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Secret airstrip built at Zimbabwe diamond field
A secret airstrip is being built in a diamond field illegally seized by the
Zimbabwean army 14 months ago which would enable clandestine weapons shipments.
By Peta Thornycroft in Harare and Sebastien Berger
Published: 11:00PM GMT
31 Jan 2010
Diplomats and analysts believe that the mile-long runway is intended for arms
shipments, probably from China, for which troops loyal to President Robert
Mugabe would pay on the spot with gemstones from the Chiadzwa diamond mines.
Aerial pictures show construction work is well under way, with a newly built
control tower apparently complete and the runway nearly ready for surfacing.
There are other airfields within a short distance of the mining area, and no
obvious need for a runway long enough for transport planes to take off and land
even closer to the mines. A Western diplomat said the existence of the runway,
out of sight except from the air, was "extremely" worrying.
The images also show what appears to be a tented army camp in the diamond
fields, which would be in violation of Zimbabwean court orders and of an
undertaking to the Kimberley Process, which was set up to prevent "blood
diamonds" from conflict zones entering the global gem trade.
According to human rights groups, hundreds of independent miners were killed
when soldiers seized control of the Chiadzwa area in November 2008, since when
others have been compelled to work for only a fraction of the value of the
diamonds they unearth. Officers use the proceeds from their sale to enhance
their meagre pay - a ploy encouraged by Mr Mugabe's henchmen to help ensure the
army's continued loyalty.
But the construction of the runway suggests that the army has now widened its
ambition and wants to use its access to the raw diamonds - whose production is
worth an estimated £125 million a month - to obtain goods from abroad, in
particular weapons.
The revelation comes at a highly sensitive moment for Zimbabwe, where the
future of joint government by Mr Mugabe's ruthless Zanu-PF party and the former
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by Morgan Tsvangirai, the
prime minister, hangs in the balance.
Last week Mr Tsvangirai was in Europe to press for international sanctions
against Zimbabwe to be eased, despite continued repression of opponents by state
security forces and the refusal by Zanu-PF to honour all the elements of its
agreement with the MDC.
The MDC leader was briefed about the continued presence of the army at the
diamond fields and the construction of the secret runway. A party insider said:
"We know about it and it is extremely sensitive. We are very worried about what
we have found out this week."
China has long been Zimbabwe's main source of arms, but delivery has been
more difficult since a shipment was blocked in South Africa three years ago.
Other deliveries have come in through the Mozambican port of Beira, but
government officials in the country's capital, Maputo, have expressed concern
over the issue.
The army has also been frustrated in its attempts to buy weapons by
Zimbabwe's finance minister, Tendai Biti, a member of the MDC who has blocked
new arms purchases since taking control of the treasury under last year's
power-sharing deal.
But the new facility would give Zimbabwe's Joint Operations Command, the
military top brass who long swore they would never recognise Mr Tsvangirai's
authority, a way to obtain weapons independently.
A Western diplomat claimed the head of Zimbabwe's armed forces, Constantine
Chiwenga, had been "very busy" with the Chinese recently, adding: "We are
concerned he is buying weapons."
A senior political source who has seen the pictures said: "Zanu-PF believes
these diamond fields will allow it to continue to defy outstanding issues of the
political agreement.
"Zanu-PF only went into the inclusive government because it lost the
elections but it has no intention of fulfilling the political agreement, and
wants to go it alone. But it needs an income to ensure loyalty among soldiers
and other security forces."
The source said building such a runway in the mining zone did not otherwise
make sense, adding: "We should all be very worried about this."
The diamond fields, in Marange district in eastern Zimbabwe, could be worth
billions of pounds and make a vital contribution to rebuilding a country brought
to ruin by Mr Mugabe's economic mismanagement. Tens of millions of pounds worth
of the gems are smuggled into nearby Mozambique each month, to be bought by
dealers from Lebanon, Belgium, Iraq, Mauritania and the Balkans - many of them
with the connivance of the army and police.
The mines, whose rough diamonds have a characteristic and unappealing grey
appearance, cover an area of 10 square miles. A British company, African
Consolidated Resources (ACR), has a legal claim to them under a deal originally
struck with the Zimbabwean government, but in 2006 the Mugabe regime went back
on the agreement and declared the mines open to all comers.
Thousands of desperate Zimbabweans descended on the area to pan for diamonds
among the soft red mud, and police exploitation and corruption soared.
Then, towards the end of 2008, hundreds of soldiers were sent in to evict the
miners by force and take control for the army. Human rights groups estimate that
between 200 and 400 were shot dead, and many more were beaten, tear-gassed,
mauled by dogs or raped.
The international diamond watchdog, the Kimberley Process Certification
Scheme, has been urged to suspend Zimbabwe over the violence and allegations of
continuing violance at the mines - a move which would make the trade in
Zimbabwean diamonds illegal. But at a meeting in Namibia in November the body
decided to give Zimbabwe until June to improve, to the fury of campaigners who
said the mines' output should be considered "blood diamonds" and banned.
Mark Canning, Britain's ambassador to Zimbabwe, confirmed that diplomats are
closely watching developments in the diamond fields, including apparent
construction of a 2,000-yard runway.
"The situation in Marange is of continual concern," he said. "What this
particular facility [the runway] is, at this stage is anyone's guess, but it's
crystal clear that the proceeds of a rich diamond field which has the potential
to transform the fortunes of this country are being channelled into a handful of
well lined pockets."
The Zanu-PF defence minister, Emmerson Mnangagwa, denied knowing of any
runway under construction in the area. "Ask the mining ministry or home affairs,
they might know about it," he said.
The mining minister, Obert Mpofu, who is also a member of Mr Mugabe's party,
said he was on holiday and therefore could not comment.
The government says the army has withdrawn from the mining concession area
and the mines are now being run by the Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation
(ZMDC), ignoring a high court order granting that right to ACR, the company
which says it has the licence.
One of the mining companies involved in the development says that it is
building the runway in order to comply with Kimberley Process rules that
diamonds be transported in the most secure way possible, and that a private
contractor is responsible for security.
ACR's chief executive Andrew Cranswick said: "We are certain the majority of
valuable stones from our sites have been and are being smuggled out of
Zimbabwe."
No
one monitoring airlifting of Chiadzwa diamonds
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Own Correspondents Tuesday
02 February 2010
HARARE - Controversial mining house Mbada
Diamonds has airlifted diamonds
from Chiadzwa to Harare without monitoring
by the Mineral Marketing
Corporation of Zimbabwe (MMCZ), police or any other
authority in the
country, in what appears a clear violation of Kimberley
Process (KP) calls
for maximum transparency at the notorious diamond
field.
Acting head of marketing at the MMCZ - the sole marketing and
selling agent
of all minerals produced in the country - Masimba
Chandavengerwa told
Parliament's mines and energy committee that although
his organisation
evaluates and monitors the diamonds, it has not been
represented when the
gems are airlifted from Mutare to Harare.
Asked
by ZANU PF legislator Simbaneuta Mudarikwa if the MMCZ was aware of
the
airlifting of diamonds from Chiadzwa, Chandavengerwa stunned the
committee
saying: "At the moment, (the airlifting is being done) without our
knowledge."
The MMCZ acting boss also conceded that handling of
diamonds at Chiadzwa,
also known as Marange, still fell short of KP
standards - two months after
Harare promised to act to review operations at
the diamond field to ensure
compliance with the requirements of the world
diamond industry watchdog.
Chandavengerwa said: "In terms of systems
there is work that has to be done
to meet the KP" standards. He however
ruled out under-invoicing of diamonds
by Mbada saying "our own evaluators
did the evaluation. Mbada also did their
own, (whose results) which were
very, very close".
Mbada Investments is a joint-venture formed last year
by the government's
Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC) and
Grandwell of South Africa
to mine diamonds at Chiadzwa.
The ZMDC is
also partnered another little known South African firm Core
Mining and
Minerals in a joint-venture operation trading as Canadile Miners
to exploit
the Chiadzwa deposits.
