Lisa Grainger
http://www.monstersandcritics.com
Feb 27, 2010,
15:54 GMT
Harare - Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe on Saturday
defended new laws
that force companies to hand control of their businesses
to black
Zimbabweans, and warned Western investors to keep their hands off
Zimbabwe's
mineral wealth.
Mugabe was speaking at celebrations to
mark his 86th birthday, which fell on
February 21.
Zimbabwe's leader
of 30 years likened the new indigenization regulations to
the lawless
seizures of white-owned farms by new black farmers since 2000.
'Our
indigenization policy, like the land reform programme, is meant to
correct
historical imbalances in the ownership of our resources,' Mugabe
told
thousands of guests at the showgrounds in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second
city,
where he blew out candles on a big cake.
'They (Western investors) want
our gold, platinum, diamonds, uranium, our
land, but we say 'No!' Zimbabwe
is ours, you will not take it,' he said.
Zimbabwe would need 'partners
from outside,' he said, but these would be
'partners of our choice, not
imposed.'
Under the terms of the indigenization regulations, companies
with assets of
over 500,000 US dollars have 45 days to explain to the
government how they
will transfer 51 per cent of their assets to black
Zimbabweans.
The law was passed in 2008 before Mugabe entered a coalition
government with
his longtime foe, current Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai,
but regulations
to give it effect were only published this month by a
minister in Mugabe's
party.
Tsvangirai has dismissed the regulations
as 'null and void', arguing that,
as head of policy implementation, he
should have been consulted before they
were published.
Many investors
have expressed fear their businesses will be seized without
compensation in
the same way most of the country's white commercial farmers
were
dispossessed.
Investors have shown particular interest in Zimbabwe's rich
deposits of
platinum and alluvial diamonds.
Meanwhile, Mugabe, who
was endorsed by Zanu-PF to represent the party in the
next presidential
elections, although that could see him wield power into
his nineties, has
given no indication he plans to retire.
The usually fit former liberation
leader, whose populist policies are blamed
for turning what was once one of
Africa's richest countries into one of the
poorest, appeared tired as he
addressed thousands of children and party
members in his native Shona on
Saturday.
Although the economy has picked up a little since Zanu-PF began
to share
power with Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) a year
ago,
Western food aid is still needed to keep some 2.7 million people from
going
hungry in the one-time 'breadbasket of Africa.'
By Godfrey Marawanyika
(AFP) - 6 hours ago
BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe - Zimbabwe's President Robert
Mugabe on Saturday defended
new rules to give locals a majority shareholding
in big corporations at a
lavish 86th birthday party, as the country battles
to recover from 10 years
of economic crisis.
"Our indigenisation
policy, like the land reform programme, is meant to
correct historical
imbalances in the ownership of our resources," Mugabe
told thousands at the
celebrations in Zimbabwe's second city of Bulawayo,
south west of the
capital.
The huge party at an exhibition centre was attended about 7,000
people
including Mugabe's ZANU-PF supporters, party officials, government
ministers, diplomats while no prominent partners in the inclusive government
were present.
The organisers said they raised 300,000 dollars for the
party, falling short
of the target of 500,000 dollars.
The party was
preceded by an all-night music bash with performers including
Jamaican
reggae star Sizzla Kalonji who performed a rendition of Bob
Marley's song,
Zimbabwe, as well as artistes from South Africa, the
Democratic Republic of
Congo and Namibia.
Hotels reported brisk business with the majority of
them fully-booked as
guests arrived in their hundreds in the usually-serene
city.
Jovial party supporters stuck their heads out through windows and
sang as
they arrived in buses from the country's 10 provinces, while
officials drove
to the venue in luxury cars. Three large cakes were at the
centre-stage with
banners saying: "Long live our President."
The
feast was held as the country struggled to recover from a crisis which
saw
inflation peaking at 321 million percent and supermarkets running out of
food.
The crisis forced Mugabe and his rival Morgan Tsvangirai to
form a
power-sharing government to mend the economy and ease political
tensions in
the aftermath of a presidential run-off election in which Mugabe
was sole
candidate.
But economic recovery has not been as fast as
anticipated while political
tensions persist.
Civil servants are on
strike after they rejected the government's offer to
increase their
150-dollar allowance by seven to 21 dollars.
Mugabe said the
indigenisation regulations which have been rejected by the
prime minister
were not meant to nationalise huge corporations.
"This policy is not
meant to straighforward nationalise companies but to
broaden ownership of
our resources. We will need partners from outside,
partners of our choice,
not imposed on us," he said.
"Yesterday we were downtrodden. There was
slavery... Back home the people
were colonised and turned into slaves and
semi-slaves to do work for masters
who had colonised us. It was slavery in
the colonies and that is what
created the imbalances."
The youth
empowerment and indigenisation ministry published regulations
three weeks
ago to give local a 51 percent share in large companies. The
passing of the
regulations exposed discord in Zimbabwe's unity government as
Tsvangirai
said the regulations were crafted behind his back and passed
without his
approval.
According to the new regulations, to become effective beginning
on Monday,
Zimbabweans should own 51 percent shares in main companies while
foreigners
get the remainder.
Mugabe said the indigenisation
regulations were like his controversial land
reforms launched land reforms
10 years ago which led to the seizures of
nearly 4,000 white-owned farms in
what Mugabe said was a correction of
colonial land ownership
imbalances.
The often violent and haphazard land reforms were blamed for
a slump in food
production in the former regional breadbasket as the
majority of the
beneficiaries lacked the means and skills to farm.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Caroline Mvundura Saturday 27
February 2010
HARARE - Zimbabwe will not access financial support
from multilateral
lenders until it clears outstanding debts, a top United
States (US) embassy
official said this week, rejecting suggestions that
Harare was unable to
access loans because of Western sanctions on President
Robert Mugabe and his
top allies.
