of payments, that
ideal is unlikely to
materialise.
In the interim, the exchange rate must be very substantially
moved (at the
very least to US$1: $2 000 000), in recognition of the very
major,
indisputable erosion of value of the Zimbabwean dollar), and must
thereafter
be moved regularly in alignment with actual
inflation.
Unless, and until that occurs, mines cannot operate
profitably, and
therefore increased mining production will not occur, and no
significant
investment into exploitation of Zimbabwe's vast mineral wealth
will be
forthcoming.
In like manner, manufacturing sector exports
cannot be viable when the
exchange rate is not inflation-aligned, and the
tourism sector's operations
are similarly impaired.
lAttraction of
foreign investment, which can be a substantive source of
desperately needed
foreign exchange.
But such investment is naught but a misplaced hope and
mirage, unless
Zimbabwe has an investment-conducive environment, which must
include a
stable economy, non-excessive and destructive indigenisation
policies,
cessation of asset expropriation (generally without compensation
and in
disregard for bilateral agreements and fundamental principles of
international justice) and meaningful investment
incentives.
lReconciliation with the international community in general,
and with
Bretton Woods' Institutions (IMF and World Bank) in particular,
enabling
Zimbabwean access to balance of payments support, and developmental
aid.
None of these essential economic policies and actions are within the
competence of NIPC, and therefore NIPC's intended eradication of the
parallel market cannot occur. Instead, the second hard, incontrovertible
fact must arise.
The only courses of action available to the NIPC
would be a combination of
rejecting, in all pricing models, all impartation
costs not funded through
official channels, and draconian policing of all
sectors of commerce,
industry, mining, tourism, NGOs, and the informal
sectors.
The former will occasion the failure and closure of innumerable
enterprises,
with concomitant mass unemployment and intensified scarcities
of almost all
commodities and products required by the populace.
The
then near total destruction of the business sector will result in even
more
intensified black market operations then heretofore, and even greater
deprivation and hardships for almost all.
The latter course of NIPC
actions will also collapse most informal
businesses, will remove from much
of the population the only available
sources of some livelihood, resulting
in either even more extensive
emigration (lawful and unlawful) to seek
survival in other countries,
decimation of the already severely weakened
Zimbabwean skills' resource, or
in vociferous national
unrest.
Neither of these courses of actions can, therefore, yield
anything other
than gravely negative results.
Contrary to the
praiseworthy intents voiced by the NIPC's chairman, any
direct attempt by
the NIPC to bring about the death of the parallel market
can only occasion
Zimbabwe's hyperinflation to soar upwards at an even more
horrific pace than
at present, malnutrition, starvation, ill-health and
death for many, many
Zimbabweans, and total economic emaciation.
Instead, the NIPC should seek
to use such influence as it may have, if any,
to convince government to
abandon its destructive economic and allied
policies, and to take the much
overdue steps actually necessary to bring
about the economic metamorphosis
so badly needed.
That economic transformation has long been needed, and
even longer has it
been possible, if government only possessed the will to
effect the required
changes.
If NIPC can imbue it with that will, the
underlying motive behind its
Chairman's statement will be the
result.
If not, NIPC's good intentions can only pave the way to a hell of
even more
gargantuan Zimbabwean suffering.
Trust not Makoni
ONE of the hardest qualities to possess in life is
learning who to
trust. It's a sign of maturity when individuals and nations
acquire the
judgement to know who to trust and who to be wary
of.
Slowly, with experience we discover the people who will not let
us
down; we know they will be there when we need them and do what is right
for
us, the people who trust them. Elections are occasions when we get the
chance to exercise that judgement on a national level.
At
Independence in 1980 we trusted Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF to do
what was
right for us as a nation. We, the people, gave Mugabe the power
that he has
enjoyed for 28 years.
One of the hardest truths for Zimbabweans to
accept is that our trust
was misplaced. We look around and see a nation
tearing itself apart. We no
longer know who to trust; Mugabe has succeeded
in turning what was once a
trusting - some would say naïve - and united
people into a fractured
collection of individuals who are no longer sure who
to trust. We have lost
faith in each other and in our leaders (traditional,
political and even
religious). Mugabe and Zanu PF have almost destroyed the
moral fibre of our
society.