Harare agreed at the KP meeting in Namibia last
November that all shipments
from all production sites in the Marange field
will be "subject to
examination and certification by a KP monitor prior to
export to ensure that
the production and export of rough diamonds is
compliant with the minimum
standards of the KP".
But the Zimbabwean
government and the KP are yet to agree on a monitor to
keep an eye on the
Chiadzwa operation with reports that Harare insists the
monitor must be a
citizen of an African country. Apparently, the KP had
proposed to send a
diamond expert from Europe to monitor the Chiadzwa
claims.
A planned
sale of 300 000 carats of diamonds by Mbada was aborted last month
because
of the absence of a KP monitor and also because the mining firm had
failed
to inform relevant government departments including the MMCZ.
The KP is a
joint government, industry and civil society initiative to stop
trade in
conflict diamonds - rough diamonds used by rebel movements and
other rouge
groups to finance wars against legitimate governments.
Under a set of
measures meant to bring Zimbabwe's controversial diamond
industry in line
with KP standards, the diamond watchdog must monitor
production and sales of
diamonds from Chiadzwa field where the army has been
accused of rights
abuses against civilians.
International rights groups have been pushing
for a world ban on Zimbabwe
diamonds until Harare acts to ensure mining at
Chiadzwa is in full
compliance with KP standards.
The southern
African nation however escaped a KP ban last November but the
global body
gave Harare a June 2010 deadline to make reforms to comply with
its
regulations.
Meanwhile a ZMDC official refused to disclose to the
parliamentary committee
the names of members of Mbada Investments
board.
Little is known of the diamond miner except that its chairman Robert
Mhlanga
has strong links to Zimbabwe's military establishment that is
accused of
accused of stealing millions of dollars worth of diamonds from
Chiadzwa and
offloading them onto the foreign black market for precious
stones. -
ZimOnline
Zimbabwe Attorney General admits abuse of section 121
http://www.sokwanele.com/thisiszimbabwe/archives/5425
ZLHR Press Release - 1 Feb: Attorney General (AG)
Johannes Tomana on Monday 1 February 2010 conceded that his law
officers and prosecutors had at times misjudged when they unnecessarily invoked
section 121 of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act (CPEA) to effectively
reverse the granting of bail to accused persons.
Prosecutors and law officers from the AG's Office have on numerous occasions
abused a controversial provision of the CPEA by invoking section 121 to keep
accused persons in custody despite them being granted bail by the courts. This
practice has had the effect of keeping individuals in custody for a further
seven days to allow the State time to appeal the granting of bail. In almost all
cases the appeals were either never filed, or were dismissed by the superior
courts.
Because of this practice Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) had, in
recent months, protested that the section was being used selectively and
unlawfully by the AG's office against human rights defenders and legitimate
political activists in order to persecute these individuals, even where courts
have found no evidence that they would pose a threat to the interests of
justice, society or the State, if they were to be released on bail.
Tomana told the Portfolio Committee on Justice, Legal Affairs,
Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs, chaired by Masvingo Urban
legislator Hon. Tongai Matutu, when he appeared before it today, that he could
not rule out malice, corruption, misjudgment and human error on the part of his
law officers in invoking section 121.
Tomana is the first and highest ranking State legal officer to admit the
abuse of section 121 which ZLHR contends has been invoked on numerous occasions
merely to punish or further harass human rights defenders and continue the
incarceration of such individuals in appalling conditions of detention, and not
because an appeal would have prospects of success.
Already prominent human rights lawyer and ZLHR member Alec
Muchadehama is awaiting a determination from the Supreme Court on his
application challenging the constitutionality of section 121 of the CPEA.
Evidence compiled by ZLHR makes it clear that, in the majority of the cases
recorded, the State had not filed an appeal after the expiry of the statutory
seven days. In the isolated cases in which an appeal was pursued, not one appeal
filed by the AG's office has succeeded.
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) feels that there is an urgent need
for intervention in order for such repressive and unconstitutional practices to
be brought to an end and for accused persons to be afforded their basic rights
and freedoms. The exposure of such practices in public hearings is the first
step in this process, but requires that further corrective measures to be taken,
together with a change of attitude on the part of the AG and his subordinates,
including the Director of Public Prosecutions, if it is to have any real meaning
for those who have fallen, or may fall, victim to such abuse.
This entry was posted by Sokwanele on Monday,
February 1st, 2010 at 7:12 pm
Zanu
PF’s dirty tactics in Zimbabwe’s constitution making process
Section of leaked Zanu PF document
Recent media
reports have argued that the Zanu PF party has “no intention whatsoever of
sharing power in the future”. The reports refer to an internal Zanu PF strategic
working document drafted by the ‘Zanu PF Constitution Making Process Working
Group’ in November last year, which was apparently ‘leaked’ to the media in
January this year. You can download
a copy of the leaked document here (PDF – 41 pages in length, 3.13 MB).
The document outlines different positions on a future constitution between
the Zanu PF and MDC parties. Some of the perceived differences of opinion are
subjective, and there is not necessarily any evidence that the MDC party does
think the way Zanu PF assumes it does. The purpose of the document is clear: it
is “to enable Zanu PF political
mobilisation teams to concentrate on the issues that are likely to be contested
in the constitution-making process” – and as becomes obvious in the
reading of the text, to give those teams the arguments for the Zanu PF
position.
On individual human rights:
The authors of the strategic document outline several fundamental rights
which they state the MDC will seek to include in a future constitution that the
Zanu PF has not listed as individual human rights. These are:
- Right to health care, food, water, and social security
- Right to education
- Worker rights
- The right to a clean environment
- Freedom of speech and expression
- Minority rights
The justification for the exclusion of rights 1-4 above is that these fall
under ‘national objectives’, and therefore are not in themselves individual
human rights. However the authors acknowledge that the party may need to
re-think this view.
On the ‘right to freedom of speech and expression’, the Zanu PF authors argue
that these rights include the media, and they accordingly argue that they do not
fall within the remit of ‘individual human rights’ under a future
constitution.
The authors do not
acknowledge that excluding ‘the right to freedom of expression’ as an individual
human right allows for the infringement on many aspects of individual
expression. Both the Kariba Draft
and NCA Draft (2001) detail what freedom of expression includes:
- freedom to hold opinions;
- freedom to seek, receive and communicate ideas and information regardless of
frontiers;
- freedom of the press and other media of communication;
- freedom of artistic creativity;
- freedom from interference with correspondence or other forms of
communication, including electronic and telephonic communication; and
- academic freedom and freedom of scientific research.
Zanu PF’s historical issues with a free press and their efforts to control
and curtail the media have always been unacceptable. Their position is made
doubly unacceptable when their political desire to control the media is allowed
to infringe on the protection of individual freedoms and rights as well.
The working document reveals several lines of strategic controversial attacks
that the Zanu PF party plans to employ against the MDC party in the
constitution-making process.
The document suggests to its political mobilisation teams that the MDC party
wants to include abortion rights in a future constitution. It is important to
note that this claim is assumed
by the authors and not necessarily a statement on the MDC parties position. This
is clearly seen in the language used by the authors – their inference
italicised for emphasis:
Equality of women to men and equal enjoyment with men of fundamental human
rights and freedoms [...] and that in addition a women must have preference over
her own body (i.e. the Constitution must legalise a women’s right to
abortion for any reason the women might deem fit) (Page
8-9).
In fact, without a clear position statement from the MDC parties, we can make
no such assumption at all. It is reasonable and fair that a woman must have preference over her own body
– she has, for a example, a right not to be raped or abused! The authors of the
document extrapolate their assumption of what “preference over her own
body” might mean to undermine their view of the MDC’s position on ‘the right to
life’. They say that the MDC seeks ”the right to life to be absolute” –
i.e. an abolishment of capital punishment. They then comment that the MDC’s
favouring of a ‘right to abortion’ contradicts the MDC’s position on the
abolishment of capital punishment.