US embassy economic officer James
Garry told reporters Wednesday that even
if Washington was to repeal the
Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act
(ZDERA) sanctions law the
southern African country would still not be able
to get help from the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank and other
funders because of
unpaid debt.
The ZIDERA forbids US companies from doing business with
Mugabe, members of
his inner circle and companies associated with the
Zimbabwean leader and his
ZANU PF party.
The law also requires US
representatives on the boards of the IMF and other
institutions to oppose
assistance to Zimbabwe although this requirement was
apparently waived to
allow restoration of Harare's voting IMF rights.
Garry insisted the
targeted sanctions were not a factor in Zimbabwe's
relations with the
multi-lateral lenders.
He said: "There never has been any connection
between US sanctions and
Zimbabwe's relationship with the IMF. There is a
widespread misapprehension
that the US has some kind of veto at the IMF. It
is not true.
"The IMF, for example, makes most of its decisions by
majority vote, and
voting strength is assigned essentially according to the
country's financial
interest in the Fund. The US has just 16.77 percent of
the voting power at
the IMF, and it is not in a position to veto IMF
decisions."
The IMF cut balance-of-payments support to Zimbabwe in 1999
following
differences with Mugabe over fiscal policy and other governance
issues.
But relations between the Bretton Woods institution and Harare
have had a
lift since a new power-sharing government took over in Harare
last February.
The IMF last more than a week ago voted to restore
Zimbabwe's voting and
related rights, and its eligibility to use resources
from the IMF's General
Resources Account, following a request from Finance
Minister Tendai Biti.
However the money lender also said that Zimbabwe
would still not qualify for
loans until it fully settles outstanding arrears
of about US$140 million.
Garry said the restoration of voting rights
opened the door to closer
cooperation with the IMF but said Zimbabwe must
act to clear debts with IMF
as well as other lenders such as the African
Development Bank and the World
Bank. - ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Own Correspondent Saturday 27 February
2010
BULAWAYO - Zimbabwe will impose a punitive levy on foreign
firms to compel
them to cede controlling stake to locals, Indigenisation
Minister Saviour
Kasukuwere said on Friday.
The controversial
indigenisation laws come into force on Monday and
foreign-controlled firms
have up to March 2015 to sell at least 51 percent
stake to local Zimbabweans
with those that fail to do so to pay the levy,
according to
Kasukuwere.
"We are setting up a national levy system so as (for
companies) to comply.
The less you want to be indigenised the more you pay
the levies," Kasukuwere
told business leaders attending a conference to
discuss the indigenisation
laws in the south-western city of
Bulawayo.
"Under the regulations those companies that are in mergers or
de-mergers
should immediately comply with the 51 percent requirement," he
said, adding;
"You have instances when you have some companies importing
tissues from as
far as South Africa, the time has come to give locals an
opportunity."
The regulations were gazetted on February 5 in line with an
Indigenisation
and Economic Empowerment Bill passed in Parliament by
President Robert
Mugabe's then sole ruling Zanu (PF) party in 2007. Mugabe
signed the
regulations into law by in March 2008.
Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, who formed a power-sharing government with
Mugabe last
February, has opposed the regulations, saying they were invalid
because they
were never discussed and adopted by Cabinet.
And business leaders have
been lobbying government to shelve implementation
of the law they say will
only help reinforce perceptions of Zimbabwe as a
high political risk
investment destination.
But Kasukuwere, who has insisted that the
controversial rules will be
implemented as gazetted while consultations
among stakeholders continue,
said the law was an affirmative action meant to
address past imbalances in
wealth ownership.
"We want to ensure that
this process is as broad-based as possible,"
Kasukuwere, who is from
Mugabe's Zanu (PF) party, said. "All we seek to
achieve is a determined
fight against poverty. It is an affirmative action
meant to address past
imbalances. It would be an anomaly to have our country
driven by a few
individuals but we are not against any minority."
The empowerment
regulations require every foreign-controlled company
operating in Zimbabwe,
including banks, mines and factories to sell a
majority stake to locals. But
the regulations are silent on where
impoverished locals will get money to
pay for stake in firms that is
expected to run into billions of United
States dollars.
Many had hoped the law and other controversial laws
including repressive
press and security laws to be repealed following
formation of the
power-sharing government.
Revival of the empowerment
laws has sparked fears among business leaders of
a repeat in industry of the
chaos that befell agriculture after a similar
government programme to
empower blacks saw white-owned commercial farms
seized without compensation.
- ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Caroline Mvundura Saturday 27 February
2010
HARARE – Zimbabwean police on Friday launched a second
surprise raid in four
days on the headquarters of the General Agricultural
and Plantation Workers’
Union (GAPWUZ) and took juniors officers for
interrogation after failing to
locate secretary general Gertrude
Hambira.
The GAPWUZ boss went into hiding earlier this week for the
second time in
three months as state security agents swooped onto the
union’s offices and
arrested two officials in Harare and interrogated them
over a video produced
last year showing brutal torture perpetrated by
security forces on white
commercial farmers and their workers.
In the
latest attack on pro-democracy groups by the Central Intelligence
Organisation (CIO) and the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP), the security
agents reportedly took the junior officers after finding out the rest of
management had gone into hiding.
One of the unionists who is in
hiding said they were seeking legal counsel
from the Zimbabwe Lawyers for
Human Rights (ZLHR) and will only come out
their hideouts if they are
advised to do so.
He said for the past 24 hours before the Friday raid
they had received
threatening calls from unknown people demanding to be told
Hambira's
whereabouts.
