http://af.reuters.com/
Wed Feb 1, 2012 6:14pm
GMT
* Nigerian Nobel Laureate cites presidents Mugabe,
Wade
* Says rulers who cling to power risk violent rebellion
*
Soyinka: Boko Haram "unleashed" by northern politicians
By Pascal
Fletcher
JOHANNESBURG, Feb 1 (Reuters) - Ageing African presidents who
try to cling
to power by manipulating constitutions and judiciaries risk the
same popular
rebellions that toppled rulers in last year's Arab Spring,
Nigerian Nobel
Laureate Wole Soyinka said on Wednesday.
Citing as
examples Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and Senegalese
President
Abdoulaye Wade, who are both well in their eighties, Soyinka
criticised
"sit-tight rulers" who sought to hang on in office despite being
"obviously
beyond their prime".
"What is wrong with them? Why do they think that the
world will not continue
to turn after they've left office, I don't
understand," the prolific
playright and author, who in 1986 became the first
sub-Saharan African to
win the Nobel Prize for Literature, told Reuters in
an interview in
Pretoria.
Soyinka, 77, who sports a distinctive white
Afro hairstyle, and is one of
Africa's leading intellectuals, has been an
outspoken critic of
dictatorships and autocratic rulers in his native
Nigeria and elsewhere on
the continent and in the world.
While he saw
differences between the Arab world and Africa, he predicted
African rulers
who abused their powers to stay on for years could face their
own "African
Spring".
"In the end, those who refuse to bow to popular will, who
continue to treat,
describe and regard their own peoples as inferior to
themselves or their
petty clans, I'm afraid will confront the same nature of
violence as we
witnessed in the Arab world," he added.
Soyinka said
presidents in Africa who manipulated hand-picked constitutional
courts and
pliant judiciaries to extend their periods of rule often
displayed the same
arrogant, condescending paternalism as former colonial
powers.
Mugabe, 87, has governed Zimbabwe since independence from
Britain in 1980
and has defied critics at home and abroad who accuse him of
using violence
against rivals to stay in power.
Senegal's Wade, 85,
faces violent protests after the West African country's
Constitutional
Council confirmed that he could stand for re-election for a
third term,
despite complaints that this breached rules setting a two-term
limit.
"What is Abdoulaye Wade in Senegal wanting to do continuing
with another
term in office? By now he should be an elder statesman whom we
could come
and visit in retirement to discuss the future of Africa," said
Soyinka.
BOKO HARAM: "MONSTER UNLEASHED"
Turning to Nigeria, where
he was imprisoned in 1967 for attempting to broker
peace in the civil war
over secessionist Biafra, Soyinka said both religious
and political forces
were driving the insurgency by the Islamist sect Boko
Haram that has killed
hundreds of people in Africa's top oil producer.
He accused power-hungry
politicians from Nigeria's Muslim north of using
indoctrinated young
militants, drawn from the ranks of the poor unemployed
and educated in
Islamic schools, as "foot soldiers" in a battle over who
should control the
country.
"Those who unleashed Boko Haram on the nation are politicians
... These are
the ones behind Boko Haram ... unfortunately one has to point
to what
section they come from, and that is the north," Soyinka
said.
"This minority is very focused, very powerful, very rich, they used
to be in
government, they've accumulated billions ... they are the ones who
unleashed
this monster on the nation."
"They have articulated their
conviction that it is their turn to rule
Nigeria," he added, speaking to
Reuters after delivering a lecture at the
University of South Africa
(UNISA).
Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan, a Christian southerner,
won elections
last year after initially taking over the presidency in 2010
when he was
vice president following the death of his northern predecessor
Umaru
Yar'Adua. Some northern critics see his presidency following
Yar'Adua's
death as going against an informal pact within the ruling PDP
party that
rule should rotate between the north and the
south.
Jonathan has challenged Boko Haram to identify themselves and
state their
demands as a basis for talks. (For a Special Report on Boko
Haram, click on:
link.reuters.com/gut36s)
Soyinka proposed the
holding of a national conference, bringing together all
sectors of Nigerian
society and all national institutions, to discuss
regional grievances and
problems and thrash out a national consensus for the
future.
"We've
all got to sit down, the various sections of the country, to decide
in what
manner we want to rule. We've got to sit down with the constitution
and
decide if this is the best constitution for the nation," he
said.
"Eventually we'll arrive at an even platform where we can begin to
discuss
the future or non-future of the nation," Soyinka added.
http://www.globalpost.com/
Zimbabwe
ended his 'medical vacation' in the Far East to lobby for support
at the
African Union summit.
GlobalPost Zimbabwe CorrespondentFebruary 1, 2012
06:31
HARARE, Zimbabwe — Now you see him, now you
don’t.
Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe spends most of January hiding
from his
people, only emerging from seclusion to attend to the needs of
fellow
dictators.