We have repeatedly been told by
Mugabe and his followers that the only
thing that counts is loyalty to the
ruling party, anything less is betrayal.
MDC supporters and anyone else who
dares to think differently are branded
traitors. According to the ruling
party, liberation credentials are still
the only criteria of the true
patriot. That is the Zanu PF mantra, the very
basis of their belief that
only they are entitled to rule Zimbabwe through
whatever crooked means they
choose.
Enter one Simba Makoni. Where was Makoni during
Murambatsvina? Where
was he when MDC leaders were being beaten to a pulp?
Where was Makoni when
the brave women of Woza were arrested and beaten for
handing out roses on
Valentine's Day or when the police repeatedly misused
their powers against
the NCA to prohibit any form of demonstration? Where
was he when our economy
was diving into free fall, when education and
healthcare were being
destroyed? Where was Makoni when the press was being
muzzled and all dissent
was being crushed?
The answer to all
these questions is that Makoni was nowhere to be
seen. Not once did he raise
his voice in protest. Instead he was there at
the heart of the ruling party,
part of the machinery of a government that
sanctioned all the repressive
legislation designed to keep Zanu PF in power.
All his political life,
Makoni has been an integral part of the ruling party
and now he tells us
that he will bring about change through "national
re-engagement" - whatever
that means!
Zimbabweans are amazingly prepared to put their trust
in a man like
Makoni, who states quite categorically that he is not against
Zanu PF, not
against Robert Mugabe. Have they forgotten why they are in the
mess they are
in? Zimbabweans have short memories it seems.
PH,
Diaspora.
----------------------
Where was he all these
years?
MAY I warn the Zimbabwean electorate about the
true colours of
Simba Makoni who has just joined the presidential
race.
Makoni remains as evil as Zanu PF and Robert Mugabe
despite
claiming to have finally seen the light about the Zimbabwean crisis.
He is
still with Zanu PF and is part of those false opposition parties and
leaders
that Mugabe and Zanu PF create during every election to exaggerate
the level
of democracy in Zimbabwe and to legtimise the elections that are
always
rigged in this country.
I appeal to my fellow
countrymen and women not to be fooled by
him. He tells us that he was forced
to challenge for the position of
president after what happened at the Zanu
PF extraordinary congress last
December and the decline of the economy in
the last eight years.
The truth is that there was definitely
nothing new about the
conduct of political business by Zanu PF and Mugabe at
that congress.
Political business in Zanu PF is about seeing no evil about
Mugabe's conduct
and misrule; lies and propaganda, political violence and
intolerance;
corruption and rigging of elections; and abusing state
machinery like the
police and the army. This is the history of Mugabe and
Zanu PF since the
struggle for Independence up to this
day.
Makoni worked with Mugabe and Zanu PF whilst fully aware
of the
mentioned evils. Anybody who represents reason would have resigned
when Zanu
PF and Mugabe were committing cruelty against the people of
Zimbabwe long
back rather than today.
Makoni cannot tell
us that what happened during the last
congress is worse than the evils of
Murambatsvina and the land invasions. We
would have done very well with his
voice against these evils when they were
happening. He chose to remain
silent. He even talks of the bank queues when
they have disappeared. I do
not think Makoni stood in these queues like he
tries to make people believe.
He falls into the same category as Jonathan
Moyo and Gideon Gono who are
always trying to potray themselves as
sympathetic guys when they are
actually as cruel as Mugabe and Zanu PF.
These people have let down the
country and they traded their souls for
political
appointments.
Tafumaneyi Stanley
Tapera,
Harare.
---------------------
Makoni can be assured of my
vote
WHEN I get into the polling booth on March 29, I
will put an "X"
against Simba Makoni's name.
This is not
induced by any empty promises that we have always
had for ages at election
time. I don't need to hear him campagning but I
really feel he deserves to
be there and he will assist us recover our lustre
again.
The same goes for a lot of people who feel the same. Makoni is
just a brand,
it does not matter how many times their propaganda machine
will run against
him, victory is certain.
Voting for Makoni is voting Zimbabwe
out of trouble. It is
acceptance of our past failures, it is cognisance of
the fact that the
future is not for the old but for the young. Voting for
Makoni will entrust
the economy to the most noble hands.