“In the absence of the general secretary, they
had been picking up other
officers,” said Wellington Chibebe, secretary
general of the country’s main
labour body, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions (ZCTU).
“Today they were picking junior officers,” he added. We
have handed over the
case to ZLHR, they will only go there (to the police)
with lawyers because
if they go alone that is when they disappear,” Chibebe
told ZimOnline.
GAPWUZ assistant secretary general Gift Muti and
president Manjemanje
Munyanyi were briefly detained last Thursday before
they were released.
The ZCTU condemned the continued harassment and
intimidation of trade
unionists, despite pledges by Mugabe and Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s
12-month-old power-sharing government to
observe the rule of law and uphold
human rights.
Hambira had to go
into hiding in Bulawayo last November after getting wind
that the CIO were
after her following a presentation she made in the United
States chronicling
the heinous crimes committed by Mugabe’s government on
white commercial
farmers and the effects of the actions on farm workers.
In the video, she
chronicles how the number of farm workers had plummeted
from 150 000 before
the violent farm seizures to less than 10 000 after the
displacement of
their employers left them jobless.
She also exposes how the government
had defied a regional court to press
ahead with farm invasions last year,
and how the fresh invasions in 2009 had
left hundreds of farm workers
injured or killed, and the effects it had on
production, especially in the
Chegutu area near Harare.
Fresh farm disturbances in Zimbabwe have
reportedly rendered over 4 000 farm
workers homeless since the formation
last February of the unity government.
Zimbabwe’s decade-long farm
invasions, which Mugabe says were necessary to
ensure blacks also had access
to arable land that they were denied by
previous white-led governments, have
been blamed for plunging Zimbabwe into
food shortages.
Once a net
food exporter Zimbabwe has avoided mass starvation over the past
decade only
because international relief agencies were quick to chip in with
food
handouts.
Mugabe has vowed to continue the land acquisition, despite a
November 2008
ruling by the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
Tribunal
outlawing farm seizures because they were discriminatory, racist
and illegal
under the SADC Treaty. – ZimOnline
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=27594
February 27, 2010
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - The Zanu PF-dominated Senate has forestalled the
Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe (RBZ) Amendment Bill through proposed amendments
apparently meant
to water it down further
Zanu-PF on Wednesday
adjourned debate on the bill - which seeks to curtail
the Reserve Bank
governor's wide-sweeping powers - to March to allow
themselves time to
further study it.
This is despite last year's adjournment ostensibly to
give the legislators
in the Upper House,
again, time to study the same
bill.
The latest adjournment on Wednesday was caused by Chimanimani
Zanu-PF
Senator, Monica Mutsvangwa, who tabled proposals to amend 10
clauses. The
aim is, apparently, to water the bill down, analyst
said.
RBZ governor Gideo Gono has been accused of overstepping his
mandate. The
MDC led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai wants him removed
from the post.
Mutsvangwa alleged the bill sought to settle personal
scores. She alleged,
in its present form, the bill was a "law of the
jungle."
"If people have axes to grind with a sitting governor, let us
leave that to
the executive, GPA negotiators and principals or courts for
that matter," Ms
Mutsvangwa said. "Arguments on whether Gono did right or
wrong can be
handled through other avenues not the bill," she
said.
Senator David Coltart called Senator Mutsvangwa to order, telling her
to
stick to the clauses, as the House was not yet taking comments, which
could
only be presented during the second reading.
There are apparent
efforts by Zanu-PF legislators to scuttle plans to reduce
the powers of the
central bank governor. Already Zanu-PF has incorporated a
clause giving
immunity to the bank governor and employees "for anything done
in good faith
and without negligence."
If the bill is passed in its current form, Gono
will be exempt from
prosecution. Gono has also been accused of corruption
and taking money from
bank accounts without the authority of the account
holders.
The RBZ Amendment Bill was seen as the first major law to be
passed by
parliament since the unity government was formed. But progress is
being
stifled.
Senate resumes sitting on March 9 and it is not clear
if it will immediately
go on the order paper.
According to the bill,
Gono's powers will be reduced by appointing an
independent chairperson and
board for the bank. The amendments are aimed at
ensuring the bank reverts to
its core function of price and financial sector
stability and stops
quasi-fiscal operations that saw inflation reaching
trillions
percent.
The Bill was originated by Finance minister Tenadia Biti, and
Zanu-PF
believes the amendments are meant to contain and weaken the Reserve
Bank
governor, who the MDC also accuses vandalising the economy and
recklessly
minting cash, a situation that spawned record-beating
inflation.
Gono rejects the charges and says he resorted to minting cash
to bust
sanctions imposed by Western countries at the instigation of the
MDC.
The MDC also rejects the sanctions argument in turn, blaming instead
repression, rights abuses and economic mismanagement for the economic
recession.
Sources say Zanu-PF did not want the bill enacted any
more. It seems Zanu-PF
is intent on railroading massive amendments to the
Bill in the Senate, where
the party enjoys a working majority, elevated by
appointed senators and
chiefs, in the hung Parliament.
The amendments
are also aimed at addressing corporate governance issues at
the RBZ, which
is not financially sound.
The bank's indebtedness to local and
international bodies is in excess of
US$2 billion; it is facing crippling
litigation from creditors. The central
bank has been stripped bare and
currently has no reserves, yet its gold and
foreign assets must be around 40
percent of its liabilities, seriously
compromising its role as the lender of
last resort.
The amendments also seek to ensure that the central bank
will never again
dabble in fiscal activities.
The amendments will
also ensure that a Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) is
established, which
will be chaired by the Governor, but who would be subject
to control by the
board.
