LISTING
LOT 12 SECTION 7 listing in Herald 25th February 2005:
Farmers are
reminded that they have FIVE DAYS within which to lodge "Heads of Argument"
objections.
FARMERS ARE STRONGLY ADVISED TO CONTACT THEIR LEGAL
PRACTITIONERS AS A MATTER OF URGENCY TO OBVIATE THE MATTER BEING SET DOWN
UN-OPPOSED AND LOSING THE CASE BY
DEFAULT.
NOTICE
OF APPLICATION FOR CONFIRMATION OF SECTION 8 ORDER IN TERMS OF SECTION 7 (3)
OF THE LAND ACQUISITION ACT CHAPTER 20:10
TAKE NOTICE that an application
for the confirmation of the acquisition order issued in respect of the
following farms has been filed in the Administrative Court at Harare and that
the Respondent and any holder of real rights over the said farm are required
to lodge their objections within 5 days after the publication of this notice
failure of which the matter shall be set down unopposed without any further
notice.
A copy of the application is available for collection at
Applicant's undersigned legal practitioner of record's address between Monday
to Friday from 8 am to 4 pm.
CIVIL DIVISION OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL'S
OFFICE Applicant's Legal Practitioners 2nd Floor, Block "A" New Govt.
Complex Cnr Samora Machel Ave/Fourth St. HARARE
J L
NKOMO Minister of Special Affairs in the Office of the President and
Cabinet Responsible for Lands, Land Reform and
Resettlement
LISTING
LOT 12 SECTION 7 listing in Herald 25th February
2005:
SCHEDULE
Beitbridge 1., 3971/88, Manange P/L, Beitbridge,
Lot 11 of Jopempi Block, 7 655.0404 ha., Case No. LA 1288/02. 2.,1522/89,
threeways P/L, Beitbridge, Remainder of Bothasrus C of Nuanetsi Ranch A,
335.9731 ha., Case 5307/05. 3., 3929/86, Sentinel Ranch P/L, Beitbridge, The
Remainder of Mopani of Nuanetsi Ranche A, 5 817.0291 ha., Case No. LA
3295/03.
Bindura 4., 2765/94, Mckersie Enterprises P/L, Bindura,
Bunaverty, 700.2400 ha., Case No. LA 3413/03.
Bubi 5., 1394/92,
John glendinning, Bubi, Maldon, 2 565.5385 ha, Case No. LA 5320/05. 6.,
1052/84, J Joubert & son P/L, Bubi, The Remainder of Portwe, 2
099.5399 ha., Case No. LA 5306/05., 7., 2958/83, Edmond Mathew
Grenfell-Dexter, Bubi, The Remainder of Robert block, 242.8934 ha., Case No.
LA 5346/05., 8., 455/56, Sommer Ranching P/L, Bubi, Kenelworth Block Estate,
144 357.9600 ha, Case No. LA 5324/05.
Bulalimamangwe 9., 2541/80,
Conco P/L, Bulalimamangwe, Smith Block, 8 218.5976 ha., Case No. LA
5377/05.
Bulawayo 10., 3471/86, Kloof Poultry P/L, Bulawayo, Lot 23C
Helenvale Farm, 860.7105 ha, Case No. LA 5359/05. 11., 1866/77, Alastair
Arnold Kay, Bulawayo, S/D S South of the Helenvale Block, 866.1938 ha., Case
No. LA 5277/05.
Charter 12., 4276/67, Iris Mary O'Neill, Charter,
Vlakfontein Estate, 4 709.9470 acres, Case No. LA 5174/04. 13., 1011/98,
Adore Gold Insurance P/L, Charter, Remainder of Swartfontein, 1 127.8689 ha.,
Case No. LA 5380/05.
Chipinga 14., 4480/96, Packwood Investments P/L,
Chipinga, Remainder of Dhleni of Hartbeest Neck, 429.2876 ha., Case No. LA
4166/04.
Darwin 15., 9789/97, Caithness Farming P/L, Darwin,
Trossachs, 1 893.9778 ha., Case No. LA 3406/03. 16., 350/82, Barbara Ada
Snook, Darwin, Bretten, 735.0402 ha., Case No. LA 3427/03. 17., 6409/90,
Dunsburg Farm P/L, Darwin, Lot 1 of Dunsberry Hill, 413.2187 ha, Case No. LA
3433/03.
Gatooma 18., 843/71, Barend Hubertius vorster, Gatooma,
Oddbit, 609.5800 ha, Case No. LA 2105/02. 19., 1691/80, Claude Edwards son
P/L, Gatooma, Tannach of Railway Farm II, 281.5760 ha, Case No. LA
3036/02.,
Goromonzi 20., 4975/97, Darnall Investments P/L, Goromonzi,
Lot 2 of Stuhm, 412.1091 ha, Case No. LA 5331/05. 21., 1918/70, A G
Staunton & Sons P/L, Goromonzi, The Grove Estate, 2 684.7530 acres, Case
No. LA 2090/02. 22., 2902/91, D R Reitz & Son Farming Enterprises P/L,
Goromonzi, Good Hope of Twentydale Estate, 40.4677 ha., Case No. LA
5285/05. 23., 4312/93, Dorisdale Farming P/L, Goromonzi, Wychwood, 348.5500
ha., Case No. LA 2410/02.
Hartley 24., 8224/95, Bushmeat
Enterprises P/L, Hartley, Drumwhirn of Silverstone, 487.55 ha., Case No. LA
2565/02., 25., 7842/72, Berkeley Estate P/L, Hartley, Berkeley Estate, 5
129.440 ha., Case No. LA 2935/02. 26., 7410/86, Aitape Estate (1962) P/L,
Hartley, Aitape, 1 320.7508 ha, Case No. LA 584/01. 27., 4165/91, Impophoe
Farm P/L, Hartley, Impofhoe, 705.8400 ha., Case No. LA 811/01. 28.,
3138/88, Canpac (1991) P/L, Hartley, Remaining Extent of Oldham, 712.9170 ha,
Case No. LA 5276/05. 29., 1145/90, Wicklow Investments P/L, Hartley,
Woodlands of Railway 20, 1 258.6600 ha, Case No. LA 1982/02. 30., 9573/02,
Conjugal Enterprises P/L, Hartley, Remainder of Lot 2A Bedford, 328.2954 ha.,
Case No. LA 5357/05. 31., 2471/85, Andries Daniel Swart, Hartley, Lot 1 of
Crown Ranch, 1 09.8265 ha, Case No. LA 5372/05. 32., 10743/89, Blandale
Estates P/L, Hartley, Farm Greendale, 1 241.5615 ha, Case No. LA
449/01. 33., 5753/91, Spencer Estates P/L, Hartley, Spencer, 809.3500 ha.,
Case No. LA 814/01.