Sceptics amongst us will remember the many times the Zanu PF party has hauled
opposition members – including Morgan Tsvangirai and Tendai Biti – into court on
‘treason charges’. Treason carries a penalty of death, so its a useful threat
and the ultimate tool for political harassment and intimidation. One can’t help
wonder if the convoluted argument on the ‘right to life’, built on nothing more
than a baseless assumption, doesn’t have more to do with Zanu PF trying to find
any kind of justification to keep capital punishment in the constitution to
ensure its favourite weapon of choice is ready to be used against future
political opponents.
There is another assumption contained in this document on yet another
explosive social issue in Zimbabwe. The authors write (their assumption
italicised again) that the MDC wants
Freedom from discrimination to be broad to include the protection of personal
preferences (i.e. gays and lesbians should be protected by the
Constitution)
Again, this is not a stated MDC position so we do not know if this is the
case. All we know is that Nelson Chamisa was quoted last month, saying:
Zanu PF is peddling a lot of lies about the party of excellence, the MDC.
They are going around telling people that our party supports homosexuality and
abortion. These are all lies meant to disturb the masses attention on the new
constitution process (Zimbabwe
Mail).
Regardless of the MDC’s position – stated or otherwise – there is no question
that there is massive prejudice against homosexuality in Zimbabwe. Abortion too
is a contentious issue in any nation in the world. The fact that the authors
have sought to find tenuous reasons to muddy the waters with these volatile
issues by putting unproven ideas into the minds of their political mobilisation
teams suggests that the party’s intention is more to stir up public controversy
and prejudice than it is to have a meaningful debate on a new constitution.
There is another right that Zanu PF note that they have not included in the
list of individual human rights: these are ‘Minority rights’. To justify this
exclusion, the authors write:
This reminds one of the minority rights included in the Lancaster House
Constitution that guaranteed them a number of seats in parliament that was
larger than their proportion of the population and that protected them against
expropriation of land by the State to redress colonial injustices and
imbalances.
As the real owners of the MDC are the whites the Minority Rights which the
MDC refer to must be those that were entrenched in the Lancaster House
Constitution and which could not be amended for ten years after independence in
order to protect white colonial interests.
This is not acceptable to the people of Zimbabwe. They did not engage in an
armed liberation struggle in order to protect the British and white colonial
interests that subjected them to tyranny, racial domination, oppression and
exploitation.
The Zanu PF authors fail to acknowledge that ‘whites’ are not the only minority group in Zimbabwe. So
the party’s personal hatred and racism towards all white people – unacceptable
enough as it is - is allowed to have an impact on all other minority groups as
well.
This kind of self-serving agenda suggests that the Zanu PF party does not
understand that the only qualifier for having a human right is to be human! If
they understand this but ignore it anyway, then we can assume that the Zanu PF
does not take these profound social values seriously at all.
Ultimately, the document’s stance on individual human rights, and its
manipulation of facts and argument, suggests that party’s intention is to serve itself in the
constitution-making process, and not the people of Zimbabwe.
You can browse through individual human rights using the menu on our
constitution resource page. This is being updated with new content from
different draft constitutions all the time.
On citizenship:
Comments left on Sokwanele’s constitution resource
reveals that ‘Citizenship‘
is a major concern for many Zimbabweans. The Zanu PF document highlights some
key difference of perceived opinion between the MDC and Zanu PF parties.
On ‘citizenship by birth’, the MDC, the document argues, wants everyone born
in Zimbabwe to be a citizen of Zimbabwe; Zanu PF, however, will only afford
citizenship to the individual if the person is born in Zimbabwe to parents who
are citizens at the time of his/her birth.
Zanu PF believes that the MDC would like the rights to dual citizenship to be
enshrined in a future constitution; Zanu PF will allow for an Act of Parliament
prohibiting dual citizenship.
According to this document, the MDC party will seek to guarantee the right to
citizenship acquired through secondary means (marriage, descent etc); Zanu PF
however do not support those guarantees, and will allow for an Act of Parliament
that provides for the circumstances in which people can lose their
citizenship.
On executive powers:
Zanu PF is keen for full executive authority to be retained by the President
and the authors of this strategic text go so far as to describe the Prime
Minister as “only a senior minister appointed and accountable to the
President”.
It is much easier for executive power to be streamlined into one office, that
of the President. It is unworkable for executive authority to be divided between
Prime Minister and President. The experience of the people of Zimbabwe with the
inclusive government since February 2009 has shown that a sharing of executive
power by a President and Prime Minister will result in there being always a
fight for power rather than progress.
If there has to be a Prime Minister, he does not have executive authority. He
is only a senior minister appointed and accountable to the President. In the
SADC region, the prevalent arrangement is Head of State and leader of government
(Page 16).
Presidential immunity is another point of conflict for Zanu PF: “No
contestations except on [...] immunity of the President from prosecution during
Presidential tenure which the MDC want removed” (Page 17 – see relevant
clauses in Sokwanele’s constitution resource here).
Zanu PF also wants to restrict any constitutional clause that allows for the
impeachment of the President. The document notes that the MDC wants parliament
to “have oversight on executive powers and have the right to impeach the
President” while Zanu PF argues
Parliament may pass a vote of no confidence in Government though a resolution
passed by at least two thirds of members of parliament at a joint sitting of
both Houses (Page 19).
(Clauses on ‘removing the President from office’ here, and
on ‘vote of no confidence’ here in
our constitution resource.)
On Presidential powers:
The document states that there are ‘no contestations’ between the MDC and
Zanu PF on ‘The Legislature’ “except on the appointment of Members of Parliament
by the President which the MDC does not want” (Page 20).
Zanu PF also want to retain the President’s right to appoint the Commissioner
General of Police. The document states that the MDC position is “The
appointments of service Chiefs should be approved by parliament after
recommendation by the executive”. ZANU PF argue instead that: “The Commissioner
General of Police should be appointed by the President”. They hold the same view
for the appointments of the Commissioner of Prisons and the Auditor General.
(Relevant clauses in our constitution resource: Commissioner
of Police here, Commissioner
of Prisons here, and Auditor
General here).
Zanu PF wants to retain the President’s right to appoint the Chairperson of
the Independent Electoral Commission (albeit on consultation with two other
commissions), while the MDC, according to the authors of this strategic
document, wants Members of Parliament to select the Chairperson after a series
of interviews. Zanu PF aims to retain the President’s right to appoint all other
members on the commissions, from a list presented to him. (For an insight
into the various Commissions proposed and/or included in the constitution,
select ‘Independent Commissions’ from the menu bar on our constitution resource
page).
The Zanu PF document notes too that the “MDC may be opposed to the
appointment of Provincial Governors by the President”. The Zanu Pf position is
that this is not a matter for the constitution, but “should be detailed in an
Act of parliament” instead (Page 38-39).
On Independent Commissions:
On the subject of independent commissions, Zanu PF’s working document reveals
their perception that the MDC wants a ‘Land Commission’ included in a future
constitution, as well as a ‘Labour Commission’ and a ‘Children’s Right’s
Commission’; however, Zanu PF does not want these (Page 34-35).
According to the authors of the document, the MDC seeks a ‘Land Commission’
on the grounds that the land reform programme has not achieved a perfect outcome
and there is a need for a land audit; for individual rights and property rights
to be upheld; for just and fair compensation paid by the State; and for
unfettered rights of farmers to approach the courts. The document infers that
Zanu PF does not see a need for a land commission because
All land acquired by the acquiring authority and listed in the Gazette
remains State land. No compensation shall be paid over that land and the
improvements effected on it. No court shall have jurisdiction to entertain and
challenge to the land acquisition (Page 10).
On the law:
The 41 page working document ends with the authors infusing more ideology and
hate-speech into their discussion of allegedly differing positions between the
parties of the law to be administered in Zimbabwe, especially with regards
African customary law. They highlight the section in Zimbabwe’s constitution
which says that African customary law is not inconsistent with the constitution
or any law in Zimbabwe (see here),
and then state that there have been
No publically stated contestations [on this point between Zanu PF and the
MDC] although the conduct and behaviour of the MDC suggests that their favoured
position is that customary International Law should take precedence over the
provisions of the Constitution of Zimbabwe and laws made thereunder. This
demonstrates that they have not recovered from colonial brainwashing and
indoctrination leading to their acceptance of the notion of superiority of the
white race to the black race in furtherance of neo-colonial and imperialist
ideology and interests of the former colonial power in Zimbabwe and its
Rhodesian kith and kin.