Source: Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (Hrforumzim)
Date: 26 Feb 2010
The Zimbabwe Human
Rights NGO Forum (the Forum) unreservedly condemns in the strongest of terms the
violence that erupted in Epworth on Sunday 21 February 2010. The violence
erupted in Epworth's Wards 4, 6 and 7 at an MDCT organized rally on the
constitutional making process. It is alleged that ZANU PF youth militia attacked
MDCT supporters who had gathered for the rally. The militia is reported to have
used a variety of weaponry during the attack.
Reported incidences point to a new wave of interparty violence resulting largely from the bickering within the GNU. Epworth victims were assaulted, beaten and some had their houses and property destroyed. This was followed by allegations that ZANUPF supporters were also attacked and some seriously injured by suspected MDCT supporters at a firewood project on the same day.
The Forum expresses its disappointment at the continued existence of militia bases and the alleged reopening of such bases in Epworth and other parts of the country.In the past such bases have been used to organize, direct and execute violence against known or perceived opponents of ZANU PF. The Forum therefore calls for the dismantling of these and torture bases. We urge the responsible authorities to quickly put a stop to political violence and to bring the perpetrators to justice.
In Article 18 of the Global Political Agreement (GPA), the parties recognized that "violence dehumanizes and engenders feelings of hatred and polarization." The reported violence undermines the ongoing efforts on nation building and in particular, national healing and reconciliation. The Forum implores the parties to the GPA to promote the values and practices of tolerance, to do everything to stop and prevent all forms of political violence and to take positive measures to ensure compliance with the provisions of the GPA.
Ends//
Members of the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum:
- Amnesty International (Zimbabwe)
- Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (Zimbabwe)
- Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe
- Justice for Children Trust
- Legal Resources Foundation
- Media Institute of Southern Africa (Zimbabwe)
- Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe
- Nonviolent Action and Strategies for Social Change
- Research and Advocacy Unit
- Students Solidarity Trust
- Transparency International (Zimbabwe)
- Women of Zimbabwe Arise
- Zimbabwe Association for Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of the
Offender
- Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights
- Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust
- Zimbabwe Human Rights Association
- Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights
- Zimbabwe Peace Project
- Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association
http://www1.voanews.com
Mr. Mugabe told
participants at the launch of the so-called Kadoma
Declaration on labor
relations that Harare is doing the best it can to
improve wages and
conditions for workers, asking civil servants to be
patient while government
stabilized the economy
Ntungamili Nkomo | Studio 7 Staff 26 February
2010
Stepping into the ongoing strike by Zimbabwean public service
employees,
President Robert Mugabe on Friday said the government cannot
afford to
increase salaries but promised a better future for the
workers.
Mr. Mugabe told participants at the launch of the so-called
Kadoma
Declaration on labor relations that Harare is doing the best it can
to
improve wages and conditions for workers. He asked civil servants to be
patient while government stabilized the economy.
Mr. Mugabe again
called for Western targeted travel and financial sanctions
against him and
his inner circle to be lifted, saying they were hobbling
government efforts
to revive the troubled economy.
Finance Minister Tendai Biti said this
week that the government is bringing
in US$100 million a month of which
US$65 million goes to salaries. The
strike by civil servants is now entering
its fourth week. Workers have been
sitting in at their
workplaces.
Labor Minister Paurina Mpariwa told VOA Studio 7 reporter
Ntungamili Nkomo
that the government wants to raise wages but is strapped at
the moment.
Representatives of the striking workers were quick to dismiss
the
president's comments, saying government officials have not even bothered
to
meet with them to discuss demands. Tendayi Chikowore, chairwoman of the
Apex
council that negotiates for civil servants, said the fact that public
service employee representatives were not invited to the Kadoma Declaration
launch showed the insincerity of the government.
Chikowore dismissed
Biti's statement on revenues, telling VOA Studio 7
reporter Patience Rusere
that Harare has given the armed forces and
government minister substantial
pay increases.
ZANU-PF officials meanwhile, were putting final touches on
a party starting
Friday night in Bulawayo to mark President Mugabe's 86th
birthday. Critics
said the extravaganza with international musical artists
was inappropriate
when so many Zimbabweans are struggling and state workers
are on strike.
Political analyst John Makumbe of the University of
Zimbabwe told VOA Studio
7 reporter Marvellous Mhlanga-Nyahuye that public
outrage is justified.
Elsewhere, Indigenization and Empowerment minister
Savior Kasukuwere, a
member of Mr. Mugabe's ZANU-PF, told a business
conference in Bulawayo that
government was pressing ahead with plans to
transfer control of foreign
firms to local ownership despite objections from
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and his Movement for Democratic Change
party.
"The debate around indigenization is dead," Reuters quoted
Kasukuwere as
saying. "We are not about to reopen the debate. We are not
about to destroy
the economy; far from it."
http://www1.voanews.com
The Supreme Court
had ordered 300,000 carats of diamonds worth millions of
dollars to be held
by the Reserve Bank pending resolution of a suit against
the government by
London-based African Consolidated Resources
Sandra Nyaira | Washington 26
February 2010
Zimbabwean Mines Minister Obert Mpofu has complied with
a Supreme Court
ordering instructing him to return contested diamonds from
the Marange field
to the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, from which he removed the
stones early this
month, sources said.
The court had ordered the
300,000 carats of diamonds worth millions of
dollars to be held by the
central bank pending resolution of a suit against
the government by
London-based African Consolidated Resources over
revocation of its Marange
mining rights.
When Mpofu, backed by police, took the diamonds from the
Reserve Bank, he
presented a document purporting to be from an official of
the Supreme Court
countermanding the recently issued ruling that the
diamonds should be
sequestered at the RBZ.