Lomagundi 34., 8431/96, Heedcorn Enterprises
P/L, Lomagundi, Tevrede, 877.9600 ha, Case No. LA 3337/03. 35., 4824/90,
Southend Farm P/L, Lomagundi, Lot 1 of Southend, 6 350.8300 ha, Case No. LA
3329/03. 36., 5876/74, Rudi P/L, Lomagundi, Rocklands of Bowden, 446.7600 ha,
Case No. LA 2389/02. 37., 5184/85, Abraham Lodewickus Viljoen, Lomagundi,
Chimanimani, 847.71 ha, Case No. LA 3277/03. 38., 1749/65, Firhill Farms
P/L, Lomagundi, Firhill Extension of Nidderdale, 1 045.4100 ha, Case No. LA
2674/02. 39., 7336/81, Lourens Abraham Coetzer, Lomagundi, Lot 4 of Kosana
Ranch, 1 009.9178 ha, Case No. LA 3453/03. 40., 822/87, Nick Arkel P/L,
Lomagundi, Junction, 756.7337 ha, Case No. LA 3373/03. 41., 1361/75, W
Smith and Sons P/L, Lomagundi, Irenedale, 1 167.4053 acres, Case No. LA
3650/03. 42., 7498/96, J M G Dawson, Lomagundi, Rainham, 2 119.0000 ha, Case
No. LA 4578/04. 43., 2071/65, Hunter Coetzee, Lomagundi, Estelle of Alfa,
839.5388 acres, Case No. LA 2112/02. 44., 4941/90, Shukelaw P/L,
Lomagundi, Doonside, 946.6303 ha, Case No. LA 3070/02. 45., 2300/86,
Kingston Farm P/L, Lomagundi, Lot 1 of Mowe Flats, 397.3826 ha, Case No. LA
4799/04. 46., 871/87, Mutala Farms P/L, Lomagundi, Farm Zintafuli, 1 199.0239
ha, Case 149/00. 47., 56/50, Western Park estates P/l, Lomagundi,
Remaining Extent of Weston Park, 605.487 morgen, Case No. LA 5394/05. 48.,
4597/82, Chesdale Farm P/L, Lomagundi, Silverside, 2 488.1800 ha, Case No. LA
3069/02. 49., 8140/72, J H Wessels and Company P/L, Lomagundi, Lot E of
Farm Donnington, 567.8715 ha, Case No. LA 3648/03. 50., 9514/98, Beaford
Investments P/l, Lomagundi, Bakwe, 590.9975 ha, Case No. LA 3610/03. 51.,
166/71, John Hector Duffield, Lomagundi, Tennessee Ranch, 1 573.8969 ha, Case
No. LA 3611/03. 52., 4473/57, Allan Wallace Williamson, Lomagundi, remaining
Extent of Manengas, 820 morgen, Case No. LA 277/00. 53., 2817/77, Natalia
Farm P/L, Lomagundi, R/E of Sligo, 657.3515 ha, Case No. LA
3049/02.
Marandellas 54., 5227/98, Luminagua P/L, Marandellas, Lot 6
of Cotter, 41.0509 ha, Case No. LA 5374/05. 55., 8252/96, Frank Gerald
Hill, Marandellas, Cloverholme of Longlands, 424.8300 ha, Case No. LA
15315/05. 56., 1949/81, Martin Gore Stewart, Marandellas, Membge of
Carruthersville E, 303.7255 ha, Case No. LA 5289/05. 57., 6785/87, Lynton
Farm P/L, Marandellas, R/E Anstey, 699.7786 ha, Case No. LA
5318/05.
Matobo 58., 2313/74, Ian Ranken Pattullo and Joan Kirsteen
ure Dodman, Matobo, Bedza of Famona, 513.9108 ha, Case No. LA
5387/05.
Mazoe 59., 7972/98, Elgrey Management P/L, Mazoe, The
Remaining Extent of Ndiri of Moores Grant, 282.1486 ha, Case No. LA
5365/05. 60., 244/95, Bigburry Farm P/L, Mazoe, Sandown, 1 337.9711 ha, Case
No. LA 3160/02. 61., 800819/97, Lomaz Sugar Mill P/l, Mazoe, Wood Brock
North of Woodbroke, 754.23 ha, Case No. LA 1914/02. 62., 855/87, N H
Bennet P/L, Mazoe, Nangura, 809.7400, Case No. LA 2042/02. 63., 6687/2000,
Getthrough Investment P/L, Mazoe, Lot 3 of Mbebi jersey Farm, 126.5410 ha,
Case No. LA 5399/05. 64., 7341/95, Ansellia P/L, Mazoe, The Remainder of
Oldbury, 815.8676 ha, Case No. LA 2513/02. 65., '96/75, Holme Eden P/L,
Mazoe, Holme Eden of Barwick Estate, 2 035.4700 ha, Case No. LA
2453/02. 66. 6140/72, R A Beatrice & Sons P/L, Mazoe, Lazy Seven of
Baarwick Estate, 861.44 ha, Case No. LA 3379/03. 67., 3539/81, Douglas
John Duncan, Mazoe, Kartu, 644 morgen, Case No. LA 1496/02. 68., 931/92,
Fantail Farms P/L, Mazoe, Lot 1 of Springvale, 738.2173 ha, Case No. LA
5292/05. 69., 7298/80, David Arnold Coleman, Mazoe, Lot 1 of Lot 1 of Lazy 7
Ranch of Barwick Estate, 1 863.6256 acres, Case No. LA 3156/02. 70.,
3879/83, James Mascwell Arrousell, Mazoe, Farm 15 of Glendale, 428.2600 ha,
Case No. LA 3096/02. 71., 119/96, Nyongomo Investments P/L, Mazoe, Chelwey, 2
632.66 ha, Case No. LA 3439/03. 72., 4232/96, Turrinton Investments P/L,
Mazoe, burnleigh, 1 146.88 ha, Case No. LA 1962/02. 73., 4734/79, R A
Beattie & sons P/L, Mazoe, S/D L of Barwick Estate, 1 328.1200 ha, Case
No. LA 3385/03. 74., 119/96, Nyongoro Investments P/L, Mazoe, Benridge Gate,
94.81 ha, Case No. LA 3434/03. 75., 2531/95, Caldermill Enterprises P/L,
Mazoe, wolfhill, 559.2492 ha, Case No. LA 3625/03. 76., 5661/82, Jeremey
Deacon Eastwood, Mazoe, Watchfield, 1 503.0 morgen, Case No. LA
1650/02. 77., 1514/69, theore Sisters Farm P/L, Mazoe, S/D A of Omeath, 2
099.9600 ha, Case No. LA 3446/03.
Mrewa 78., 5855/72, Trico Tobacco
Estate, Mrewa, Rupture, 1 332.7549 ha, Case No. LA 5174/04. 79., 7167/95,
P Robart Morgan and son P/L, Mrewa, Craigielea Estate, 768.2929 ha, Case No.