The fact that there have been “no publically stated contestations on this
point”, but the authors nevertheless made their own presumptions and launched
into an astonishing rant – employing classic Zanu PF anti-imperialist propaganda
and race hate speech – is a warning sign of how Zanu PF may seek to colour and
influence the constitution making debate. This type of irrational rhetoric has
typically been used by Zanu Pf in the past on emotive issues among Zimbabwean
audiences – most notably the land issue. In the process, the hate-speech and
anti-imperialist rant has tacitly justified Zanu PF’s stranglehold on democracy
and freedom in Zimbabwe (for example, through top-heavy Presidential powers) as
rightful in a nation ‘fighting imperialism’.
Zimbabweans should be mindful of what we have gone
through in the last ten years in the struggle for meaningful freedom and
democracy, and we should not be distracted by hate-speech. Our task is to ensure
we have a future constitution which enshrines fundamental values and rights,
protects democracy, and ensure peace.
Zimbabweans should also critically engage with any kind of propaganda
rhetoric. For example, this particular rant by Zanu PF authors belies inherent
contradictions within Zanu PF’s own position. One should note that the Zanu PF
document allows for the inclusion of a ‘Gender Commission’, something that is
not included in the current
constitution. (One hopes they have done so because the party acknowledges there
is gender inequity in Zimbabwe and not because they want to white wash this deep
rooted issue). African customary law – ostensibly a beacon of fairness in the
eyes of the authors of this document – sometimes erodes gender rights. WOZA
point to this in their guidebook on helping Zimbabweans to understand and write their own
constitution. They write: “Some forms of discrimination are allowed in
family and personal matters or on the application of customary law”. Writing
specifically on the issue of a “Right to equality”, WOZA say
The constitution now allows discrimination against women in some situations
in which customary law is applied. We may want to remove this. We may want to
strengthen the right of women to access land, especially in communal areas (page
7).
The point being that criticising or seeking to amend customary law is not
evidence of anything other than a natural step for a forward thinking nation to
take in seeking to address fundamental issues in a modern era. It is extremely
self-serving for Zanu PF to argue that this is evidence of “white
supremacy”, “brainwashing” and “indoctrination”. It also begs the question that
if this is the way Zanu PF really think, how committed will they be to
fundamental issues of equality that may be undermined by customary law?
Similarly, seeking to amend the constitution is a necessity for our country
to be genuinely free. The constitution is not a tool to strengthen one or
another political party, and Zimbabweans must collectively work hard against
allowing that to happen.
This entry was posted by Sokwanele on Monday,
February 1st, 2010 at 3:59 pm
Magistrate’s
conflict of interest exposed in land case
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Violet Gonda
1 February
2010
Samuel Zuze, the Chipinge magistrate, who found four farmers guilty
of
refusing to leave their properties last Tuesday, has presided over a case
in
which he has a vested interest. He is the alleged beneficiary of a farm
owned by one of the white commercial farmers he convicted last
week.
The magistrate convicted and sentenced Algernon Taffs, Mr Z.F
Joubert, Mike
Odendaal and Mike Jahme to pay $800 fines and vacate their
properties within
24 hours, but failed to declare that he was an interested
party.
Former Commercial Farmers Union President Trevor Gifford, who was
arrested
last Thursday in connection with the conviction, told SW Radio
Africa upon
his release on Monday that the Magistrate was given an ‘Offer
Letter’ to
take over Mike Jahme’s farm.
Gifford said the ‘Offer
Letter’, signed by Lands Minister Herbert Murerwa,
is for Lot 8 of
Newcastle, which is owned by Jahme’s Silverton Estates. He
said: “This is
one of the farms which he (Zuze) presided over and did not
announce he was
an interested party. It just shows the corrupt manner in
which this whole
case has been handled.”
The ‘Offer Letter’ is dated 13 November 2009.
This is despite government
claims that there were no new ‘Offer Letters’
being given out to ZANU PF
beneficiaries, including Ministers, judges and
magistrates.
Gifford said he was also shocked to see a magistrate of the
lower court
refusing to accept an order by the High Court.
The four
farmers’ lawyer had made an urgent High Court application a day
after they
were convicted. The High Court ruled the farmers could stay on
the farms
until the appeal against their conviction and sentences were
concluded, but
Magistrate Zuze refused to accept the order, when Gifford and
others tried
to deliver it, last Thursday.
This is when the former CFU president was
arrested, together with one of the
convicted farmers’ son, Dawie Joubert.
The two, who are facing contempt of
court charges, were released on bail on
Monday. They are expected back in
court on the 16th.
Gifford, who is
also facing similar charges of contravening the Gazetted
Land (Consequential
Provisions) Act, will be in front of the same judge on
February 24 for
refusing to leave his farm. These are the same charges
facing more than 150
of the country’s remaining white commercial farmers who
have tried to hang
on to their properties.
Gifford said the situation in Chipinge,
Manicaland province, is very tense
with militia and war veterans not
listening to the High Court. He said the
local police are not helping
either, so the farmers are expected to travel
to Harare on Tuesday to appeal
to the police headquarters, to enact the
judgement from the High Court,
which allows the farms to go back on the
farms until their appeal has been
heard.
The farmer said the Global Political Agreement, signed by the
partners in
the inclusive government, is still not being put into practise
and ‘people
continue to disrupt the prospects of Zimbabwe’s
recovery’.
Constitutional
process suffering from partisan media coverage
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Lance Guma
01 February
2010
Deputy Minister of Justice and Legal Affairs Jessie Majome has said
the
country's efforts to craft a new constitution are being hampered by
negative
and partisan media coverage from the state media. Speaking on our
Rules for
our Rulers constitutional programme Majome said the state media
was failing
to appreciate that a tripartite government was in place and
their coverage
was not reflecting this.
This week Constitutional
Parliamentary Committee co-chair Paul Mangwana from
ZANU PF accused
Constitutional Affairs Minister Eric Matinenga of delaying
the outreach
programme. He claimed Matinenga had entered into an agreement
with the main
donor, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) without
the knowledge
and consent of cabinet. Mangwana claimed there were a lot of
'offending'
clauses in the agreement and this created delays.
Majome who is the
chairperson of the Sub Committee on Information and
Publicity in the
Constitutional Parliamentary Committee however said at no
point had the
committee debated the matter and arrived at Mangwana's
conclusion. "The
Select Committee has not dealt with this issue. I was at
the last meeting
and do not recall it ever being raised. The committee makes
decisions by
resolutions and at no point was the matter raised for debate.
Mangwana was
probably airing his views," she argued.
Majome complained that
co-chairperson Paul Mangwana from ZANU PF was being
given a dominant voice
in the state media and yet there was 'no ranking' in
the Select Committee.
Douglas Mwonzora (MDC-T) and Edward Mkhosi (MDC-M) are
the other co-chairs
in COPAC and are meant to be on an equal ranking with
their ZANU PF
counterpart. Majome's Sub Committee met with the Minister of
Information and
Publicity to voice their concerns and were given assurances
the state media
would try and give a 'national' outlook to their partisan
reportage.
However, nothing has changed.
Despite the negative reporting Majome is
convinced the process is on the
right track. She said it was an 'ambitious,
open-ended process, designed for
maximum input and it was not easy to manage
a mass based project.' Given the
backdrop of the country's economic
situation the delays were
'understandable.' She contrasted the way Zimbabwe
was drafting its
constitution with the way similar documents were drafted in
South Africa,
Namibia and Uganda. In those countries a small group of
experts played a
more prominent role as opposed to Zimbabwe's 'mass based
approach.'