Justice Godfrey
Chidyausiku then issued a new order to Mpofu to return the
diamonds, also
instructing Mbada holdings to cease its mining activities in
the Marange
field of Manicaland province under a joint venture with the
government until
the case is settled.
Deputy Mines Minister Murisi Zwizwai confirmed to
VOA reporter Sandra Nyaira
that Mpofu heeded Chidyausiku's ruling and
returned the diamonds.
The Supreme Court decision was in response to an
appeal by the Ministry of
Mines of a High Court order last September
confirming ACR was the legitimate
holder of mining rights on two Marange
claims.
That High Court order said that even if the ruling was appealed
to the
Supreme Court - as it was - an eviction order against the military
and
others developing ACR's disputed claims would remain in
force.
ACR Chief Executive Andrew Cranswick told VOA that his company is
prepared
to go into a joint venture with the government in Marange.
http://www1.voanews.com/
Bulawayo
businessman Sam Ncube said many retailers are importing goods and
passing on
their own rising costs
Brenda Moyo | Washington 26 February
2010
The Consumer Council of Zimbabwe said that prices of basic
commodities
surged 20.5 percent from January to February, putting pressure
on low-income
families.
Bulawayo-based economist Eric Bloch told the
Independent weekly newspaper
that such price rises are unjustified in the
current environment.
But Bulawayo businessman Sam Ncube, director of the
Affirmative Action Group
in Matebeleland, told VOA Studio 7 reporter Brenda
Moyo that many retailers
are importing goods and passing on rising costs.
http://www.zimeye.org/?p=14090
By
John-Chimunhu
Published: February 26, 2010
HARARE -
Aid agencies operating in Zimbabwe have been urged to take
antiviral drugs
(ARVs) directly to people with HIV/AIDS amid allegations
that some state
officials involved in the distribution system were corrupt.
The comments
came during a public discussion on access to ARVs held at the
United States
embassy here on Tuesday.
The main speaker at the meeting, Theresa
Nyamupachitu of the US-based John
Snow Inc. that sources ARVs for poor
countries professed ignorance about the
alleged leakages. However, she was
informed by participants who included
field workers from other NGOs that the
system had broken down at the height
of Zimbabwe’s economic crisis a few
years ago and theft of drugs from health
institutions, including ARVs, was a
common occurrence.
“A lot of health workers started helping themselves to
the drugs to
supplement their meagre incomes,” said one aid official at the
meeting.
The official, whose organisation distributes contraceptives and
sources ARVs
for impoverished communities throughout the country said they
had been
shocked to discover materials that were supposed to be distributed
free of
charge in rural areas being sold on the black market in
Mbare.
“When we investigated, we discovered that the drugs were being
stolen from
rural clinics in the Midlands and Masvingo province,” the
official said.
Another participant said rich and powerful members of
society were also
helping themselves to the drugs at the expense of the
poor. Others said the
aid agencies supplying ARV drugs should insist on
providing the medication
directly to beneficiaries, a system that had
eliminated theft and abuse in
the distribution of relief
food.
However, some said getting the government to accept the changes
could prove
difficult. It was revealed that in some communities, politicians
such as MPs
and councillors insisted on writing letters certifying that
certain people
were too poor to afford the drugs. In return, the politicians
demanded the
votes of the sick people and their families.
Some
participants at the meeting expressed concern that only the Ministry of
Health and Child Welfare could decide on where ARV treatment (ART) centres
could be located.
Nyamupachitu said the country now had 145 ART
centres. Some 245 000 people
were on ARVs, with 208 000 of them being
located in rural areas. She said
the government was responsible for
providing ARVs to 10 000 people, the US
government 59 000, other Western
donors, including SIDA, CIDA and the UK’s
DFID helped another 58 000 while
the United Nations Global Fund provided for
128 000.
http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO1002/S00602.htm
Saturday, 27 February 2010, 2:35 pm
Press
Release: International Trade Union Confederation
Zimbabwe: Trade Union
Leader Arrested
Brussels, 26 February 2010: (ITUC OnLine): The ITUC,
together with its
regional organisation the ITUC-Africa, has condemned and
strongly protested
against the arrests of Assistant General Secretary Gift
Muti and President
Manjemanje Munyanyi of the General Agricultural and
Plantation Workers'
Union (GAPWUZ). They were clearly arrested because of
their trade union
activities.
According to the information received
by the ITUC, on 25 February the police
visited GAPWUZ offices and arrested
the two trade unionists. The police said
they wanted information on the
video and the report, If Something is Wrong,
which is an account of the
atrocities committed during the
government-driven, chaotic land reform since
2000. It documents farm workers'
testimonies of murder, torture, and
violence perpetrated by the state.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Staff Reporter
Friday, 26
February 2010 09:26
HARARE - The cash-strapped Zimbabwe government is losing
more than 30
percent of its annual revenue to rampant tax evasion due to
"trade
mispricing", a new study by a US think-tank showed last week.
New
research by Washington-based Global Financial Integrity (GFI) shows that
Zimbabwe tops the list of countries that recorded the largest tax revenue
losses as a percentage of total government income between 2002 and
2006.
The report, entitled "The implied tax revenue loss from trade
Mispricing",
said Zimbabwe lost US$225.11 million through trade mispricing
out of
expected revenue of US$714.5 million over the five-year period,
representing
a loss of 31.5 percent.
Trade mispricing is the deliberate
over-invoicing of imports or
under-invoicing of exports, usually for the
purpose of tax evasion. It
usually occurs when the trade involves
transactions between related parties
such as subsidiaries of multi-national
companies.