LA 4213/04. 80., 1941/83, Hermanus Van Duren, Mrewa, Corbie, 572.6300 ha,
Case No. LA 648/01.
Ndanga 81., 6809/88, Peter Sourtherton
Hingeston, Ndanga, Remainder of Lot 1A of Triangle Ranch, 211.5373 ha, Case
No. LA 5370/05.
Nyamandhlovu 82., 3208/95, David Gerald Hunt,
Nyamandhlovu, Naseby North, 1 265.0129 ha, Case No. LA 5362/05. 83.,
1040/1970, R H Greaves P/L, Nyamandhlovu, Matabeleland Concession Block, 15
873.7015 acres, Case No. LA 5373/05. 84., 1325/82, Junpor P/L, Nyamandhlovu,
Porter Farm, 1 295.5393 ha, Case No. LA 5322/05. 85., 2733/86, Quinton
Ehlers, Nyamandhlovu, Mimosa Park East, 2 568.9403 ha, Case No. LA
5293/05. 86., 231/97, Merryfield Farming P/L, Nyamandhlovu, S/D A of Steven's
Farm, 1 214.0344 ha, Case No. LA 5379/05. 87., 1628/49, the Administrators
of The Estate of the late Alfred Jeffrey Olds, Nyamandhlovu, S/D A of bongolo
known as Rathlyn, 1 266 morgen, 266 square rods, Case No. LA
5375/05.
Que Que 88., 3263/80, William James Martin Henry Kaulback,
Que Que, Dunlop Ranch, 7 229.6188 ha, Case No. LA
5188/04.
Salisbury 89., 1846/75, Nelson Estates P/L, Salisbury,
Witham, 1 414.9700 ha, Case No. LA 2850/02. 90., 3858/95, Cregg Conell
P/l, Salisbury, Lot 1 of Somerby, 101.6557 ha, Case No. LA 3899/04. 91.,
2301/94, Allan Francis Munn, Salisbury, Remaining Extent of Mashonganyika,
209.7241 ha, Case No. LA 3292/03. 92., 3912/84, game Trapper Pionners P/L,
Salisbury, glenroy, 569.1500 ha, Case No. LA 3993/04. 93., 632/90, Funden
Hall P/l, Salisbury, Remainder of Nyarungu S/D of S/D A of Stoneridge,
113.8045 ha, Case No. LA 5025. 94., 7373/88, Peter John Moor, Salisbury,
Delamore, 859.9441 ha, Case No. LA 3775/04. 95., 1447/70, Aberfoyle
Farming Company P/L, Salisbury, Kintre, 1 860.7181 acres, Case No. LA
799/01. 96., 1817/54, A L Millar & Sons P/l, Salisbury, Mackay, 2 070
morgen, Case No. LA 1564/02.
Shamva 97., 664/71, Morkel Reginald
Philipps, Shamva, Remainder of Ceres, 1 157.3475 ha, Case No. LA
3435/03.
Sipolilo 98., 6984/88, Alan Maclaggen jack, Sipolilo, Wama,
693.8200 ha, Case No. LA 472/01. 99., 10724/89, Deborah Jane Laing;
Hayley-Joy Laing; Charlene Dale Laing; Paula Jane Laing, Sipolilo, gurungwe
estates, 2 047.6641 ha, Case No. LA 5298/05. 100., 1351/73, Disi P/L,
Sipolilo, Disi estate, 5 022.6218 ha, Case No. LA 1450/02. 101., 3610/91,
NRE Farming P/L, Sipolilo, Mutendamambo, 1 288.7837 morgen, Case No. LA
1475/02. 102., 7614/86, Peter Bernard Bowen, Sipolilo, Nyambwe, 1 224.6730
ha, Case No. LA 505/01. 103., 19194/61, Michael Barry McGraath, Sipolilo,
Siyalima, 1 916.2046 ha, Case No. LA 1779/02. 104., 3102/82, David
Frederick Dolphin, Sipolilo Mount Fatigue, 2 928.9089 acres, Case No. LA
1458/02.
Umzingwane 105., 2725/74, Endersby Estate P/l, Umzingwane,
Lot 34 o Essexvale Estate, 258.3515 ha, Case No. LA 1088/02. 106., 76/79,
Cumming estates P/L, Umzingwane, Lot No 82 of Essexvale este, 2 014.1022 ha,
Case No. LA 847/01. 107., 4110/88, Kenneth Micael Lee, Umzingwane, dagbreek
of Lot 45B of Essexvale Estate, 101.0409 ha, Case No. LA
3581/03.
Urungwe 108., 5224/86, Algehide HoldingsP/L, Urungwe, Lot 1
of woodlands, 364.0773 ha, Case No. LA 3631/03. 109., 7973/94, Dixie Farm
P/L, Urungwe, Dixie, 931.0738 ha, Case No. LA 3725/04. 110., 4690/70,
Brienne Farm P/L, Urungwe, Lot 1 of Strathyre, 1 020.8546 acres, Case No. LA
3663/03. 111., 4108/98, Edenbury Farming P/L, Urungwe, tengwe 121, 309.0666
ha, Case No. LA 3473/02.
Victoria 112., 2529/90, Harold Arthur
Pateson, Victoria, Lamotte, 428.2590, ha, Case No. LA 4436/04. 113.,
8133/88, John Keith Brown, Victoria, the Remaining Extent of Bannockburn
Extension, 16.4019 ha, Case No. LA 4385/04. 114., 7714/96, Elsie Sunna
coventry, Victoria, Greenhills estate, 3 037.1627 ha, Case No. LA
892/01. 115., 100/61, H G & P D Swart P/L, Victoria, Dompst, 933.47 ha,
Case No. LA 3150/02.
Wankie 116., 4106/02, Zimbabwe Development
Bank, Wankie, Dett Valley A, 2 047.7735 ha, Case No. LA
5311/05.
Wedza 117., 5102/70, Lamba Farms P/L, Wedza, Ifudu Estate, 3
278.07 acres, Case No. LA 2812/02.
End LOT 12 Section 7
SCHEDULE ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
JAG TEAM
JAG Hotlines: +263 (011) 205 374 If you are in trouble or
need advice, please don't hesitate to
contact us - we're here to help! +263
(04) 799 410 Office Lines
Zimbabwe's
Impending Elections - What Other Countries Can Do, and Why
by Roger
Bate
Without pressure from outside nations, upcoming elections in
Zimbabwe are almost certain to hasten the country's slide into dictatorship
under longtime leader Robert Mugabe. Pressure must be brought to bear
on Zimbabwe 's Southern African neighbors to enforce the agreed
election protocols or they, and not just Zimbabwe, should face the withdrawal
of aid, trade deals, and other U.S. largesse.