For much of January, Mugabe has been vacationing in
the Far East, although
most observers would say his itinerary could better
be described as medical
tourism. His spokesmen claim his nine or more visits
to Singapore and
Malaysia last year were for check-ups following the removal
of cataracts.
Mugabe’s daughter, Bona, recently graduated from the
University of Hong Kong
where her mother, Grace, made frequent visits. On
one such visit Zimbabwe's
first lady clashed with British tabloid stalkers
who were assaulted by her
bodyguards. Such incidents, which have also
occurred in Brussels and Rome,
are partly the result of the secrecy that
surrounds the Mugabes when they
travel abroad.
Grace Mugabe, a
dedicated follower of fashion, has difficulty concealing her
extravagant
tastes when visiting the few capitals still open to Zimbabwe’s
first family.
The Mugabes are permitted to enter any country which hosts
United Nations
offices, and they are not shy about taking advantage of the
convention. They
are also free, of course, to visit capitals in the Far
East.
But the
climate there is not as friendly as it used to be. During the
Mahathir
Mohamad-era, Mugabe was a favored friend. While on his visits to
Malaysia in
the 1990s, he invariably appeared on the front page of the
government-owned
Herald newspaper, ensconced with Mahathir on a sofa
“sharing a joke." The
current incumbent in Kuala Lumpur, Najib Razak, is
keen to project a more
reformist image, which means less coziness on the
sofa.
Mugabe rarely
breaks with tradition, but this year he suddenly turned up in
Harare
unannounced, halfway through his customary month-long vacation.
This time
he was pictured “sharing a joke” with Equatorial Guinea dictator
Teodoro
Nguema Obiang. Speculation was rife as to what had led the president
to
hurry home, but it soon became clear. Obiang, who is outgoing chairman of
the African Union (AU), wanted support for Jean Ping of Gabon who was
seeking another term as AU commission chair, a post as powerful as the AU
chair itself.
However, Ping was unpopular in Harare for backing NATO
intervention in
Libya. He had also supported the removal of Laurent Gbagbo
in the Ivory
Coast, while Zimbabwe opposed the move.
And there was
another complication.
Most southern African states, members of the
Southern African Development
Community (SADC), had pledged support for the
bid for the AU commission job
of former South African foreign minister and
ex-wife of President Jacob
Zuma, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma. Zimbabwe had not
declared its hand on that
one, and the five hours of talks we are told
Mugabe held with Obiang would
indicate that the matter was not easy to
resolve.
Indeed, Mugabe’s spokesman George Charamba disclosed that
Zimbabwe had a
beef with South Africa that was not widely known in Harare.
Firstly, Zuma’s
handling of the Zimbabwean inter-party talks, at which Zuma
admitted for
discussion a lengthy MDC (Movement for Democratic Change)
dossier on Zanu-PF’s
human rights abuses, still rankled. And South Africa’s
refusal to back
Zimbabwe’s 2009 bid for a seat on the United Nations Human
Rights Council
was another cause for complaint.
Clearly Mugabe did
not want to rush to support either Ping or Dlamini-Zuma.
But Charamba’s
remarks suggest Zimbabwe’s 87-year-old leader was leaning
towards a vote
against South Africa. In the end, neither candidate won the
required two
thirds of the vote in the gleaming new Chinese-built AU
headquarters this
week. The AU has extended Ping’s mandate until its next
summit scheduled for
Malawi in June or July while Dlamini-Zuma will get
another shot at the
job.
South Africa has said Dlamini-Zuma will be its candidate again.
Officials in
Pretoria have been spinning the vote as a victory for South
Africa. A senior
official told the South African press the outcome was a
defeat for the
French.
“Even though we didn’t receive an outright
win,” he said, “South Africa has
emerged victorious as we have defeated the
agenda of the French and foreign
intervention in African affairs,” he
said.
Everybody else has portrayed it as an unmitigated defeat for
President Zuma.
The battle will now resume. This means more horse trading
as leaders
mobilize their supporters for the Malawi summit. Both France and
the United
States have been engaged in not so subtle lobbying behind the
scenes.
In his maneuvering, Mugabe, we can safely assume, asked Obiang
what he could
offer in the way of reciprocity in return for his support for
Ping. He would
in all certainty have asked for a guarantee that Zimbabwe
would not be
placed on the summit agenda at any point. Mugabe did not want
the AU to
debate his rule of Zimbabwe, particularly his plans to hold early
elections
in 2012.
At least we know now why Mugabe hurried back from
the Far East; he had an
important card to play in the diplomacy of the
region and apparently he
played it with finesse. Zimbabwe was duly kept off
the agenda and South
Africa punished for daring to challenge the authority
of the region’s elder
statesman.