It also occurs between unrelated parties but this is usually a
means of
externalising money. The report said Zimbabwe's financial loss
could be much
higher than the stated 31.5 percent because the study only
covered export
under-invoicing and importing over-invoicing while it ignored
"same-invoice
faking" in which two parties collude.
"As a result of this
omission, the final estimates for total revenue loss
due to trade mispricing
are understated to an undeterminable extent," the
report said. The study
findings come at a time Zimbabwe's Finance Minister
Tendai Biti has bemoaned
the poor performance of corporate tax in the
country's taxation
system.
Corporate taxes accounted for only US$25.6 million out of the US$685
million
revenue collected between January and October last year. This
translated to
less than four percent of the total revenue.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Caroline Mvundura Saturday 27 February
2010
HARARE - Impala Platinum (Implats) chief executive officer David
Brown will
next month takeover as chairman of the South African mining
giant's Zimbabwe
subsidiary Zimplats Holdings.
Brown, who will be
deputised by top lawyer and Harare mayor Muchadeyi
Masunda, is replacing
Gregory Sebborn who resigned last month.
"Further to the recent
resignation of Gregory Sebborn from the board, the
directors of Zimplats
Holdings Limited wish to announce...(that) David Brown
will be appointed
chairman of the board," the firm said last week.
Implats, the world's
second biggest platinum producer, controls 87 percent
of the Zimplats
Holdings stock.
Last year, Brown took a long standing tax dispute with
the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe to President Mugabe after a government
sanctioned forensic audit in
2008 alleged tax evasions at Zimplats's two
operating subsidiaries in
Zimbabwe.
Zimplats has denied impropriety,
and the appointment of Brown could see the
firm adopt a more robust approach
to assert its innocence on the matter.
Zimplats is looking to ramp up
output to 180 000 ounces per annum from the
current 90 000 after making
major investments in Zimbabwe even as hundreds
of potential investors
withheld their capital fearing harsh empowerment laws
and a hostile economic
environment triggered by violent farm seizure
starting 2000. -- ZimOnline
Written by Richard Dowden |
Friday, 26 February 2010 10:20 |
ON 4 March 1980, Robert Mugabe became Prime Minister of
Zimbabwe. In this article, Richard Dowden explains how this intelligent and
charismatic man's quest to hang onto power has brought down what was once one of
Africa's best economies down to the ground: (Pictured: Nelson Mandela - His
reputation has remained intact while Mugabe's is in ruins)
It is 30 years since Robert Mugabe was elected Prime Minister of Zimbabwe. Last month was 20 years since Nelson Mandela left jail. The two men have much in common. Both are nationalist leaders who fought white rule in southern Africa. Both served long periods in prison, Mandela 27 years, Mugabe 11. Both emerged and won elections and then offered their white oppressors the hand of forgiveness and friendship. Both created governments of national unity to deal with rival movements: in South Africa Mandela faced the Zulu Inkatha movement; in Zimbabwe Mugabe brought into his Cabinet the largely Ndebele Zimbabwe African Patriotic Union (Zapu). Most observers had predicted a bloodbath in both countries. That had seemed the most logical of all the scenarios. No one had any doubt about which man had the more difficult task. Apartheid in South Africa was a far more brutal system than white rule in Zimbabwe. Whites were a bigger proportion of South Africa's population than the whites of Rhodesia - as Zimbabwe was called before independence. And Afrikaners in South Africa had lived there far longer and had no links to any other homeland. White Rhodesians were relatively recent arrivals, many with opportunities to go elsewhere. Economic growth Initially both men brought peace and eschewed revenge. Overcoming the immediate threats, they returned their countries to economic growth. With the end of apartheid the scene was set for the economic take-off of southern Africa, perhaps the whole of sub-Saharan Africa. Mandela and Mugabe could have stood together, turning their countries away from the painful past and launching Africa into an era of peace and prosperity. But while Mandela emerged as one of the greatest leaders of the 20th century, Mugabe's reputation is in ruins; a power-crazed dictator who destroyed his country and the lives of millions so he could stay in power. Many writers have tried to prove that Mugabe was always evil, bent on revenge or trying, like Pol Pot, to bring his country to a Year Zero, from which he could create a perfect communist state. These days he is most commonly seen as a crazed old man, sitting on the wreckage of Zimbabwe, protecting violent, corrupt cronies. It was not always like that. In 1980 Mugabe came to power with 57 of the 100 seats in parliament. His nearest rival, Joshua Nkomo, had 20. Ten seats were reserved for the countries' 230 000 whites but an estimated 45 000 emigrated at independence. Mugabe formed a government of national unity with three white ministers and made Nkomo minister of home affairs. He entered parliament for the first time alongside Ian Smith, the former prime minister, and re-employed his intelligence chief. "Let us put a line through the past," he said. Future in education The Zimbabwean economy, boosted by good rains, rocketed by 15.4 percent in 1980 and 12.9 percent in 1981. War had caused average income per capita to fall from $175.5 in 1974 to $134 in 1979 but it bounced back to $170 in 1981. And Zimbabweans realised that the future lay in education. As soon as the war ended, Mugabe's government pumped money into schools and the number of schoolchildren shot up from 893 000 in 1979 to 1.8 million two years later. Those first years were marked by optimism while a veneer of socialist rhetoric masked pragmatic conservative policies. Where, many asked, was Mugabe's communism? Unlike other African leaders in the region, Mugabe would have no dealings with South Africa, attacking apartheid relentlessly and supporting the liberation movements. In retaliation South African special forces and their agents carried out terrorist attacks, once targeting Mugabe's official residence. They destroyed much of Zimbabwe's air force. Mugabe may have had paranoid tendencies but the South Africans were out to get him. His new security chiefs blamed senior white officers in the Zimbabwean military. Some were arrested and tortured. This explains why he was prepared to destroy Zimbabwe's economy in the cause of relaunching a political war with Britain, expelling by