His Excellency Comrade
Robert Mugabe remains president of Zimbabwe because he is a tyrant who stole
two elections. The international community is absolutely convinced of this,
but South Africa and most of Zimbabwe's neighbors have refused to condemn
him. Instead, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) is trying to
cajole Mugabe into acting decently. It is failing miserably.
Two years
ago, South Africa's president, Thabo Mkebi, gave President Bush the assurance
that his "quiet diplomacy" would resolve the impending problem of a complete
lack of democratic process in Zimbabwe. Now that the date of presidential and
parliamentary elections has been announced as March 31, the problem has
become urgent. All signs indicate that Comrade Robert intends to cheat and
brawl his way to another "victory."
In August 2004, the leaders of SADC,
an alliance of fifteen southern African countries, agreed to adopt electoral
guidelines intended to ensure free and fair elections throughout the region.
Part of the deal was that a SADC team would be invited to visit each country
prior to elections and assess whether the guidelines were being implemented.
When it came to Zimbabwe, South Africa was confident that these arrangements
would satisfy critics who had accused SADC leaders of allowing Mugabe to
rampage over civil freedoms. But South Africa's foreign minister,
Nkosozana Dlamini-Zuma, was obliged to admit to a parliamentary media
briefing that the SADC team would be welcome only as part of a pan-African
(African Union) poll observer team, and not significantly in advance of
the elections.
Mugabe well understands that limited election
monitoring is the absolute minimum requirement that allows his regime to be
internationally recognized. By allowing the SADC a brief, sanitized glimpse
at the election process, Mugabe is shrewdly trying to use the organization as
a patsy for his legitimacy. It has worked well enough before, since
SADC ignored numerous reports of violence and ballot-rigging and
laughably declared the last two elections "largely free and fair." But will
SADC yet again play into Mugabe's hands and allow for this most recent snub
to go unpunished? If it does, then the SADC, and not just Zimbabwe, is
not serious about democratic reform.
Recent signs of tension between
South Africa and Zimbabwe indicate that at least SADC's most powerful member
is growing nervous over the potential damage to its reputation brought on by
dawdling over another sham election. Within the last month, a Zimbabwe court
convicted three people of selling state secrets to South Africa. Most
recently, a pre-election fact-finding delegation from South Africa's official
parliamentary opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, was expelled on
arrival at Harare International Airport. Zimbabwe has also twice barred the
powerful Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), allied to Mbeki's
African National Congress party, from sending fact-finding missions to the
country ahead of the vote.
Mugabe's views on his own country's trade
union organization are made plain on the website of the party he leads, Zanu
PF:
The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) has been exposed for
what it is, a front for employers and the opposition MDC. The ZCTU, which
is bankrolled by employers, the MDC and imperialist countries such as
Britain and the USA has for the past five years ignored the plight of workers
and concentrated on pursuing the agenda of the opposition party of trying
to topple the ZANU PF government.
When last October COSATU
representatives visited Zimbabwe at the invitation of the ZCTU, they were
thrown out after spending only a few hours in the country, since Zimbabwean
officials described their visit as "inappropriate and offensive." Undeterred,
the general secretary of COSATU, Zwelinzima Vavi, planned another trip, which
was also blocked. COSATU announced a protest blockade of the border
crossings.
Opposition and Dissent
The Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) is Zimbabwe's only opposition party, and the decision for the
MDC to take part in the election was taken only on Friday, February 12. After
the announcement, Mugabe's government wasted no time marginalizing MDC's
participation. By the following Tuesday, February 15, the Zimbabwean attorney
general, Sobuza Gula-Ndebele, ordered prosecutors around the country to
revive charges against MDC activists that long ago were dropped because of
lack of evidence. Unsurprisingly, the MDC sees this as a clear bid to
hamstring its election campaign. Legal challenges to the last elections have
yet to be heard. And though MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai was recently
acquitted of treason, another trial for treason is pending.
The stakes
in these elections are high. The MDC is planning to put up 120 candidates,
although several candidates did not succeed in registering at nomination
courts by the deadline of February 18. (The matter is still pending as we go
to press.) They currently have fifty-seven seats in parliament and must
retain at least fifty to veto constitutional amendments. Should Zanu PF
muster a constitutional majority, the limited checks on Mugabe's power would
all but disappear. Unsurprisingly, the current regime is doing all it can to
ensure such an outcome. Speaking on February 17, MDC secretary-general
Welshman Ncube said that so far many candidates had been unable to find an
official in place to process their applications, without which, of course,
they cannot register. He adds, "We have written to the Zimbabwe Election
Commission repeatedly, but they ignore us."
On February 16 the MDC
started making preparations for the election by holding a candidate training
workshop at a hotel in the capital, Harare. But the MDC is still under
intense surveillance, and police soon arrived to declare the workshop illegal
and to demand that the candidates disperse. The MDC election manager, Ian
Makone, was arrested and later released.
Arrests of officials and
candidates have been a daily occurrence since Mugabe was shaken by the
success of the MDC in the 2000 general election. He has successfully strained
to make the lives of party officials uncomfortable. A survey taken a year ago
among MDC members of parliament (MPs) found that 42 percent claimed to have
been assaulted in the previous four years, most commonly by the police, while
24 percent said they had survived assassination attempts. Three MPs had died
following assaults. Most MPs had been arrested. Only one had been convicted:
Job Sikhala was eventually fined $5 for assaulting a police officer, after
having been arrested seventeen times, stripped, bound, blindfolded, subjected
to electric shocks to his teeth and testicles, and urinated on by
a policeman.
MP Roy Bennett is contesting his seat despite being in
prison and serving a ten-month sentence on a chain gang. Bennett's offense
was to push Patrick Chinamasa, the justice minister, during a heated debate
in which the minister branded Bennett's family "murderers and thieves."
Bennett was unconstitutionally sentenced by a parliamentary committee, but
this means that he is not a convicted prisoner and can stand for reelection.
Despite being white, he speaks the local language, Shona, fluently, is well
liked, and is certain to win.
In Mugabe's own tribal (Shona)
heartland, Mashonaland, he expects unquestioning support, rather than
grudging acceptance. But unease is growing as food supplies become
dangerously low. And while in a recent survey most agreed that life was
getting harder and that the government was to blame, most still said they
would vote for the ruling Zanu PF "because we fear that if we turn against
the government, we will be victimized," said one.
When addressing his
people, Mugabe routinely portrays the MDC as foreign-sponsored militants
seeking to undermine the country's prosperity and security, and against which
he is bravely fighting: "The MDC is now a timid and much frightened creature
as it tries to create all sorts of excuses to escape certain electoral
defeat. . . . Let them be warned, however, that we shall brook no violence or
any act that may seek to tarnish the country's image. Let them also be warned
that our security organs will show no mercy towards any aberration that
detracts from our peace, stability and tranquility. The situation of law and
order must be maintained," he exclaimed recently.