But Ping’s defeat was in a sense
also a setback for Mugabe as Dlamini-Zuma
will run again in July and
Obiang’s successor, President Boni Yayi of Benin,
may not have the same
favors to offer. What goes around comes around.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
01 February
2012
Robert Mugabe’s reported rant against the African Union (AU) and its
handling of the crisis in Libya last year, is a sign that the ageing leader
is ‘panicked’.
This is according to a leading political analyst who
told SW Radio Africa on
Wednesday that Mugabe is showing his true colours by
criticising the AU in
this instance.
Mugabe reportedly lambasted the
AU as a “toothless bulldog” for failing to
stop NATO from bombing Libya and
helping with the ultimate downfall of the
late Muammar Gaddafi last year.
Speaking during an AU session on peace and
security on Monday, Mugabe asked:
“Well, well that was Libya. Who will be
next?”
Mugabe then left the
summit in Ethiopia on Tuesday and at the airport, he
accused unnamed African
countries of being “fronts” for Western powers whose
“criminal” NATO
bombardment of Libya helped lead to the killing of Gaddafi.
He also said
it was “unprocedural” for the AU’s Peace and Security Council
to make the
decision to recognize Libya’s former rebels, the National
Transitional
Council (NTC), instead of the whole summit of leaders.
Zimbabwe has not yet
officially recognised the NTC.
Political analyst Professor John Makumbe
said on Wednesday that Mugabe is
clearly showing the world his preference
for governance in Africa.
“Mugabe is displaying his colours as a
dictator. Its really embarrassing
that a Head of State of a so called
‘democratic’ country would chide the AU
for helping the freedom of another
country,” Makumbe said.
The AU ironically has previously been labelled a
‘toothless bulldog’ and
roundly criticised by Mugabe opponents for not
taking action in Zimbabwe.
Makumbe said it is now “laughable” that Mugabe is
taking this route of
criticism for the same reasons, but in a different
context.
“Ultimately this is a preemptive move by him. Basically he is
saying: ‘If
there is a people’s movement in Zimbabwe, I expect the AU to
stay out of
it,” Makumbe explained.
He added: “He is trying to
intimidate the AU so stay clear of the situation
in Zimbabwe… I believe that
African leaders will be strong and tough with
him though.”
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
01 February, 2012
The City of Harare announced drastic measures on Tuesday in an effort to contain the typhoid outbreak threatening the capital, including water rationing for the wealthy suburbs and the closure of all water holes dug up by desperate residents in the poor areas.
At a press conference Tuesday, town clerk Tendai Mahachi said the poor townships would receive uninterrupted water supplies to help eliminate typhoid. He said wealthy areas would be provided water about twice per week. Mahachi is quoted as saying: “the wealthy can afford to buy water” and cope with outages.
Health Minister Dr. Henry Madzorera told the reporters that an average of 30 to 50 cases of typhoid were being reported daily and more than 1,500 had been treated by the end of December last year. Fortunately, no deaths have been reported so far.
“Most boreholes have been noted to be contaminated and reticulated water has also failed the quality test in some instances. So I urge you if you are going to drinkHararewater, boil it,” Dr. Madzorera said.
The minister confirmed also confirmed a long known fact that the poor water and sanitation infrastructure in the city is to blame for the water borne diseases that keep cropping up. Food being sold by street vendors has also been found to be contaminated.
Typhoid symptoms include a sustained fever, headache, malaise, anorexia, constipation or diarrhoea in adults or a non productive cough in the early stages of the illness. Another waterborne disease, cholera, killed an estimated 4000 people when it swept through the capital in 2008. At least 100,000 people were affected.
Finance Minister Tendai Biti last week announced that $40 million from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) will be used to repair the water and sewage infrastructure. It is not clear how soon those funds will be available.
The Mugabe regime has clearly neglected the infrastructure since independence and the problem has now reached crisis proportions. Dr. Madzorera said: “The same poor water and sanitation conditions inHarareprevail in most of our urban areas and other parts of the country.”
And instead of offering solutions, some ZANU PF officials were reportedly quoted in the state media blaming the British government for the typhoid outbreak.
No specific reasons were reportedly given for the claims, but Madzorera immediately dismissed the comments, saying “there is need to remedy the situation”.
Wednesday, 01 February
2012
The Minister of Health and Child Welfare, Dr. Henry Madzorera has
dismissed
claims by some Zanu PF officials and the State media that the
current
outbreak of cholera was as a result of biological warfare by the
British.
Some Zanu PF officials have been quoted in the State media
falsely claiming
that the outbreak was as a result of the British
government. No further
evidence was made by the officials or the State
media to support their
claims.
“There is no link between the current
typhoid outbreak and the British. We
owe it ourselves and there is need to
remedy the situation,” said Dr.
Madzorera who is the MDC Secretary for
Health and Senator for Kwekwe.