violence white Zimbabwean farmers. He could have achieved the same end of righting a historic wrong peacefully over 20 years by a steadily applied combination of law and aid-backed compensation. Even those whites who had immigrated after independence were driven off their land. Handed out money Ironically that war was sparked not by the farmers but by his own militant supporters, the war veterans. On Heroes Day in 1997 Mugabe was heckled by former fighters who wanted pensions. Attacked by the very people he thought he stood for, Mugabe gave in immediately and handed out money to them. It burst the bank, and by 1999 Zimbabwe was defaulting on its debts. At the same time a new political party was building, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), which drew in the growing urban middle class. It was being funded by white interests. Under attack from "left" and "right", Mugabe diverted the war veterans to take the white farms, solving both. The South Africans also fomented strife between Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu) and Zapu. Former guerrillas of the two movements had clashed at demobilisation camps and had to be disarmed by the national army. In 1982 Zapu arms caches were discovered. The South Africans helped form and support "Super Zapu", a gang of about 400 dissidents. Mugabe turned on Nkomo, accusing him of trying to mount a coup and sacking him from the government. It is not clear whether he really believed Nkomo was in league with Super Zapu or had simply invented this. He certainly used it as an excuse to destroy his rival, forming a fearsome new military unit, the 5th Brigade, made up entirely of Shona-speaking ex-Zanla fighters and trained by the North Koreans. He turned them loose on Matabeleland where, over the next years, they killed some 20 000 people. Nkomo and the Ndebele were crushed and Zapu was merged into Zanu (PF). Mugabe gave some Zapu leaders jobs in government while releasing others from jail. Mugabe was shrewd enough not to ban all other parties. Zimbabwe was virtually - but never constitutionally - a one-party state. Driven by emotions Despite his undoubted intellectual brilliance (he holds six degrees), Mugabe is driven primarily by emotions, ones that probably spring from his upbringing. Contrast him with Mandela, who grew up in a royal household. Mandela would never inherit a throne, yet he aspired to lead and as a young man watched his uncle, the chief, and learned about leadership and negotiation. Mugabe grew up a poor, lonely child with a fanatically Catholic mother and no father from the age of 10. He was adopted by a charismatic Irish priest and white nuns who had spotted his seriousness and diligence - white people have exercised a push-pull dynamic on his life ever since. That might explain his childlike affection for Lord Soames, who oversaw the transition, and his almost adulatory attitude towards the British royal family. In contrast Mandela calls the Queen "Lisbet" and treats her as an equal, a fellow monarch. Non-racialism is at the heart of Mandela's politics. Mugabe launches racist diatribes about whites at every rally. He was particularly stung by Tony Blair and his government for repudiating British responsibility for colonialism. The war was over and he had won but he had become addicted to the fight. The British assumed he would bend to pressure. He didn't. They made it worse by openly supporting the opposition MDC and calling for regime change. That rejection confirmed Mugabe's deepest political - and psychological - fears. Right to rule Mugabe and his ruling Zanu (PF) elite do not consider that they rule Zimbabwe because of electoral support. The 1979 election simply confirmed their right to rule. They could not accept that they lost the 2008 election. Zanu (PF) sees itself as the establishment, their position as secure as the monarchy in Britain. They may have to share government with the MDC but never see themselves losing the reins of real power. Key units of the security forces and all the military chiefs, regional governors, ambassadors and senior civil servants are all Zanu-PF appointees. At least the Global Political Agreement, brokered by Zimbabwe's neighbours in 2008, is preventing complete breakdown and has allowed the economy to recover a little under MDC guidance. The MDC wants to use this to prove it can rule better and thereby win the next election. When will that be? Zanu (PF) is deeply divided. An election might precipitate a war within the party. The MDC is also divided on whether to push for elections now or wait. The longer they wait the more likely they will become part of the co-opted and corrupt ruling elite. And there is no chance of - and no money for - a free and fair election now. Mugabe remains - for the moment. Editor's Note: Richard Dowden is director of the Royal African Society and author of Africa: Altered States, Ordinary Miracles, published by Portobello Books. (His article first appeared in the Spectator magazine) |
http://www.washingtonpost.com
Editorial
Saturday, February 27,
2010
IT'S BEEN a year since the launch of Zimbabwe's national unity
government,
and President Robert Mugabe is celebrating -- his own birthday,
that is.
Once again the strongman who liberated and then ruined what was one
of
Africa's richest countries has spent a huge sum -- $500,000 --
celebrating
himself, this time in a 12-hour concert broadcast live on state
television
Friday. Mr. Mugabe is now 86; he was recently named by his party
as leader
for another five years. He has refused to implement any of the
reforms
promised in the unity accord, and he has continued to arrest and
harass his
opponents. He has made a mockery of those African nations, led by
South
Africa, who promoted the coalition government.
So as ever in
Zimbabwe's prolonged agony, the question is, will South Africa
and other
neighbors finally be shamed into a different approach. There is at
least
some reason to be hopeful.
Former South African president Thabo Mbeki
promoted the union between Mr.
Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai as a way of arresting
Zimbabwe's descent into chaos while leaving
the strongman in power. From Mr.
Mugabe's point of view, this has worked out
rather well. Mr. Tsvangirai's
ministers have stopped hyperinflation,
reopened hospitals and returned
children to school; the economy even grew a
little last year. But none of
the concessions promised to the opposition
have been implemented. Opposition
provincial governors have not been able to
take up their posts, much less
begun to work. Not a single independent media
outlet has been licensed, and
propaganda spews daily from
government-controlled outlets. Appropriately,
neither the United States nor
the European Union has lifted sanctions.