Repeals
Required
So far Mugabe has shown no intention of complying with SADC
protocols, but if he was pressured to comply, he should start by repealing
these damaging laws: Public Order and Security Act (POSA) No. 1 of 2002;
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) No. 5 of
2002; Non-Governmental Organizations Bill (NGO), still to be signed into law
and gazetted; and Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Act (ZEC), No. 22 of
2004.
There are five key sections of POSA that must be repealed
immediately for there to be the least chance of a free and fair election in
six weeks' time.
Sections 15 and 16 provide that imprisonment can
result from publishing anything prejudicial to the state and abusive of the
president. Remarkable even by Zimbabwe's despotic standards, this act was
passed into law despite being contrary to Section 20 of Zimbabwe's
constitution, which protects freedom of speech.
Sections 24, 25, and
26 also pack a punch. These establish that agreement by the police and four
days' notice are required before a political rally and other meetings can
occur. These sections effectively ban opposition meetings. This is in direct
contravention of Section 21 of the constitution.
Two sections of the
NGO should be removed before it is enacted. Preferably the bill should be
completely abandoned and the perfectly serviceable Private Voluntary Act
reinstated.
Section 9 duplicates Sections 24-26 of POSA and imposes the
same restrictions on national and international bodies.
Section 17
makes it illegal to accept foreign funding for NGOs, including from
Zimbabweans living abroad. This notably restricts work on human- rights
protection, voter education, and monitoring voter fraud.
The whole
purpose of the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act seems to
be to restrict freedom of the press. The entire Act should be repealed since
it has no redeeming qualities. Press freedoms in Zimbabwe are virtually
nonexistent; since the last independent daily newspaper, the Daily News, was
bombed out of its offices in 2003, the electronic media are all controlled by
Mugabe, and nearly all foreign journalists have been expelled.
The
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Act is the most blatantly pernicious specimen
of this sorry collection of legislation. Five sections, particularly, should
be repealed. Sections 17, 51, and 83 respectively allow the military to
"supervise" elections, to decide the number and location of polling stations,
and to exclude MDC observers from polling stations.
Section 21 allows
the voters' roll to be in paper rather than electronic form. Before this was
enacted last year, the registrar-general could have provided an electronic
copy to all legitimate requesters--not that he ever did, since Mugabe
demanded limited access. Paper rolls can be stolen, and when they have been
one realizes why Mugabe limits access. Perhaps 400,000 deceased people are on
the old roll--and the dead do not vote for the opposition. The roll should be
given electronically to the opposition to help identify voting
fraud.
Section 71 restricts postal ballots, effectively disenfranchising
all Zimbabweans (probably over 4 million of a current electorate
of approximately 11 million) living abroad, many of them as political
exiles.
This last item is being legally challenged by a group of exiles
living in Britain, the Diaspora Vote Action Group. This is a group of six
people, but they represent perhaps close to 90 percent of the Zimbabweans
living outside the country. The group has pointed out that Section 71 is
contrary to the constitution and that both Botswana and Mozambique
included overseas residents in recent elections. These arguments are unlikely
to cut any ice with Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa. But they may
be useful to convince SADC leaders that Zimbabwe is an undemocratic
pariah that will harm the organization's reputation.
Socioeconomic
Indicators and the Zimbabwean Diaspora
The Zimbabwean economy has halved
in value in the past five years; money is printed on one side only and is
largely worthless since inflation is rampant, unemployment is over 80
percent, and most people have given up trying to find a job. Not surprisingly
public services have collapsed.
The state education and health systems,
the proudest achievements of Mugabe 's early years in office, are imploding.
In 2000, primary school enrolment was 95 percent for boys and 90 percent for
girls. Four years later it was 67 percent for boys and 63 percent for girls.
Ordinary Zimbabweans are so broke that they cannot afford state school fees
of $4 a term. The middle classes still had the luxury of sending their
children to private school of very high quality--until the police brought
notices round to the schools commanding them to reduce their fees to nominal
rates that are too low to cover costs. As teaching standards fell, the
pupils were taken away, not just from school, but from the
country.
AIDS and other infectious and opportunistic diseases are running
riot in Zimbabwe, helped along by malnutrition. Apart from lack of rains two
years ago, which caused Mugabe to request international famine relief,
his policy of reclaiming farmland "stolen by imperialists" has slashed
food production. While actual production figures are kept secret,
the U.S.-funded Famine Early Warning Systems network recently reported
that about half the population--5.8 million people--would need emergency
food aid before the next harvests in April. While MDC persistently claims
that its own supporters are denied government food handouts, the
government reacted angrily to the claims of shortage. Agriculture Minister
Joseph Made described the report as part of Western plans to destabilize
Zimbabwe ahead of the elections. The author witnessed food roadblocks
preventing maize from being transported into opposition areas in
November.
The combined effect of food shortage and disease has been
disastrous. In 1992, life expectancy in Zimbabwe was sixty; in 2002 it was
thirty-three and dropping. Infant mortality has doubled in a decade. The
official HIV/AIDS rate in 2002 was about 27 percent (the third highest in
the world), but the real rate is probably much higher, since sexual
behavior, both forced (notably in Mugabe's youth camps) and consensual, is
likely to spread HIV rapidly.
AIDS patients have no drugs and no
future. Many are too sick to travel and seek treatment abroad, but younger
Zimbabweans, who are overtly healthy though malnourished, leave if they
possibly can. This is exactly the age group that carries the highest HIV
burden, and they take the virus with them wherever they go--many of the women
into prostitution.
The only good news is that the diaspora of Zimbabweans
into neighboring states may further encourage SADC leaders to act. In the
short run Southern Africa benefited from the influx of single, educated
Zimbabweans, but as the exodus continues those leaving have an
undesirable profile--lesser educated and probably carrying a higher burden of
disease. Neighboring African leaders will soon have to choose between strong
action against Mugabe or destabilizing health and economic situations in
their own countries. Acting now would demonstrate foresight and
prudence.
Western Policy
The MDC has entered the upcoming election
"without prejudice" and so reserves the right not to comply with the outcome.
If it sees evidence of rigging when the vote occurs, and presuming it has
some successful candidates, the MDC could refuse to take up seats in
parliament, and so invalidate the result. After that, the best hope is that
its neighbors will finally refuse to recognize the legitimacy of the despotic
regime that is dragging them all down with it. But what can the West
do?
So far policy has revolved around smart sanctions against the
seventy-one highest ranking Zimbabwean officials, from Mugabe to odious
generals like Vitalis Zsvinavasche, who has hundreds of deaths on his hands.
These sanctions, which prevent travel to the United States and to EU
countries, have apparently upset the hierarchy but have had little impact on
policy changes. No doubt diplomatic channels are open and must remain so, but
so far, inaction has been the order of the day. Quiet diplomacy--the
"talk, talk, and more talk" of South African president Thabo Mbeki--is
changing nothing in Zimbabwe, and the West's support of this strategy has
done no good.