The panic brought about by Makoni's announcement in Zanu PF
abounds for
everyone to see. Makoni is not the first one to leave the party
so why did
it have to become the biggest story on ZTV?
If the party had
people at heart, it would have welcomed this
position and convened a meeting
to consider having a primary election for
the presidential candidate
position, the same way they are dealing with the
disputed parliamentary
seats. If I read well their propaganda paper, the
Herald, Henrietta Rushwaya
was beaten in one constituency and went on to
throw her bid in Shuvai
Mahofa's constituency which was initially unopposed.
What is the difference
with Makoni's case, seeing Mugabe was not challenged
at first but now there
is someone who is willing to challenge him?
Anonymous,
By e-mail.
---------------------
Makoni does not need Zanu PF
backers
IT is very interesting that people want to
measure presidential
aspirant Simba Makoni by how many corrupt and spineless
officals from Zanu
PF he has mobilised.
As true
Zimbabweans we do not need those people, neither does
Makoni because they
have failed us and they will only be a liability to the
new revolution. They
will not risk it because they are going to lose
everything they looted. Let
us not shift our focus on the main goal which is
to have Makoni as our
president by dwelling on trivialities which will not
change or reverse an
inflation rate of 66 000%.
Makoni do not be afraid, we the
masses are behind you and that
is all you need.
Nhamoinesu,
widezim@yahoo.com
-----------------------
Illegal or just
immoral
GIDEON Gono has on several occasions said that if
he has done
anything illegal then he should be taken to court. Technically
he may be
correct but how about the morality of things where the ruling body
makes
rules for themselves?
How can the government set a
fixed official bank exchange rate
of US$1: $30 000 in an environment where
inflation is the highest in the
world, when the only people who can access
US dollars at this rate are the
ruling elite and I am sure the governor of
the Reserve Bank - as a perk of
the job. The absurdity of this rate of
exchange is reflected in the fact
that there are different rates applicable
to different things including
customs duty.
Why have
different rates? Perhaps because certain privileged
persons can purchase
US$100 for the price that the ordinary man in the
street pays for a loaf of
bread.
So although Gono may be right as to the law and
legality of his
actions, the sale of US dollars by the Reserve Bank to
anyone in government
or anyone who can influence the official rate of
exchange is highly immoral.
In the same way it is highly
immoral for any government to make
rules which benefit themselves as
individuals. One only has to look at
subsidies. Who benefits from cheap fuel
and farming inputs created by
government? Could it be that many of the
recipients of the fuel and
agricultural inputs are connected to that same
government? Immoral!
William Peters
Wilts.
---------------------
Muckraker
is biased
I hAVE been reading your newspaper for a while now and
I must
say your ability to assess the poltical situation in our beloved
country is
next to none.
However, I would like to point
out that it seems when it comes
to the opposition, it is clear that your
paper has a bias towards Arthur
Mutambara. I refer to Muckraker's comment in
the last issue (Zimbabwe
Independent, February 15). It is obvious to me that
you are biased and that
does not display the type of critical journalism you
want to uphold.
It really puts off the reader and if you are
really for change
in the country you would play your part to unite the
opposition instead of
assisting one side to win the
masses.
You are their only voice so let the people decide
without you
manipulating them through your newspaper. But keep up the
excellent
reporting.
munyankomo@graffiti.net
When last we saw the lost Ark of the Covenant in action, it had been dug up by Indiana Jones in Egypt and ark-napped by Nazis, whom the Ark proceeded to incinerate amidst a tempest of terrifying apparitions. But according to Tudor Parfitt, a real life scholar-adventurer, Raiders of the Lost Ark had it wrong, and the Ark is actually nowhere near Egypt. In fact, Parfitt claims he has traced it (or a replacement container for the original Ark), to a dusty bottom shelf in a museum in Harare, Zimbabwe.