South Africa's new president,
Jacob Zuma, seems less willing to coddle Mr.
Mugabe. He has supported talks
on the stalled pieces of the pact, but these
have gone nowhere. So now Mr.
Zuma has let it be known that he wants the two
sides to focus on preparing
for an early election, provided for under the
political deal. He's right to
embrace democracy as a way out of the crisis.
Mr. Mugabe lost the last
presidential election in 2008 before reversing its
results by force, and
polls show that his party is now supported by less
than 30 percent of the
population.
Yet, if Zimbabwe is to have another election, its neighbors
must ensure that
it will be free and fair. That means stopping the arrests
and attacks by
security forces, allowing opposition access to media and
providing for
international monitoring of voting and counting. Under the
unity accord,
elections were to follow the drafting and approval of a new
constitution,
which would take most of this year. Now there is talk of
advancing the vote
to this spring -- but is it possible to ensure a fair
vote by then? Mr. Zuma
is said to be eager to ensure that strife in Zimbabwe
doesn't spoil South
Africa's hosting of the World Cup soccer tournament this
summer. If so, he
needs to begin bringing concerted pressure to bear on Mr.
Mugabe.
Dear Family and Friends,
This week marks the
10th anniversary of the commencement of farm
invasions in Zimbabwe. For me it
started with a mob of men who came
to the farm gate. Wearing blue overalls
and carrying bricks and
sticks they whistled and shouted that this was HONDO
(war) and that
they were taking the farm. The events that followed are
history and
the seizure of that farm and theft of home, business and assets
have
been repeated thousands of times across the country in this
last
decade.
There are thought to have been a million people directly
affected by
Zimbabwe's land seizures, including farm owners and their
employees
and extended families. None of these one million people have yet
been
compensated for what was taken from them or for injuries and
abuses
inflicted upon them in the process of the seizures. It wasn't
only
those million that paid the price. It is widely believed that
a
further four million Zimbabweans had to leave home in the last 10
years.
There is not a family in the country who does not have
relations living in
political or financial exile in this massive
place called 'diaspora' which
encompasses most corners of the world
where abused, dispossessed, and
disenfranchised Zimbabweans now live.
Tragically, 10 years later farm
invasions are still going on and the
inclusive government does nothing to
stop them - unable or unwilling
to stop the lawless monster unleashed a
decade ago. Zimbabwe now
imports almost it's food including the most basic of
staple goods
such as wheat, maize, cooking oil and sugar.
Farms, once
the show-piece of Zimbabwe and the life blood of the
economy are now no-go
areas. Why? What is it that the beneficiaries
of the seized farms have got to
hide? What are they ashamed of? What
have they being doing these 10 years
that leaves our shelves barren
of Zimbabwean food?
Perhaps one person
who knows is Gertrude Hambira, Secretary General
of the General Agriculture
and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe
(Gapwuz). Mrs Hambira was in hiding
again this week days after she'd
been called to a meeting and interrogated
about a documentary and
report published by GAPWUZ recently. The report
called 'House of
Justice," exposes evidence of human rights violations
against farm
workers in the decade of land seizures and details the
involvement of
senior government officials.
This week I had the
privilege of going for a walk in the bush - a
rare treat these days after
everything that has gone on here. Tall,
thick vegetation, lush grass heavy
with raindrops and drooping with
seeds. Everywhere you look there is another
delight to see and for me
it was like meeting old friends: exquisite
mushrooms of every
description from thin stalks with delicate ivory heads to
bright
orange spikes erupting from a bare sandy patch; red toadstools,
brown
balls, little white beads glimmering in the grass and huge brown
and
orange bracket fungus clinging to trees.
There is so much to do
out there in the Zimbabwean bush, so much to
preserve, conserve, protect and
so much for our children to learn -
if only the politics and greed of a few
could be stopped. Until next
time, thanks for reading, love cathy� Copyright
cathy buckle 27
February 2010.
www.cathybuckle.com
http://www.cricinfo.com
Cricinfo staff
February 26,
2010
Zimbabweans 281 (Taibu 107, Masakadza 38, Cariah 2-43) beat UWI
Vice
Chancellor's XI 276 for 8 (Brathwaite 80, Parris 73, Chigumbura 2-27)
by
five runs
Scorecard
Tatenda Taibu made a steadying 38,
Bangladesh v Zimbabwe, 2nd ODI, Mirpur,
October 29,
2009
Zimbabwe began their tour of West Indies on a positive note,
prevailing in a
tense encounter against UWI Vice Chancellor's XI by five
runs in St
Augustine. Tatenda Taibu, who the tourists will rely heavily on,
starred
with a century, guiding his team to a competitive 281, which it just
about
managed to defend. Much of the success owed to a collective bowling
effort,
for UWI were cruising at 195 for 3 at one stage. But three wickets
then fell
for 22 runs and the lower order, despite useful contributions,
struggled
against a determined performance at the death by the
Zimbabweans.
Taibu's century followed starts from each of the Zimbabwean
top three, but
he ran short of support once the total had passed 200. The
last six wickets
fell for 80 runs, undermining a solid platform laid earlier
in the innings.
UWI suffered the same fate after the top order - Kraigg
Brathwaite and
Nekoli Parris added 136 for the third wicket - had tilted the
balance in
their favour. Chris Mpofu, Kyle Jarvis and Elton Chigumbura
bagged two
wickets each to ensure the total Taibu had helped post proved
just adequate.
Zimbabwe take on West Indies in a Twenty20 international
on Sunday in Port
of Spain.