Unlike in the Darfur region of the Sudan or the regions
ravaged by the tsunami last December, the bodies are not piling up in
Zimbabwe under the scrutiny of a video-hungry media. Instead, apart from a
steady but relatively small number of victims of political murder, black
Zimbabweans are dying out of sight, in rural communities, of starvation and
HIV.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is to be commended for
addressing Zimbabwe. But the rhetorical battle has only just begun. She must
convince SADC leaders that U.S. aid, military support, and other diplomatic
favors such as trade deals hinge on their solving the problem on their
doorstep. They must believe that unless they enforce the election protocols
agreed to by Mugabe, the United States will withdraw support for the
region.
The big question is whether Mbeki will finally stand up to the
man who supported him during the apartheid years by allowing ANC bases
in Zimbabwe. America can--and it should--make it too uncomfortable for
Mbeki not to. Business as usual should not be an option for this outpost
of tyranny.
The United States did not threaten to invade Zimbabwe when it
labelled Robert Mugabe's regime an "outpost of tyranny", Jendayi Frazer, the
US ambassador to South Africa, said in Johannesburg yesterday. In
last month's speech to the US Congress, Condoleezza Rice, the US secretary
of state, named Zimbabwe alongside Iran, Cuba, Myanmar, North Korea
and Belarus as outposts of tyranny. However yesterday Frazer said: "We do
not seek to install a US-style democracy in Zimbabwe or anywhere else for
that matter. The United States has no fight, no right, no desire and
no intention to impose our form of government on anyone else." The
ambassador was speaking at an address on US foreign policy in Africa at the
SA Institute of International Affairs in Johannesburg yesterday. She
said Rice's comments on Zimbabwe were "not to threaten an invasion".
Rice's comments were "a statement of fact" about the way in which
Mugabe's government treated its people, she said."The United States will
continue to stand with the people of Zimbabwe in their struggle to return
democracy to their country."
The placing of Zimbabwe on Washington's
list of six renegade countries has drawn criticism from President Thabo
Mbeki, who said Rice's comments discredited her country's proclaimed policy
of promoting political freedom around the world. "I think it's an
exaggeration," Mbeki said in this week's interview with London's Financial
Times. "I think that whatever (the US) government wants to do with regard to
that list of six countries, or however many, I think it's really somewhat
discredited," Mbeki said. Frazer said Mbeki's views, which he explained to
Frazer immediately after making them, was that "Zimbabwe is not a tyranny
like the other countries in the category". "We would not agree with that. We
think that Zimbabwe and the Zanu PF government have created a repressive
environment in which there is no level playing field. From the lead-up to the
2002 election through to today, the opposition cannot operate freely, they
still have laws ... that would not allow people to have freedom of assembly.
We would call it an environment of tyranny and repression. We will agree
to disagree," Frazer said. The US supported governments that answered
to their citizens and respected basic, fundamental human rights, she
said. "Where we see human rights abuses, we will say so publicly. We will
speak out and we will speak out
loudly."
--------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE
JAG TEAM
JAG Hotlines: +263 (011) 205 374 If you are in trouble or
need advice, please don't hesitate to
contact us - we're here to help! +263
(04) 799 410 Office Lines
ZANU PF youth militias and activists launch campaign of beatings
and threats.
By Dzikamayi Chiyausiku in Rusape (Africa Reports:
Zimbabwe Elections No 10, 25-Feb-05)
Violence and massive
intimidation are wreaking havoc in Zimbabwe's rural areas as the ruling
party's and opposition's campaigns gather momentum ahead of Zimbabwe's fifth
parliamentary election on March 31.
ZANU PF youth militias, President
Robert Mugabe's much feared stormtroopers, known among the population as the
Green Bombers, are currently behaving with such menace in the Makoni West
constituency that many villagers have fled their homes.
Makoni West
is a marginal constituency on the outskirts of Rusape, 135 kilometres
southeast of Harare. The sitting ZANU PF MP has been replaced by Zimbabwe's
highly unpopular Minister of Agriculture Joseph Made, who is opposed by
Remus Makuwaza, for the main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic
Change, MDC, and Tendai Chekera of the small regional party
ZANU-Ndonga.
Villagers also allege they have been threatened with
eviction from their recently acquired farms - taken over in Mugabe's move
against white commercial farmer - if they do not vote for ruling
party.
Matthew Ngoroma, 38, told IWPR that he fled his home after "some
people told me I would pay the price for supporting MDC". He said four men
in Zanu PF campaign shirts visited him three weeks ago and threatened to
burn down his house. "They said they would torch my house if I continued
selling MDC cards," said Ngoroma, who has moved his family to a place near
Rusape town. "I am not alone. There are others who have been beaten,
threatened and intimidated. It's a terror campaign."
Other villagers
perceived to be MDC supporters have been denied food aid, fertiliser and
maize seed being distributed by government officials loyal to ZANU
PF.
"You have to be a Zanu PF supporter to get fertiliser, seed and
food," said another villager, Susan Rugoyi. "We have to show Zanu PF cards
in order to get a pack of maize meal being distributed by Zanu PF officials
as food aid."
The chiefs and village heads have also been roped into
Zanu PF campaign teams. Villagers said the chiefs are forcing their subjects
to attend Zanu PF rallies. Meanwhile, the chiefs are banning opposition
rallies in their areas while threatening to evict opposition
supporters.
"We do have several cases of political violence that we are
investigating," said a senior police officer who declined to be named. "But
it would be unfair to say categorically say that these violent incidents are
being perpetrated by Zanu PF. What if they are just rogue elements abusing
Zanu PF regalia?"
The violence is not just isolated incidents. It is
on a national scale. Fifty soldiers assaulted three MDC candidates returning
from the launch of the party's election campaign in Masvingo in the
southeast on February 20. MDC spokesman Paul Themba Nyathi said, "The
soldiers first assaulted Gabriel Chiwara, our candidate for Makoni West, and
his election candidate, Josphat Munhumumwe, accusing them of selling the
country to the British.
"They were kicked and punched and sustained
injuries all over their bodies. They were taken to hospital for treatment
and later released. The assault was reported to the police, but no arrests
have been made."
Nyathi said the MDC was particularly concerned about
this assault because it repeated a pattern of army violence against the
opposition in places many hundreds of kilometres apart. MDC candidate for
Mutare West, Gabriel Chiwara, who is trying to topple Transport Minister
Christopher Mushohwe in a constituency 250 km southeast of Harare, was
assaulted by soldiers together with his campaign manager.
Reports are
also coming in of violence by soldiers, Green Bombers and ZANU PF activists
against MDC candidates in the south of the country in Gwanda and Beitbridge
constituencies.
In Norton, 40 km west of Harare, a stronghold of ZANU PF
MP Sabina Mugabe, the president's sister, ruling party supporters waylaid
and severely beat an eleven-strong MDC campaign team who were putting up
party posters. The posters and party regalia the MDC activists were wearing
were confiscated and burned.