Zimbabwe
Prison Boss blocks land audit
http://www.zimeye.org/?p=12678
By Gerald Chateta
Published:
January 31, 2010
Harare - Zimbabwe Prison Chief Paradzai
Zimondi has invited prison
officers to forward their names for land
redistribution to be facilitated
by his office flouting the Global Political
Agreement which says no land
should be distributed until a comprehensive
land audit has been carried
out.
Zimondi has since circulated a
memo to all prisons in which he is
encouraging all officers to submit their
names for land acquisition.
One of the memos, dated and seen by ZimEye at
Harare's Remand Prison reads
"Those without land and willing to have
should submit their names and
preferred provinces in which they want to be
allocated land to the
administration as soon as possible. Those with offer
letters need not
apply as they should come direct to the headquarters
with the letters,
"reads the notice.
Officers at one of the Harare
prisons said they were being used for
political gains.
"This is not
new to us. In 2000 we were even victimized for not submitting
names to the
same political gimmick. None of us benefited for our names
which we
submitted at that time. This made us to think that our names
were used
to acquire land for politicians whom we hear that they have
more than
one farm. We are tired of being used, "said officers.
In 2000 during
the peak of the country's controversial land reform
program, ZPS chief
delegated a team which was led by one Nyashero to
force prison officers
to apply for land.
Any officer who resisted submitting his name was
labeled an MDC supporter
and was not legible for further
promotions.
The move by Zimondi is anti the spirit of the Inclusive
Government which
says no one should be given land until a land audit
has been done.
Observers say the Prison Chief is forwarding ZANU-PF
party's agenda of
blocking land audit.
Zimbabwe
gov’t, workers in crunch talks to avert strike
http://www.apanews.net/
APA-Harare (Zimbabwe)
The Zimbabwe government on Tuesday will convene
make-or-break talks with
unions representing civil servants in a last-ditch
effort to avert a strike
due to start later this week.
Public Service Minister Eliphas
Mukonoweshuro and his education counterpart
David Coltart will meet
negotiators from unions for teachers, health workers
and other civil
servants to try and break a stalemate over salary increases.
Government
workers have set Tuesday as the deadline for their employer to
respond
positively to their demands for higher salaries or risk a crippling
nationwide strike.
A spokesman for the Progressive Teachers Union
said teachers would down
their tools in the event of a deadlock on Tuesday
over wage negotiations.
Many teachers at Zimbabwe’s public schools have been
on a “go-slow” since
the beginning of the 2010 academic year on 12
January.
They want their salaries, currently pegged at US$165 a month,
reviewed
upwards to US$600 which they say was the country’s poverty datum
line.
However, figures from the Consumer Council of Zimbabwe put the
poverty datum
line at just over US$400 a month.
The government has
said it is broke and cannot afford the hikes being
demanded by its
80,000-plus employees.
JN/nm/daj/APA
2010-02-01
Battle
for Chiadzwa continues
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
Written by NEVER CHANDA
Monday, 01 February 2010
15:28
ARC accuses govt of sneaking in new evidence
HARARE - The
battle for control of Zimbabwe's disputed Chiadzwa diamonds
assumed a new
twist last week amid revelations by the British firm which
legally owns the
diamond claim that the government was trying to sneak in
fresh evidence
challenging the company's title.African Consolidated
Resources (ACR) said
the Harare authorities were trying to bring new
evidence to justify their
decision to dispossess the British firm of its
legal right to the Chiadzwa
claim, also known as Marange claim.
"There are many legal and judicial
processes currently ongoing. These
include a recent attempt to introduce new
evidence questioning the company's
title, which was not produced at the
hearing before the 25 September
Judgement and which is strongly disputed by
the company," ACR said.
It did not disclose what new evidence the state
wanted to bring before the
courts, only saying it would continue to take all
necessary steps to protect
its rights and to regain possession of the
Marange claims.
ACR holds right of title to claims on the Marange diamond
field that was
seized by the Harare government in October 2006. The
company's right to the
Marange title was confirmed by Zimbabwe's High Court
in a landmark September
2009 ruling.
Harare has however engaged two
private firms to partner state-owned Zimbabwe
Mining Development Corporation
(ZMDC) in mining the claims despite the High
Court ruling.
The government
has said it will appeal against the High Court ruling while
ACR has vowed to
fight in the courts any attempt to strip the firm of its
rights over the
diamond claims.
The revelation by ACR came barely a week after Zimbabwe's
Supreme Court
ordered that diamonds seized from the company in January 2007
and all
diamonds acquired from the Marange claims be surrendered to the
Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe pending the determination of the government
appeal.
Marange is one of the world's most controversial diamond fields with
reports
that soldiers sent to guard the claims after the government took
over
committed gross human rights abuses including murder against illegal
miners
who had descended on the field following the expulsion of ACR.
A
team from the Kimberley Process (KP), the world diamond industry watchdog,
that visited Zimbabwe at the end of last June condemned rights violations
and rampant smuggling of diamonds that it said were being committed by
soldiers based at Marange.
But a KP meeting in Namibia about three weeks
ago decided against banning
Zimbabwe diamonds from the world market and
instead agreed to give Harare
more time to review operations at Marange and
improve security arrangements
to comply with the organisation's
standards.
However a leading international diamond trading network has banned
members
from trading in diamonds from Marange, citing concerns over "severe
human
rights violations" at the diamond field.
The Rapaport Diamond
Trading Network that connects thousands of some of the
best diamond
suppliers and buyers around the world has said that members
found dealing in
diamonds from Marange would be denied access to the
network.
Zimbabwean
diamonds not sourced from Marange are not banned.
Soldier
jailed 35 years for arms theft
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=27147
February 1, 2010
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - A serving soldier with the Zimbabwe National Army
(ZNA) has been
sentenced to 35 years imprisonment by an army judge-advocate
after pleading
guilty to conniving to steal 21 AK-47 rifles from Harare's
Pomona Barracks
Armoury in October last year.
Baureni Mafara, who
worked under the ZNA's Construction Regiment, earned the
harsh sentence
after being court-martialled, along with two army deserters.
A Zimbabwe
Defence Forces (ZDF) judge-advocate who presided over the trial,
sentenced
Mafara to 35 years in jail, but suspended five years on condition
of good
behaviour.
Meanwhile, the two deserters Marksist Mwaruta and Chenjerai
Gwirizha, will
each serve 23 months imprisonment for terminating their
service illegally.
They will be arraigned before a criminal court on
completion of their
current sentences.
The ZDF court-martial could
not charge the two with the theft of weapons
under military law since they
were no longer serving in the army.
In passing sentence the
judge-advocate also discharged Mafara from the army
with no
benefits.
Mwaruta was based at Presidential Guard Headquarters, while
Gwirizha was
working in the electrical and mechanical engineering
directorate at the KG
VI Barracks, before they deserted the army.
MDC
transport manager Pasco Gwezere, currently out on $500 bail, is also
charged
with the offence of theft of arms.
Gwezere was seized from his Mufakose
home on October 27 last year and
detained at Marimba Police
Station.
He was later transported while blindfolded to Harare Central
Police Station
where police and state security agents allegedly took turns
to assault him.
One Emmanuel Mashiri (36), a mechanic, was last year also
sentenced to a
20-year jail term after he pleaded guilty to the
offence.
He was allegedly found in possession of some of the
firearms.
It is alleged sometime in October last year, Mashiri who was in
the company
of Mafara, Chenjerai Gwirizha, Mwaruta, Gwezere and Stanley
Marange hatched
a plan to steal firearms from One Engineers Regiments
Armoury at Pomona.
Marange provided the vehicle used as a getaway car,
while the others
provided information pertaining to the security at the
Pomona Barracks.
At the barracks, Marange remained in the car while
Mashiri and the others
went to the armoury.
Using a bolt cutter,
Mafara and Mwaruta broke the screen door padlocks
securing the armoury and
gained entry.
Mashiri and Gwarizha stood outside as sentinels while
Mafara and Mwaruta
stole six AK 47 magazines, one of which had 27 live
rounds, 20 AK 47 rifles
and one shotgun.