“As a country we should not be suffering
from medieval diseases. The
problem is that we are receivers of a failed
economy,” he said referring to
the rundown of the economy by the then Zanu
PF government for nearly 30
years.
Typhoid is a systemic bacterial
disease that is characterised by insidious
onset of sustained fever,
headache, malaise, anorexia, and rose spots on the
trunk, a non productive
cough in the early stages of the illness and
constipation or diarrhoea in
adults.
Many mild atypical infections occur and the majority of persons
in a typhoid
endemic or epidemic area may assume a carrier
status.
The Ministry of Health and Child Welfare, City of Harare and
several local
and international organisations are working hard in order to
curb the
outbreak.
This is not the first time that Zanu PF has made
ridiculous claims against
foreign countries. A few years ago, the struggling
party alleged that the
foreign countries were responsible for the abnormal
rainfall in the country.
The people’s struggle for real change – Lets
finish it!!!
–
MDC Information & Publicity Department
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Thelma Chikwanha, Community Affairs
Editor
Wednesday, 01 February 2012 15:24
HARARE - Senior Zanu PF
officials keen on winning back the crucial rural
vote which the party lost
to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC during
the last election have
launched a campaign to intimidate villagers in
Mashonaland East
province.
A senior party member (name supplied) is said to have visited
Mudzi early
this month and forced residents to attend a Zanu PF rally where
they were
made to sign up as party members ahead of the next
election.
Terrified residents who still have physical and emotional
wounds from the
violence that erupted soon after the 2008 harmonised
elections told the
Daily News that they were now on high alert after the
party official
informed them elections would be held in March this
year.
The election date is yet to be announced but President Robert
Mugabe and his
Zanu PF party are keen to hold elections this
year.
Other coalition government partners say elections are impossible
this year
given the slow pace of democratic reforms.
In March last
year, Sadc urged government to create an enabling environment
for political
participation but violence and intimidation are still being
experienced in
some parts of the country particularly in rural areas where
Zanu PF is
battling to retain popular support.
Villagers who spoke to the Daily News
said: “He ( party official whose name
is being withheld) came here and held
a meeting in Dendera village on the
7th of January (2012). He told us that
there are going to be elections in
March and that the party wanted to
register all its members.”
Paul (not real name) who was a victim of the
2008 violence said Zanu PF was
using terror, violence and intimidation as an
election strategy.
“We are now living in fear, at the last meeting Zanu
PF youths composed a
song; Chenjera Chenjera pusa tichaona kana tapedza
kuvhota, zvemubhadha
takapedza tirikuuya nepfuti. (Beware if you do not
take heed and vote
wisely, we are coming after you with rifles and not
sticks this time
around),” Paul narrated to the Daily News.
He
narrated harrowing details of the brutality he suffered at the hands of
known Zanu PF members.
The resident said he was abducted by a group
of Zanu PF youths who took him
to a base in Madzivanhanga where he was
tortured.
“They took me to a river behind Madzivanhanga dam where they
dug a hole and
buried my head in it,” Paul said.
“They started
beating me up with hands, sticks and booted feet my buttocks
were swollen.
When I stopped making any movements because of the pain, they
thought I was
dead and left.”
The Daily News also established that Zanu PF held three
meetings in the
province between the 7th and 12th of January
2012.
Villagers were threatened with unspecified action if they failed to
attend
the meeting.
Villagers told the Daily News that a known war
veteran in the area said:
Mukaita zvamakaita 2008
unotiona.
Taikuudzai kuti kumashure kwemaelections kune zviriko taka
nyepa here?
Hamuna kuzoona mibhadha ichiuya here?
(If you repeat what
you did in 2008 you will bear the consequences. We told
you that after
elections there will be repercussions. Did you not experience
them? Did you
not see the logs coming?)”
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Lance Guma
01 February
2012
Professor Welshman Ncube
Professor Welshman Ncube has once
again denied claims contained in a book by
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
that he and former South African President
Thabo Mbeki connived to split the
MDC into two factions in 2005.
In the book ‘At the Deep End’ Tsvangirai
claims that Mbeki was a central
player in hatching a plot that would have
seen an MDC faction led by Ncube
forming an alliance with the ZANU PF
faction led by Emmerson Mnangagwa.
Ncube is said to have held several secret
meetings with members of Mnangagwa’s
faction.
Speaking to SW Radio
Africa’s Question Time programme on Wednesday, Ncube
said it was
‘preposterous’ and ‘ridiculous’ to suggest that they were
willing to work
with Mnangagwa.
“You really need to be an idiot to believe that one of
the architects of the
murders committed by the CIO (Central Intelligence
Organisation) in the
early eighties could be the person we would enter into
a pact with to secure
Ndebele interests,” Ncube said.