Parfitt, 63, is a professor at the University of London's prestigious School of Oriental and African Studies. His new book, The Lost Ark of the Covenant: Solving the 2,500 Year Mystery of the Fabled Biblical Ark (HarperOne) along with a History Channel special scheduled for March 2 would appear to risk a fine academic reputation on what might be called a shaggy Ark story. But the professor has been right before, and his Ark fixation stems from his greatest coup. In the 1980s Parfitt lived with a Southern African clan called the Lemba, who claimed to be a lost tribe of Israel. Colleagues laughed at him for backing the claim; in 1999, a genetic marker specific to descendents of Judaism's Temple priests (cohens) was found to appear as frequently among the Lemba's priestly cast as in Jews named Cohen. The Lemba — and Parfitt — made global news.
Parfitt started wondering about another aspect of the Lemba's now-credible oral history: a drumlike object called the ngoma lungundu. The ngoma, according to the Lemba, was near-divine, used to store ritual objects, and borne on poles inserted into rings. It was too holy to touch the ground or to be touched by non-priests, and it emitted a "Fire of God" that killed enemies and, occasionally, Lemba. A Lemba elder told Parfitt, "[It] came from the temple in Jerusalem. We carried it down here through Africa."
That story, by Parfitt's estimation, is partly true, partly not. He is not at all sure, and has no way of really knowing, whether the Lemba's ancestors left Jerusalem simultaneously with the Ark (assuming, of course, that it left at all). However, he has a theory as to where they might eventually have converged. Lemba myth venerates a city called Senna. In modern-day Yemen, in an area with people genetically linked to the Lemba, Parfitt found a ghost town by that name. It's possible that the Lemba could have migrated there from Jerusalem by a spice route — and from Senna, via a nearby port, they could have launched the long sail down the African coast. As for the Ark? Before Islam, Arabia contained many Jewish-controlled oases, and in the 500s AD, the period's only Jewish kingdom. It abutted Senna. In any case, the area might have beckoned to exiled Jews bearing a special burden. Parfitt also found eighth-century accounts of the Ark in Arabia, by Jews-turned-Muslims. He posits that at some undefined point the Lemba became the caretakers of the Ark, or the ngoma.
Parfitt's final hunt for the ngoma, which dropped from sight in the 1940s, landed him in sometimes-hostile territory ("Bullets shattered the rear screen," of his car, he writes). Ark leads had guided him to Egypt, Ethiopia and even New Guinea, until one day last fall his clues led him to a storeroom of the Harare Museum of Human Science in Zimbabwe. There, amidst nesting mice, was an old drum with an uncharacteristic burnt-black bottom hole ("As if it had been used like a cannon," Parfitt notes), the remains of carrying rings on its corners; and a raised relief of crossed reeds that Parfitt thinks reflects an Old Testament detail. "I felt a shiver go down my spine," he writes.
Parfitt thinks that whatever the supernatural character of Ark, it was, like the ngoma, a combination of reliquary, drum and primitive weapon, fueled with a somewhat unpredictable proto-gunpowder. That would explain the unintentional conflagrations. The drum element is the biggest stretch, since scripture never straightforwardly describes the Ark that way. He bases his supposition on the Ark's frequent association with trumpets, and on aspects of a Bible passage where King David dances in its presence. Parfitt admits that such a multipurpose object would be "very bizarre" in either culture, but insists, "that's an argument for a connection between them."
So, had he found the Ark? Yes and no, he concluded. A splinter has carbon-dated the drum to 1350 AD — ancient for an African wood artifact, but 2,500 years after Moses. Undaunted, Parfitt asserts that "this is the Ark referred to in Lemba tradition" — Lemba legend has it that the original ngoma destroyed itself some 400 years ago and had to be rebuilt on its own "ruins" — "constructed by priests to replace the previous Ark. There can be little doubt that what I found is the last thing on earth in direct descent from the Ark of Moses."
Well, perhaps a little doubt. "It seems highly unlikely to me," says Shimon Gibson, a noted biblical archaeologist to whom Parfitt has described his project. "You have to make tremendous leaps." Those who hope to find the original biblical item, moreover, will likely reject Parfitt's claim that the best we can do is an understudy. Animating all searches for the Ark is the hope — and fear — that it will retain the unbridled divine power the Old Testament describes. What would such a wonder look like in our postmodern world? What might it do? Parfitt's passionately crafted new theory, like his first, could eventually be proven right. But if so, unlike the fiction in the movies, it would deny us an explosive resolution.