The gang took the loot to
their waiting getaway car and drove to a house in
Westlea where they shared
the guns.
The saga has also claimed the life of one Major Maxwell Samudzi
who
reportedly committed suicide last year under unclear circumstances while
in
army detention.
Samudzi, who was Deputy Officer Commanding One
Engineers Support Regiment at
Pomona Barracks, was found lying dead on the
floor the following morning
with a black electrical code tied around his
neck while blood was oozing
from his nose and mouth.
He allegedly
carried three packets containing cotrimohazole aspirin and
nevirapine in his
left trousers pocket.
The names of the other soldiers also facing the
same offence are Sungiso
Musa, Darlington Kanyingwe, Nyaruwata Lawyers,
Charles Muzondo, Dzingai T
Chibutwaka, Stanley Mvindwa, Chamunorwa Chinyere,
Cosmore Mangenda, Misheck
Kangwa, Callistus Mutero, David Hamandishe and
Farai Chitsiko.
Reports say the soldiers were initially thrown into the
Harare Remand Prison
by a joint group comprising members of the army's
military intelligence, the
military police and the Central Intelligence
Organisation (CIO) two days
after the guns disappeared.
Ten junior
officers were arrested over the same case. Their whereabouts have
remained a
mystery since their arrest.
Following the alleged theft of the firearms,
the police raided a house
belonging to MDC secretary general and Zimbabwe's
Finance Minister, Tendai
Zimbabwe's
farmers warn of huge grain deficit
http://af.reuters.com
Mon Feb 1, 2010 10:46am
GMT
* Country would need to import over 1 million T of
maize
* Union says Zimbabwe 'lucky' if yield exceeds 500,000 T
*
Extended dry spell damages crops
By Nelson Banya
HARARE, Feb 1
(Reuters) - Zimbabwe may have to import over half the maize it
needs this
year to cover a deficit after drought has destroyed crops and
left the
country facing a severe food shortage, a farmers' group said on
Monday.
The former regional bread basket has relied on food aid and
imports since
2001, after President Robert Mugabe's government seized
commercial farms
from whites to resettle landless blacks, most of whom were
poorly equipped
and underfunded.
Zimbabwe's unity government, set up
by Mugabe and his rival, Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, had projected a
return to food self-sufficiency this year
with maize output of 2.5 million
tonnes, double last year's yield.
But both black and white farmers'
unions have forecast production of maize,
a staple in the nation's diet,
will be nowhere near this figure.
"All indications are that this season
will be a total disaster. We will be
very lucky if we get more than 500,000
tonnes," Deon Theron, president of
the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU), which
represents the 500 remaining white
farmers, told Reuters.
"We need
about 1.8 million tonnes of maize, so over a million tonnes will
have to be
made up by imports."
The government has also indicated the current season
would be poor, but has
not revised its output target, saying it will soon
carry out a nationwide
crop assessment.
Theron said apart from the
drought, which affected much of the late planted
crop, poor preparations and
continued disturbances on white farms had also
contributed to another poor
season.
"We predicted the dry conditions affecting the crop now and
advised farmers
to plant early, but a lot of our farmers who were going to
put seed in the
ground early were being harassed," Theron
said.
"Producing adequate food for ourselves is going to be a problem as
long as
we don't find a way forward and resolve the disputes on the farms
for the
benefit of the country."
The Zimbabwe Commercial Farmers'
Union (ZCFU), which represents most of the
newly resettled black farmers,
also gave a grim assessment of the current
agricultural season.
"We
are likely to have a food deficit and we are now appealing to the
government
and other stakeholders to start preparing to deal with the food
deficit,"
ZCFU president William Nyabonda told state media.
"It is time for the
government to start crafting a budget to source
additional grain from
neighbouring countries."
Zimbabwe's unity government, which says it needs
at least $10 billion to
reconstruct the battered economy, is battling to
raise funds and grain
imports will exert added pressure on its limited
resources.
Western donors, seen as key to Zimbabwe's economic recovery,
are holding
back on funding the government, and have insisted on signs that
Mugabe is
willing to genuinely share power with the former opposition and
institute
broad reforms.
Critics blame Mugabe's land seizures for the
country's political and
economic crisis. But Mugabe, 85, and in power since
independence from
Britain in 1980, says the country's problems have been
mainly due to
intermittent droughts, Western sanctions and sabotage by those
opposed to
his land redistribution programme.
On
anniversary of power-sharing, Britain firm on Zimbabwe sanctions
http://www.monstersandcritics.com
Feb 1,
2010, 16:44 GMT
Harare - A senior British politician visiting Zimbabwe
Monday made clear
Britain would not buckle to pressure to lift sanctions on
the cash-strapped
country in the run-up to the first anniversary of
Zimbabwe's
power-sharing government.
'The British Government has
already made clear that the key to having the
EU's restrictive measures
lifted is for those blocking progress in Zimbabwe
to implement the
commitments they signed up to ... and to stop using
sanctions as an excuse,'
Malcolm Bruce, the chairman of the House of Commons
International
Development Committee said in a statement on arrival in
Zimbabwe.
Bruce is in Zimbabwe, together with seven other British
parliamentarians on
a four-day visit to review the effectiveness of
Britain's aid programme.
The visit comes as the country prepares to mark
the one-year anniversary on
February 11 of a power-sharing
government
formed by arch-rivals President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister
Morgan
Tsvangirai, formerly the opposition leader.
The power-sharing
deal, which ended months of post-election violence against
opposition
supporters, has been marred by disagreement between the two, with
Mugabe
refusing to appoint some of Tsvangirai's allies to senior government
posts.
Mugabe, for his part, accuses Tsvangirai of failing to
convince the West to
lift sanctions it imposed on the 86-year old leader and
his cronies in 2002
following a spate of human rights abuses and a rigged
election.
Reacting to Bruce's comments, Ephraim Masawi, spokesman for
Mugabe's Zanu-PF
party, said: 'The issue of sanctions is now clear. MDC
(Tsvangirai's
Movement for Democratic Change party) is not playing its role
to have them
lifted.'
British Foreign Secretary David Miliband told
the British House of Commons
last month that London was awaiting an update
from the MDC before deciding
whether the targeted travel and trading bans
could be lifted.
The European Union is this month also expected to decide
whether to renew
its restrictive measures against Mugabe and scores of his
allies.
CFU Press Statement
PRESS STATEMENT FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Commercial Farmers’ Union –
Zimbabwe
1 February 2010
Zimbabwe: Commercial Farmers’ Union
condemns Chipinge evictions and arrests
The Commercial Farmers’ Union
(CFU) of Zimbabwe condemns the arrest of two
more commercial farmers from
the Chipinge district in the eastern highlands,
south of Mutare, and the
conviction of four others for refusing to leave
their properties.
On
Tuesday, Mutare Magistrate Samuel Zuze found the four farmers, Algernon
Taffs (Chiriga Estates), Z.F. Joubert (Stilfontein of Umzila), Mike Jahme
(Silverton Estates) and Mike Odendaal (Hillcrest), a South African citizen,
guilty of failing to leave their properties.
Each received a
US$800.00 fine and suspended sentences. Odendaal was given a
month to pack
up his belongings, while the other three farmers were
instructed to vacate
their properties by 5pm the next day.
The magistrate ruled that the
farmers would be jailed for two years each if
they did not comply with the
ruling. The four were also denied their basic
right to appeal against the
judgement, stating there was 'no doubt' in his
ruling.
A last minute
stay of eviction was granted by the High Court on Wednesday
after the
farmer’s legal representatives filed an urgent application shortly
after
their sentencing. But Magistrate Zuze on Thursday refused to recognise
the
ruling, and ordered the arrest of Joubert’s son, Dawie, and former
Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) President Trevor Gifford when they tried to
deliver a letter to Zuze clarifying the High Court’s
position.
Joubert and Gifford were transferred Friday to the Mutare
magistrate’s court
after the Chipinge court refused to deal with them. They
are facing dubious
‘contempt of court’ charges.