Hilda Mafudze, the MDC candidate for
Manyame constituency, neighbouring Norton, said, "This cannot be a free and
fair election. How can the whole process be fair when one's campaign team is
beaten up and their regalia burnt by these thugs who belong to a party which
claims it supports a free and fair election?"
Wellington Chibebe,
secretary-general of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, said, "We want
to state very clearly that as much as the politicians are saying the
elections will be violence-free, the reality on the ground is that ordinary
men, women and children are going to be subject to untold
violence."
Reginald Matchaba-Hove, chairman of the Zimbabwe Election
Support Network, ZESN, a group of 40 civic organisations supporting
democratic elections, said, "For many opposition supporters, fear of
violence means they would rather not go to vote than vote and face the
recriminations.
"The penalty for voting for the opposition can be
expulsion from the village, physical violence, withdrawal from the local
food aid registers, or all of them combined. Past experience has taught them
that such threats are eventually carried out, and they fear a repeat of 2000
and 2002 [legislative and presidential elections marred by widespread
violence and intimidation]."
Rural areas in Zimbabwe's majority ethnic
Shona regions have traditionally voted ZANU PF, with the chiefs, who
maintain government food registers, beneficiaries and loyal supporters of
the ruling party. According to southern Africa's Famine Early Warning System
Network, five million Zimbabweans, nearly half the population, are in need
of food aid.
President Mugabe, in an interview on ZANU PF-controlled
state television, said he wanted this election campaign to be peaceful. His
interior minister, Kembo Mohadi, said organisations alleging violence and
human rights abuses were "subversives who are
western-funded".
Responding to the allegations that chiefs are forcing
their people to attend ZANU PF rallies and vote for Mugabe's party, Mohadi
said, "Ours is a peaceful party. Our people hold their chiefs in high regard
and, naturally, get worried when such accusations are made against them. We
cannot deny our people the right to choose their own leaders when we fought
so hard [in the 1970s liberation war] to bring them human rights, freedom
and social justice."
Inspector Wayne Bvudzijena, Zimbabwe's national
police spokesman, said the national force had not received any reports of
violence or intimidation by political parties. "I am surprised to hear these
reports," he said. "But I can assure you that the campaign remains
peaceful."
Dzikamayi Chiyausiku is the pseudonym of an IWPR contributor
in Zimbabwe
New home most visible symbol of how Mugabe and his acolytes
have prospered, while half the population on point of starvation.
By
Chipo Sithole in Harare (Africa Reports: Zimbabwe Elections No 10,
25-Feb-05)
Construction has been completed of Zimbabwe president
Robert Mugabe's controversial eleven million dollar Chinese-style mansion in
Harare's leafy northern suburbs, IWPR can reveal.
The 25-bedroom
private house, built by a Serbian construction company Energoproject to a
Chinese architectural design, has two lakes in its 44 acre landscaped
grounds and is protected by a multi-million pounds radar system. Approach
roads to the mansion, topped by a Chinese-style roof clad in midnight blue
tiles from Shanghai, are off limits to the general public.
IWPR
understands that some 50 crack police riot response officers guard the
Mugabe palace on a 24- hour basis in cooperation with the much-feared
Central Intelligence Organisation, CIO.
Sources in the president's
office told IWPR that chemical and biological sensors are strategically
positioned on all approaches to the mansion, around 30 kilometres north of
the centre of Harare.
"The sensors are supplemented with radiological
detection equipment, including radiation pagers on the belts of some of the
law enforcement officers," the presidential source said. "CAAZ (the Civil
Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe) is policing the area above the house [by
helicopter and spotter plane] to ensure that it is a no-fly zone. In
addition, the CIO is providing dogs that can sniff out
explosives."
The project, which took three years to complete, is the most
visible symbol of how Mugabe and his acolytes have prospered while more than
five million of his 11.5 million people are near starvation and will need
food aid this year, according to the World Food Programme.
Some 80
per cent of Mugabe's fellow countrymen are unemployed and those with factory
jobs earn an average wage equivalent to about 11 dollars a month.
The
size of the house dwarfs by three times the size of State House, the home of
the head of state and earlier British governors. Its interior decoration by
South African, Arab and Chinese designers is being supervised by 81-year-old
Mugabe's 40-year-old wife, Grace. Its size and expense raises the question
of how Mugabe paid for it, since his annual salary until recently was only
the equivalent of 44,000 dollars a year.
Opposition MPs have
unsuccessfully asked in parliament where Mugabe got the foreign currency to
import materials from Europe, the Middle East and China. Zimbabwe has
suffered a foreign exchange crisis as a result of the country's economic
collapse, which has seen gross domestic product drop for each of the past
seven successive years.
The president was clearly agitated when, in an
interview with Sky News reporter Stuart Ramsey broadcast in Britain last
year, he denied that the mansion had been built with Zimbabwean taxpayer's
money.
He said the Serbian company had donated material and labour at
cost, supplemented by gifts of fine timber from Malaysian prime minister
Makathir Mohammad and roof tiles from China. "You say it is lavish because
it is attractive," Mugabe told Ramsey. "It has Chinese roofing material
which makes it very beautiful, but it was donated to us - the Chinese are
our good friends, you see."
The source declined to confirm whether
Mugabe and his wife have moved into the house, but added that residents in
the area of the palace are being subjected to regular security
checks.
No extravagance has been spared on the three-storey palace.
Marble has been imported from Italy. The finest European crystal, sunken
baths with Jacuzzi fittings and oriental rugs are all part of the décor. The
soaring ceilings were decorated by Arab craftsmen.
There is a
sprawling entertainment area, a master bedroom suite, apartments for each of
the three Mugabe children, servants' quarters, a helicopter pad, extensive
garage systems and swimming pools. Mugabe professes to be a Marxist, and on
one website which has followed the construction of his new home, a
contributor comments, "Marxism is very profitable indeed for those who run
it."
The justice spokesman for the opposition MDC, David Coltart, said,
"Until a few years ago it had been assumed that Mugabe himself had not been
corrupt. The size of this house suggests otherwise. He must explain to the
nation where he got the money from."
"The palace is an affront to the
suffering people of Zimbabwe," said John Makumbe, a political science
lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe and a member of the anti-corruption
group, Transparency International. "It shows that Mugabe will need a further
push to convince him that he really must negotiate an end to his
reign."
Chipo Sithole is the pseudonym of an IWPR contributor in
Zimbabwe.
Opposition's tactical and strategic shortcomings mean it will
struggle to win over voters in upcoming poll.
By Pius Nkomo in Harare
(Africa Reports: Zimbabwe Elections No 10, 25-Feb-05)
The opposition
Movement for Democratic Change, MDC, finally launched its campaign this week
for Zimbabwe's March 31 parliamentary elections - but it faces an uphill
task to convince a cowed electorate that it offers a viable alternative to
President Robert Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF party.