Explaining his
relationship with Mbeki, Ncube said: “As a person I have
known President
Mbeki since he was External Secretary of the ANC (African
National Congress)
during the days they were fighting against apartheid. I
have known him since
he was coming to the law faculty to coordinate the
South African ANC
students that were training in the law school.”
Ncube said there was
nothing ‘unhealthy’ about this relationship and when
part of the then MDC
leadership had a fall out with Tsvangirai, over whether
to participate in
senate elections in 2005, they travelled to South Africa
hoping Mbeki would
mediate. The decision to approach Mbeki was at the
suggestion of party
supporters, he claimed.
In his book Tsvangirai also claimed that his
colleagues, like Ncube “were
simply riding on my popularity, in the forlorn
hope that part of it would
rub off on to them. They were uncomfortable with
me as a person and a leader
and I sensed that they wanted to build their
political careers using
Tsvangirai as a seat warmer who could ultimately be
dislodged as soon as the
right opportunity presented itself. Little did they
know how easily I saw
through that.”
Given how Ncube’s party had
performed in the 2008 elections after the split,
Ncube was asked if
Tsvangirai’s assessment had been vindicated seeing most
of them had lost
their parliamentary seats. Ncube said Tsvangirai as a
‘brand’ benefited from
being party leader and that it was them as the rank
and file of the party
leadership who had helped to build him up.
http://www.radiovop.com/
Harare, February 01, 2012 – The
on-going legal battle for the control of the
smaller MDC faction resumes at
the High Court this Thursday where Justice
Bharat Patel will preside over an
application by ousted leader Professor
Arthur Mutambara’s loyalists to
return the party to his hands.
The hearing continues into the next day,
being a Friday.
Joubert Mudzumwe, national chairman and interim leader of
the
Mutambara led group, together with 13 others, are seeking an order to
declare the January 08, 2011 MDC-M elective congress null and
void.
They accuse Industry Minister Welshman Ncube, then party secretary
general,
of violating the party’s constitution in calling for a
congress
that saw him ousting Mutambara, who is the country's Deputy Prime
Minister,
from the helm of the embattled party.
MDC-N national organising
secretary, Qhubani Moyo told RadioVop the party
was taking the matter
seriously.
“We are taking the case seriously. We have hired star advocate
Adrian De
Bourbon to represent our party. I would not want to comment
further on the
case now save to say that everyone knew 'who' was at the
congress in January
last year," he said in apparent reference to Mutambara,
who voluntarily
handed over the reigns to Ncube.
In the past few
months, Mutambara’s faction have seen its delegates being
blocked from
participating in events intended for the country’s three
co-governing
parties.
In June last year, Mutambara’s loyalists, Mudzumwe and Tsitsi
Dangarembga’s
attempts to gatecrash into a SADC summit as co-negotiators of
Zimbabwe’s
unity arrangement fell flat after they were barred from entering
the
Sandton, South Africa summit.
Both are national executive members
of the Mutambara led group.
Mudzumwe and his flock were also humilitated
by being barred from entering
the Harare International Conference Centre
last November where the central
committee and national executives of three
GNU partners were taking part in
an anti-violence indaba.
Mutambara
has also suffered personal set backs after the Bulawayo High Court
granted
an application by Ncube that sought to stop him from “masquerading”
as
president of the smaller MDC.
Ncube's also wants Mutambara dethroned as
Deputy Premier.
The prestigious post is, according to the 2008 unity
agreement, supposed to
be occupied by leaders of the three GNU partners.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona
Sibanda
1 February 2012
The ageing ZANU PF leader Robert Mugabe has a
legal requirement to consult
his coalition partners over the appointments of
the country’s service
chiefs, a senior MDC-T official said on
Wednesday.
Giles Mutsekwa, an MDC-T cabinet minister and the party’
secretary for
Defence and Security said despite claims to the contrary by
some elements in
ZANU PF, Mugabe is required by the Global Political
Agreement (GPA) to
consult Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai over such senior
appointments.
“It is there in black and white in the GPA that Mugabe must
consult his
partners but unfortunately everyone knows the behaviour of this
man. He has
in the majority of cases allowed himself to act unilaterally at
the expense
of his own legacy,” Mutsekwa said.
The
Dangamvura-Chikanga MP told SW Radio Africa that if Mugabe unilaterally
re-appoints Augustine Chihuri as police commissioner –general, he will
create further tension in the shaky inclusive government.
Chihuri’s
term of office expired on Tuesday and he is staying in the post
illegitimately, although Mugabe is largely expected to grant him another
year-long contract to continue as the police chief.
“We might not be
expecting wonders from Mugabe but that is the legal
position that he must
make any such appointments in consultation with his
coalition partners,” he
said.
The minister reiterated that for free and fair elections to be held
in
Zimbabwe, there is need to free the security forces from the shackles
bonded
around them by a ZANU PF government.