CFU is extremely
concerned that Magistrate Zuze, who is being accused of
“grossly exceeding
his jurisdiction,” is a beneficiary of Jahme’s farm. CFU
obtained a copy of
an offer letter to Zuze, offering him Jahme’s Newcastle
Farm. It is
unacceptable for a magistrate to preside over a trial in which
he holds a
personal stake. Furthermore, before court proceedings had been
concluded,
supporters and hired thugs were already on two of the farms.
The looting
of the main workshop on the Joubert’s farm and the police’s
refusal so far
to intervene further points to the complete lawlessness that
continues to
abound against commercial farmers in Zimbabwe.
The eviction of Odendaal, a
South African citizen, again indicates the
government’s total disregard for
the Bilateral Investment Promotion and
Protection Agreement (BIPPA), signed
November 27, which protects South
African citizens’ land in Zimbabwe.
Attacks on South African nationals
operating commercial farms in this
country have in fact increased since the
signing of the
agreement.
The effects of these latest evictions on Zimbabwe’s economy
and agricultural
sector will be devastating. Joubert is a highly respected
Brahman breeder in
Zimbabwe. His cattle, which have top American and South
African genetics,
will likely be slaughtered out, adding to the horrific
amount of breeding
stock that have already been slaughtered since the land
invasions began in
February 2000. Two dairy herds will also be slaughtered
out.
Approximately 350 ha of macadamia nuts, 400 ha maize, 140 ha
avocados, 80 ha
tea and 50 ha coffee will also be directly
affected.
There will also be approximately US$3 million loss in export
earnings due to
this exercise. That is a staggering amount, particularly in
a debt-ridden
country like Zimbabwe that desperately needs revenue. Prior to
the land
invasions, agriculture was the second largest foreign
currency-earning
sector of the economy, surpassed only by mining.
The
Zimbabwean people are also in desperate need of food security. The
United
Nations’ Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWSNET) said in its
latest
report that close to 2.2 million Zimbabweans will be food insecure
between
January and March this year, which is up from last year's estimates
of 1.7
million people needing food aid. Independent population estimates
are
between 6 and 7 million people, down from 12.5 million in 2000.
This is
completely unacceptable in a country that has the capacity to
abundantly
feed itself as well as provide additional food for the region.
The land
invasions have intensified in the past year, with the forced
seizure of more
than 80 farms since last February. 152 of the 300 farms
still in operation
are now being targeted for eviction.
The CFU deplores the government’s
failure to stop the ongoing violence
against farmers and their workers, and
for allowing a handful of thugs to
operate with complete impunity. The
ongoing attacks violate the basic
principles of the Global Political
Agreement (GPA).
We implore the unity government to take a stand and halt
the land invasions,
so that we can start the process of rebuilding our
agricultural sector for
the sake of the entire country.
ENDS
For
further information:
Deon Theron
President
Commercial Farmers’
Union – Zimbabwe
Tel: +263 4 309 800 (CFU – Harare)
Zim Cell: +263 912
246 233
E-mail: dtheron@cfuzim.org
Embattled cleric denies supporting gays
Bishop Chad Gandiya is escorted by Bishop Godfrey
Tawonezvi of the Diocese of Masvingo at the end of the service.
By Raymond Maingire
HARARE - Embattled Anglican Bishop Chad Gandiya, who is locked in a bitter
dispute with fellow cleric Nolbert Kunonga, has denied claims by his rival that
his Church of the Province of Central Africa (CPCA) supports homosexuality.
Gandiya has also denied that his church is opposed
to President Robert Mugabe's rule, as alleged by Kunonga.
Kunonga has enjoyed the backing of the police and Zanu-PF in his protracted
fight against Gandiya because Kunonga's stance is in line with Mugabe's publicly
expressed disdain for homosexuals.
"Contrary to any accusations against us," Bishop Gandiya said Sunday, "We as
a Diocese don't support homosexuality. We are very clear on that."
Gandiya led thousands of Anglican Church worshippers who staged an open air
sermon at the Africa Unity Square in central Harare Sunday to protest against
persistent police harassment.
The harassment has often been at the behest of ousted Kunonga, a dedicated
supporter of Mugabe's Zanu-PF party.
Kunonga pulled out of the main Anglican Church Province of Central Africa to
form his Anglican Church of Zimbabwe, which enjoys the support of Zanu PF.
He attributed the split to what he claimed as the support of homosexuality by
the Anglican Church. Kunonga has, however, failed to draw meaningful support for
his church.
Since 2008, Kunonga and a handful of his followers have been locked in a
bitter battle with Gandiya's mainstream Church of the Province of Central Africa
(CPCA) for control of the church's assets.
They have also disrupted services and locked out congregations across the
diocese loyal to Gandiya's church.
Police have barred Gandiya's group from using the church premises in Harare
in spite of a High Court order by Justice Rita Makarau which directed the
feuding parties to share the church premises until a permanent solution was
reached.
The struggle for control of the church and its assets has often resulted in
wild skirmishes in which dozens have been injured.
"Contrary again to false accusations about us as the Anglican Church of the
Province of Central Africa," Bishop Gandiya said, "We support our government in
spite of all that is playing on; we are not fighting government, far from
it."
The purpose for Sunday's gathering, said Gandiya, "was to make known our
plight and it also gives me the opportunity to encourage my flock when they are
all together".
The sermon drew more than 3 000 worshippers from most of the church's
parishes in greater Harare. They looked unperturbed as they went about the
sermon.
Unlike in earlier demonstrations, there were no uniformed and baton-wielding
police officers to monitor the two-hour proceedings.
Gandiya, who said he did not view President Mugabe as sympathetic to any
faction, said they had invited him as head of state to grace the occasion and
also to draw his attention to their plight.
Mugabe flew off Saturday to attend an African Union summit in Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia, apparently without the courtesy of responding to the church's
invitation.
"I had no reason to believe he was not going to come," said Gandiya.
"I have faith that if things were normal, he would have come. I understand
that he has left the country for an AU summit and obviously that takes
precedence.
"It is courtesy on our part to invite the head of state."
Asked if they will invite him again if the occasion arose, Gandiya said,
"Yes, why not? He is our President."
But critics say it was highly unlikely the Zimbabwean President, a Catholic
and strong critic of homosexuality, would attend a sermon with people who have
shown tacit resentment for his controversial rule.
Gandiya said his church had no hard feeling towards the Kunonga group.
"There are no hard feelings," he said, "Justice should be done and we pray
and long for peace in the church."
But the Kunonga group vowed in a statement published in this week's Sunday
Mail newspaper they would not allow supporters of homosexuality to use the
church premises.
"No one is being banished from worshipping but those who support homosexuals
or indulge in this act are not welcome," read the statement.
"Those who preach politics and denounce their own government are also not
welcome as the church is purely for worshiping without reservations.
"The dispute in the Anglican church is about homosexuality. CPCA has bishops
who openly support homosexuality and we will never share the same premises and
place of worship.
"Homosexuality is an abomination as scriptures are against such practices.
Morally, culturally and spiritually homosexuality is not permissible."
Kunonga's church is adamant the Makarau ruling no longer has any legal force
as it was annulled by their appeal against it on April 7, 2008. They accuse Home
Affairs Co-Minister Giles Mutsekwa of bias against them.
Mutsekwa belongs to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC.
"The Honourable minister should follow court proceedings on a daily basis if
he wants to be abreast of the current court rulings. He seems to be relying on
outdated information supplied to him by those who have no current orders.
"The Honorable minister has taken the Anglican dispute personally.
"He is the one who is dragging the government into church issues.we are not
bound by ministerial resolutions when there are court orders.
"He is prepared to work with anyone who is opposed to Zanu-PF as he has
stated in The Standard. He should not drag the government and political parties
into a church dispute. Why is he not concerned about the people who are going
around damaging church properties?"
Kunonga, who was excommunicated from CPCA and the Anglican Communion in May
2008, has 38 charges against him, including incitement to
murder.