The launch, at a rally
attended by about 5000 people in the central Zimbabwe town of Masvingo, came
after months of dithering about participation in what is already a ballot
rigged heavily in favour of the government.
"We are damned if we do take
part, and damned if we don't," MDC leaders lamented, as their provincial
organisations debated at interminable length whether to boycott the
election.
Having decided to contest, the MDC's first hurdle is now time.
With just five weeks to go before polling day, the news of the party's
participation is still only trickling through to rural folk, the crucial
section of the electorate who, among the majority Shona ethnic group, are
the bedrock of ZANU PF's continuing political success.
In Zimbabwe,
it takes months for important opposition news to filter into the
countryside, large swathes of which have anyway been declared "no-go" areas
by Mugabe's equivalent of the Nazi Germany-era Brownshirts, the thuggish
youth militias, known as the Green Bombers after their bottle green uniforms
and also a particularly unpleasant blowfly.
The militias, supported by
aggressive local ZANU PF committees and the police, also prevent Zimbabwe's
last two independent newspapers, the Financial Gazette and The Independent,
both weeklies, from circulating in ZANU PF traditional rural
strongholds.
Because of the late decision to participate, the MDC
manifesto was also late, and to some extent it reads like ZANU PF's,
promising similar manna from heaven - economic revival, jobs for a populace
experiencing an unemployment rate approaching 80 per cent, boosted
agricultural production and the restoration of such essential but rapidly
deteriorating public services as health.
The MDC's tactical
shortcomings are nothing new. Strategically also, it has failed to develop
effectively from being a vigorous protest movement into a strong political
party with a clear ideology and carefully worked out ideas.
Formed in
1999, around the leadership of Morgan Tsvangirai, the unassuming
secretary-general of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trades Unions, the MDC was a
loose coalition of workers sinking into poverty because of Mugabe's
disastrous economic policies; an urban middle class whose quality of life
had been eroded; employers whose business faced various threats; white
farmers who were losing their land and Ndebele peasants who bore the brunt
of massacres by Mugabe's North Korea-trained Fifth Brigade in
1983-84.
The party won 57 out of 120 directly elected seats in the last
2000 parliamentary elections. Two years later, despite massive voter
intimidation, Tsvangirai lost a presidential election only narrowly to
Mugabe.
But after 2000 and 2002, Tsvangirai and the MDC failed to
consolidate their dramatic gains. Infighting has seen it lose in
by-elections six of the seats to ZANU PF it had won in 2000.
Although
it has been handicapped by heavy government oppression, it failed to develop
beyond its early anti-Mugabe appeal. Its MPs also made some critical
mistakes - for example, when one of its MPs told the BBC that an MDC
government would return properties to white farmers that had been taken in
Mugabe's land grab campaign.
That caused uproar. Mugabe and his ministers
pounced on the statement and called MDC leaders traitors who had sold out to
rich whites and British prime minister Tony Blair. "The people gradually
began to doubt the party," said Margaret Dongo, a former ZANU PF MP who
staged a revolt and became a celebrated independent. "Its land policy was
unclear and the MPs spent little time in their constituencies. Half the time
they are either in their town houses or out of the country."
The MDC
rightly claims it has faced terrible harassment under the infamously
repressive AIPPA (Access to Information and Privacy Act) and POSA (Public
Order and Security Act) legislation. POSA requires the MDC to apply to the
police, now completely loyal to Mugabe, for permission to hold meetings,
while AIPPA has effectively muzzled the independent press.
However,
these are near-universal problems faced by opposition parties in Africa.
Opposition on this continent is a thankless and often dangerous task. No
ruling party concedes easy victory to its opponents without a tough and
dirty fight first. The MDC dismally and naively failed to realise and plan
for that.
Tsvangirai thought the walk into State House, given the deep
unpopularity of Mugabe in 2000, would be straightforward. It was never going
to be that way, and in the meantime the MDC has failed to establish a
formidable think-tank tasked to design workable strategies to unseat ZANU
PF.
Denford Magora, a columnist with the Financial Gazette, commented,
"The opposition party has deceived itself into thinking that keeping
attention focused on ZANU PF is a strategy. The thinking in the MDC is that
all it needs to get into power is for ZANU PF to misgovern the
country.
"Democracy's lessons are very easy to learn. Whenever your
opponent puts a foot wrong, you must be immediately there - not only
pointing out that your opponent has lost the plot, but convincing people
that you would have done a better job because you have real ideas anchored
in a passion for developing the lives of people you seek to lead. When ZANU
PF bungles, the MDC rarely succeeds in capitalising on the
situation."
In Zimbabwe's harsh political landscape, some of the
criticisms targeted at Tsvangirai - that he lacks charisma, power-broking
skills and political sophistication - are looking increasingly
true.
It is a picture denied by his loyalists. Eddie Cross, the MDC's
justice spokesman, said, "You cannot buy integrity, humility or wisdom.
Morgan has all these characteristics. He has survived several assassination
attacks, has a brutal work schedule and has worked under intense pressure
for years - yet he remains a pillar of strength to those who work with and
for him."
Pius Nkomo is the pseudonym of an IWPR contributor in
Zimbabwe.
By Staff
Reporter Last updated: 02/26/2005 08:33:53 THE Weekly Times newspaper has
been forced off the streets after Zimbabwe's media watchdog -- the Media and
Information Commission -- decreed that it had "a lot of political
stories".
Tafataona Mahoso, the chairperson of the MIC, also dubbed
Zimbabwe's media "hangman", announced Friday that the paper which started
publishing in January had been banned for a year.
"The core values,
convictions and overall thrust were narrowly political, clearly partisan and
even separatist, in contrast to what had been pledged in the registration
papers," said Mahoso in a statement.
There was no immediate comment from
the paper's publishers -- Mthwakazi Publishing House (Private) Ltd -- but
industry sources told New Zimbabwe.com it was almost certain the paper would
file a challenge.
Mahoso's annoyance was evident when the first edition
of the Weekly Times hit the streets. The paper carried interviews with
outspoken Roman Catholic cleric, Pius Ncube, and Professor Welshman Ncube,
secretary general of the opposition MDC.
Mahoso accused the
publishers of the Weekly Times of lying that their paper would be a general
news product when it was "running political commentary through and
through".
"The commission regrets to report that all this was a hoax. It
therefore announces, unfortunately, the cancellation for one year of the
publishing licence for Mthwakazi Publishing House, publishers of The Weekly
Times," said Dr Mahoso in a statement.
The Weekly Times is the FOURTH
paper to be shut down inside a year following the enactment of the widely
condemned Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act
(Aippa).
The Daily News and its sister paper, The Daily News on Sunday
were the first to be shut down. The Tribune followed shortly after. The
Daily News has filed a constitutional challenge of Aippa.