“The only way to do that
is through security sector realignment. Many
members of the security forces
do not like this particular bondage. They
yearn for a day they would be
allowed to act professionally,” Mutsekwa said.
He added: “They are just
waiting for the day they would be allowed to act in
support of the
constitution of Zimbabwe and not in support of any particular
political
party.”
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Xolisani Ncube, Staff Writer
Wednesday, 01 February 2012
12:33
HARARE - Police commissioner-general Augustine Chihuri’s term
of office
expired yesterday, with coalition government partners immediately
saying the
Zanu PF-alligned police boss is staying onto the post
illegitimately with
effect from today.
To compound matters, the
Police Service Commission (PSC) that handles his
contract is also out of
work after its term ended last December.
Coalition government partners
are yet to agree on a new PSC board.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s
MDC, which is against Chihuri’s continued
stay in office, says this means
Zimbabwe effectively has no police
commissioner-general as from midnight
yesterday.
Chihuri, the party says, should stay at home
forthwith.
Another coalition partner Welshman Ncube says Chihuri is
holding onto the
office illegally.
Ncube quickly warned that
President Robert Mugabe was unlikely to dump
Chihuri as demanded by other
coalition partners.
Chihuri together with army commanders, are the real
force behind Mugabe’s
power, making them untouchable, Ncube
said.
Mugabe is required to make any such appointments in consultation
with his
coalition partners as agreed under the power sharing Global
Political
Agreement (GPA), according to Ncube and Tsvangirai.
But
Mugabe’s spokesman George Charamba has in the past said Tsvangirai and
Ncube
will not be allowed to have a say in the election of security chiefs
such as
Chihuri, a move likely to set off a bitter war within the
fragile
coalition.
Tsvangirai’s spokesman, Luke Tamborinyoka said: “As
far as we are concerned
this country does not have a police commissioner as
from midnight today
(yesterday) because Chihuri’s term of office is
expiring.”
“As far as the prime minister is concerned, Chihuri is no
longer the police
commissioner because his term expires tonight (yesterday).
This simply means
that we will wait for Mugabe to consult the PM for a
replacement,” said
Tamborinyoka.
Tamborinyoka said there were “so
many people” within the force who could
lead the country’s police force with
distinction.
“We have so many people with experience and good reputation
to replace
Chihuri,” said Tamborinyoka.
Ncube expressed doubt over
Mugabe’s willingness to respect the GPA. He said
Mugabe might opt to
unilaterally reappoint Chihuri, adding his MDC party
would take the fight to
Mugabe’s doorstep in defence of the power sharing
GPA guaranteed by Sadc and
African Union.
Ncube was already preparing for the worst when contacted
by the Daily News
yesterday, saying it was highly unlikely for Mugabe to
consult other
principals in the coalition government as Chihuri and other
security sector
commanders were set to come in handy during forthcoming
elections.
“It is unexpected for Mugabe to consult. He has not consulted
us for the
past three years, he has been appointing permanent secretaries
and
ambassadors without the input of other principals,” said
Ncube.
“The best way for this country is not to pin hopes on any one but
bravely go
for an election and vote this party out of power so that we have
democratic
people leading such institutions,” Ncube said.
According
to Section 6 of the Police Act, the Commissioner-General’s term of
office
expires at the end of four years. Thereafter, the
Commissioner-General may
be re-appointed by extending his period of service
for 12 months at the end
of which in the absence of the letter of
appointment extending his services,
he ceases to be Commissioner-General of
police.”
Chihuri’s term of
office expires as the PSC’s term office came to an end
last
December.
This, according to Ncube, means that it will be difficult for
Mugabe to
reappoint or make a fresh appointment without constituting the
commission.
“There has to be a commission first and then an appointment
of the
commissioner, this simply means that there is no employer for the
police,”
Ncube said.
“Legally, the way Zanu PF treats these issues is
unconstitutional and
against the spirit of GPA,” Ncube said.
Chihuri
became the country’s top cop in 1991. Since then he has been at
loggerheads
with civil society players and MDC officials who accuse him of
discharging
his duties in a partisan manner.
Tsvangirai has in the past accused
security sector commanders of plotting a
silent coup after they consistently
blocked his political rallies and vowed
never to salute him even if he was
elected president of the country.
Police spokesperson Oliver Mandipaka
refused to comment.
But Charamba told the Daily News recently that the
call by the two MDC
formations to have Chihuri out of office was a ploy for
security sector
reform.
Charamba said Mugabe would go even outside
his mandate to protect Chihuri so
that any attempts at security sector
reform were thwarted.
“The defence forces are not subject to inter-party
negotiations,” said
Charamba.
“There is nowhere in the GPA or any
clause of the constitution where it says
the re-appointment of security
commanders is going to be the outcome of the
inter-party negotiations. This
is the prerogative of the
commander-in-chief,” said Charamba.