Rampant
poaching in Nyanga
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Marcus Tawona
Monday, 01 February 2010
12:53
NYANGA - Wildlife in most tourist resort areas in the province is under
threat as Zanu (PF) supporters and war veterans resettled under the
controversial land reform programme continue their poaching activities
unhindered.
Parks and Wildlife Authority officials told The
Zimbabwean last week that
the poachers were targeting kudus, zebras and
antelopes.
They said that although they had arrested some poachers in recent
weeks,
some of them are walking scot-free as they have strong links with top
Zanu
(PF) officials. who provide a ready market for the meat.
"The
poachers, mainly resettled farmers, are wreaking havoc and we need
extra
manpower to curb the rampant poaching in the area. We urge the police
to
take stern measures against the Zanu (PF) officials and war veterans who
are
believed to be behind this poaching," said the official.
"The rate at which
wildlife is being poached is alarming. We use to have a
lot of zebras but we
have only one left here," he added.
Safari operators confirmed massive
poaching of wildlife on their ranches.
Chaos at
Zanu PF victory celebrations
http://news.radiovop.com
31/01/2010 21:25:00
MASVINGO- January
31, 2010- It was Zanu PF versus Zanu PF on Saturday at
Masvingo polytechnic
college when rivalry factions in the party clashed at
Masvingo Senator Maina
Mandava's belated victory celebrations.
Rowdy youths who were believed to
have been sent by the pro- Mujuru
faction arrived at the venue clad in party
regalia and started to
heckle at everyone who wanted to address the delegates
who were
invited from the seven districts of the whole province.
Minister
of Higher and Tertiary education Stan Gorerazvo Mudenge who
was the guest of
honour had to cut his speech early to avoid
embarrassment as the youths who
were in the benches continued to tell
him that he was useless in the
party.
"We do not know the actual role you are playing in the party, you
are
very selfish and you have totally failed to represent Masvingo in
the
politburo.minister, explain why you are failing to represent
the
Karanga." the youths said as they interjected continuously.
Though
Zanu PF provincial chairman Lovemore Matuke had advised that
the youths be
ignored to avoid serious clashes, their continuous
interjections forced the
delegates to fast track their activities so
that they would end earlier than
planned.
Very few ate the food which was prepared for the delegates as
there
were suspicions of food poisoning possibilities.
In his speech,
Mudenge, said he was not shocked because he knew some
detractors have
penetrated the party structures in Masvingo but was
quick to point out that
the people who are fueling confusion and
factionalism were going to be dealt
with sooner than later.
"This does not surprise me. There are some detractors
who have
penetrated our party structures, we know the people who want to
bring
confusion here but I promise you that very soon, we are going to
deal
with those unrepentant individuals," Mudenge said amid
heckling.
Senator Mandava who does not see eye to eye with Zanu PF
politburo
member Dzikamai Mavhaire whom she contested with during party
primary
elections in 2008 openly said the youths were sent by
Mavhaire.
"We did not invite Mavhaire's people here, why did these youths
come
here, I think they must be chased away by the police," said
Mandava
who was visibly angry.
Mavhaire denied sending people to disturb
celebrations
"I do not know why they suspect that I hate them. Of course
they
rigged the election and made her (Mandava) Senator but I am
just
quite. I am not fighting anyone," said Mavhaire.
Request
By email
We are helping a woman in Zimbabwe (US citizen) who runs
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assist
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post this as a
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included a place to list
a job posting. This would be a paid
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as to how we would find such a
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help.
If anyone is interested in this, please contact Nancy Noble
oregonwildlife@embarqmail.com
Bill Watch Special of 1st Febraury 2010[Parliamentary Committee Meetings for 1st - 5th February]
BILL
WATCH SPECIAL
[1st
February 2010]
House
of Assembly Portfolio Committees and Senate Thematic
Committees
1st
to 5th February January 2010
The meetings listed
below are open to members of the public, but as observers only, not as
participants. [See note at the end of
this bulletin on public attendance/participation at different types of committee
meetings.]
Meetings of wide public
interest are the Portfolio Committee on Justice, Legal Affairs, Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs in
which they will be hearing oral evidence from the Chief Magistrate and Attorney
General on the state of the justice delivery system; and, the
Portfolio Committee on
Mines and
Energy in which they will be meeting with the Minerals Marketing Corporation of
Zimbabwe, Minerals Unit Zimbabwe Republic Police and Zimbabwe Mining Development
Corporation.
Monday
1st February at 10 am
Portfolio Committee on
Transport and Infrastructure Development
Meeting with
CMED
Committee Room No.
1
Chairperson: Hon
Chebundo Clerk: Ms Macheza
Portfolio Committee on
Home Affairs and Defence
Briefing
from the Ministry of Home Affairs.
Committee
Room No. 2
Chairperson: Hon
Madzore Clerk: Mr Daniel
Portfolio Committee on
Natural Resources, Environment and Tourism
Oral
evidence from Ministry officials on the 2010
budget priorities and targets
Committee Room No.
311
Chairperson: Hon P.
Dube Clerk: Mr Ndlovu
Portfolio Committee on
Mines and Energy
Meeting with
Minerals Marketing Corporation of Zimbabwe, Minerals Unit Zimbabwe Republic
Police and Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation
Committee
Room No. 413
Chairperson: Hon
Chindori-Chininga Clerk: Mr Manhivi
Monday
1st February at 2 pm
Thematic Committee on HIV/AIDS
Oral evidence from
Zimbabwe AIDS Network
Government Caucus
Room
Chairperson: Hon D.
Khumalo Clerk: Mr Ndlovu
Portfolio Committee on
Public
Service, Labour and Social Welfare
Oral
evidence from NSSA Officials
Committee
Room No. 1
Chairperson: Hon
Zinyemba Clerk: Ms Mushunje
Portfolio Committee on
Budget,
Finance, Economic Planning and Investment Promotion
Oral
evidence from the Minister of State Enterprises and Parastatals.
Committee
Room No. 4
Chairperson: Hon
Zhanda Clerk: Mrs Nyawo
Portfolio Committee on
Justice,
Legal Affairs, Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs
Oral
evidence from the Chief Magistrate and Attorney General on the state of the
justice delivery system
Committee Room No.
413
Chairperson: Hon T.
Matutu Clerk: Ms Zenda
Portfolio Committee on
Portfolio Committee on Health and Child Welfare
Stakeholders
consultative meeting on the Committee's work plan
Committee Room No. 1
Chairperson: Hon
Parirenyatwa Clerk: Ms Mukono
Tuesday 2nd February at 10 am
Portfolio Committee on
Agriculture,
Water, Lands and Resettlement
Brief from
former employee (Mr. Mvududu) from ARDA
Committee
Room No. 4
Chairperson: Hon Jiri
Clerk: Mr Ndlovu
Portfolio Committee on
Industry and
Commerce
Oral
evidence from the Zimbabwe Leather Association and Beverage Manufacturers
Committee
Room No. 311
Chairperson: Hon
Mutomba Clerk: Mr Ratsakatika
Thursday 4th February at 10 am
Portfolio Committee
onMedia,
Information and Communication Technology
Oral
evidence from Econet
Chairperson: Hon
Chimanikire Clerk: Mrs Nyawo
Public
Attendance at and Participation in Committee Meetings
These portfolio and
thematic committee meetings are open to the public to attend as observers
only. Members of the
public wishing to attend a meeting should telephone Parliament first [on Harare
700181], to check with the relevant committee clerk that the meeting has not
been cancelled. If you are attending, please use the Kwame Nkrumah Avenue
entrance to Parliament. IDs must be produced.
Members of the public
are only free to participate when committees call public hearings. Veritas will
send out separate notices of these public hearings and outline the procedures.
Committees also sometimes have meetings where invited stakeholders [and those
who notify Parliament that they consider themselves stakeholders and are
accepted as such] are able to make representations and ask questions. These
meetings will be highlighted in these notices. Portfolio and thematic
committees meetings for deliberations are not open to the public, and these are
not listed in these notices.
Veritas
makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal
responsibility for information supplied.