(AFP) – 3 hours ago
HARARE —
Zimbabwe's central bank said on Wednesday it has given five
undercapitalised
banks two weeks to raise cash or face closure, after
several banks were
forced to shut because of the economic crisis.
At the end of last year
five of the country's 25 banks did not have the
minimum capital required by
law, central bank governor Gideon Gono said.
"Accordingly, all
non-compliant institutions... have up to 14 February 2012
to finalise their
recapitalisation initiatives or consummate their mergers
and acquisitions,"
he said.
Central bank regulations require commercial banks to have a
minimum capital
of $12 million (nine million euros), while merchant banks
must have at least
$10 million and asset management companies
$500,000.
Three commercial and two merchant banks currently lack the
required capital,
and one of the merchant banks is under curatorship, or
administration.
"By no later than 29 February 2012, the Reserve Bank
shall engage those
institutions that would have failed to identify credible
partners and
conclude the recapitalisation transactions," Gono
said.
The bank will act by March 31 against the institutions which fail
to raise
the capital.
Zimbabwe's economy is showing signs of recovery
from a nearly decade-long
downturn following a power-sharing deal after
disputed 2008 polls.
Long-time political rivals President Robert Mugabe
and Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai currently navigate the shaky unity
government.
The economic crisis forced several banks to close while
others merged or
were placed under curatorship.
http://www.radiovop.com
Victoria Falls, February
01, 2012 - There is an outcry in the resort town of
Victoria Falls, as most
local tourists are being barred from viewing the
falls also known as Mosi
-oa -Tunya by Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife
Management Authority after failing
to produce national identification cards.
The Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife
Management Authority are not allowing entry
to any local tourists with other
forms of identification like driver’s
licenses, passports and others, as
they only demand national identification
cards.
Radio VOP crew
witnessed several Zimbabweans who had failed to produce
national
identification cards being turned away despite coming from faraway
places
like Mutare, Masvingo, Bulawayo and Harare with their families to
view the
magnificent falls.
“I have travelled all the way from Mutare with my
family to come and view
the Victoria Falls, but I am being barred from
viewing the falls because I
failed to produce national identification cards.
They should have another
way of assisting us, we should not be treated like
this in our own country,”
said Given Muchetu who had travelled all the way
from Mutare to view the
falls.
Muchaneta Hove a local tourist from
Harare who was also barred from viewing
the falls because she did not have
national identification card blasted
Zimbabwe National Parks and Wildlife
Management Authority staff saying
“there were being selfish by barring
locals from viewing the falls because
of national identification
card”.
When contacted for comment Caroline Washaya- Moyo spokesperson for
Zimbabwe
National Parks and Wildlife Management Authority said there were
still in a
process of upgrading their system at Victoria Falls entrance
saying it will
be efficiency very soon.
“The Zimbabwe Parks and
Wildlife Management Authority is in the process of
automating the pricing
system at the Victoria Falls Rainforest entrance
gate. The only system is
meant to result in efficient movement of visitors
into the Rainforest,” said
Washaya-Moyo.
Victoria Falls is one of the largest falls in the world and
thousands of
local and foreign tourists flock to view it every year.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
01/02/2012 00:00:00
by Gilbert
Nyambabvu
THE central bank has slapped a US$10,000 limit on instant
cash withdrawals
and introduced notice periods for larger transactions as
the country battles
to contain a worsening liquidity
crisis.
Presenting his monetary policy statement Tuesday, RBZ chief
Gideon Gono
said: “In order to facilitate country-wide smooth payment
transactions as
well as curbing illegal externalization of cash, all
financial institutions
are being called upon to moderate instant cash
withdrawals to a maximum of
US$10,000.”
In addition notice periods
would now be required for higher value
transactions “in order to allow banks
sufficient time to prepare”.
Gono said transactions of up to $20,000
would require a one-day notice while
those between $30,000 and $40,000 would
require a notice period of three
working days. Customers withdrawing more
than US$50,000 must give banks a
notice period of five working
days.
“To compliment these measures, the banking public is strongly
encouraged to
use the Real Time Gross Settlement system (RTGS), Credit Cards
and other
approved electronic money transfer systems in settling their
day-to-day
financial transactions,” Gono said.
Finance Minister
Tendai Biti last month admitted that the country was facing
serious
liquidity challenges.
The government ditched the Zimbabwe dollar in
preference for more stable
foreign currencies in 2009 but the lack of
external support at a time the
country’s export sectors are struggling to
recover has resulted in acute
cash shortages.
The cash crunch was
also seen to have forced Biti – who has previously
opposed taking on more
debt -- to draw-down an additional US$110 million
from an emergency facility
with the IMF.
Gono said, going forward, the country should consider
securitising its real
estate and mineral assets to help address the
“recurrent liquidity
challenges”.
“In view of persistent liquidity
challenges that have conspired with limited
access to offshore credit lines
to hamstring the attainment of fast paced
growth, serious considerations
must be accorded to asset securitization as a
viable option to address
recurrent liquidity challenges in Zimbabwe,” he
said.
“Zimbabwe is (also)
endowed with vast mineral wealth which remains largely
untapped.
“In
order to unlock value from the country’s mineral wealth, mining claims
can
be used as a form of payment to cooperating partners that clear Zimbabwe’s
debt. In this regard mineral claims in the gold, platinum and ferro-alloys
sub sectors can be securitised.
“This involves external new
borrowing by the country to retire the totality
or part of external debt,
using identified public assets as collateral.
Valuation of these assets, in
foreign currency, gives an indication of how
much the country can borrow
under this option.”
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Wildlife and vegetation are under
threat in the Chiredzi district due to the
influx of poachers and migration
of illegal settlers, says a wildlife and
environment
expert.
01.02.1211:58am
by Tonderayi Matonho
“The depletion of
wildlife and vegetation has been greatly affected by
poachers who have been
killing elephants and rhino for their ivory and
horns,” said Dr Willie
Nduku, director of Wildlife and Environment Zimbabwe,
an organization that
assists the government and independent agencies in
tackling
poaching.
He said lions, zebras, leopards and cheetahs had not been
spared as their
skins are highly sought after.
Elephant tasks are
being removed, allegedly without a parks official
present, signifying an
illegal kill. Eager buyers are found in the informal
market.
“Should
this continue unchecked, it will hinder Zimbabwe’s participation in
the
Great Limpopo Trans-frontier Park, thus robbing the country of a
much-needed
boost in tourism,” said Nduku.
WEZ is striving to establish who is really
benefiting from the illegal
trade.
Another threat has emerged in
recent years from the surrounding community.
People have begun invading the
conservation area, killing elephants and
antelopes for sustenance and meat
to sell.
“Most interestingly, some of them have even resorted to
capturing animals
such as crocodiles and lions and domesticating them,” said
Nduku. People
have also started growing crops such as maize and cotton,
irrespective of
the fact that the land has been identified for wildlife
purposes and is
unsuitable for agriculture.
To pave way for their
farming activities, occupants are burning vegetation
that serves as food for
wildlife. This has led to an increase in veldfires.
Nduku said the
Gonarezhou, Save and Chiredzi River conservancies waged an
on-going battle
to keep surrounding occupants out of the nationally
protected
areas.
“We have appealed to the Ministry of Environment and Natural
Resources
Management and the Environmental Management Agency for
assistance,” he said.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Thomas Madhuku
1
February, 2012
Nomatter Machona (17) a student at Vheneka Secondary
School in Chipinge met
a group of men recruiting workers for “an
Indian-owned supermarket in South
Africa”. “The Indian tycoon also runs a
chain of fast foods outlets and each
worker is paid R5000 (US$450) per month
plus accommodation and overtime
allowances,” she was told.
She was
also promised she could take up courses that her prospective
employer would
pay for if she so wished. Machona could not wait for her poor
and struggling
parents’ approval, this was ‘manna from heaven’ and she
grabbed it with both
hands.
Together with 16 other girls of her age they left for
Johannesburg, South
Africa. On arrival, the recruiters handed them over to a
brothel owner
falsely introduced as the wife of the Indian tycoon before
they disappeared.
For six months the girls were abused, raped and assaulted
by countless male
patrons of the brothel. She was saved by one of the men
who smuggled her out
of the brothel to his house and gave her money to come
back home.
Nomatter’s story is typical of numerous such cases in
Chipinge. Because of
its proximity to South Africa and Mozambique, the
district has fallen prey
to human trafficking as notorious syndicates rake
in thousands of dollars
from uninformed and poverty stricken villagers keen
to follow up on promises
of employment, education and marriage.
“It
is all because of our limited knowledge and lack information on such
dangerous activities,” lamented headman Chisumbanje.
He said the
problem has resulted in the loss of manpower as boys and girls
are blindly
flocking to South Africa leaving parents without anyone to help
in the
fields.
The conmen are unperturbed as they continue to employ new and
creative
tactics to convince poor and desperate Zimbabweans that they can
make a
fortune in South Africa and other neighboring
countries.
Rosemary Sidhuna (22), also a victim of human trafficking,
said she was
promised a R4 000 (US$350) per month job in Cape Town only to
find herself
stuck on a farm in Musina. For six months she worked without
being paid. “I
only escaped with the help of a farm security guard,” Sidhuna
said. She has
since returned home and has ventured into cotton farming in
Chipinge.
Many people interviewed claimed to know people who left for
South Africa,
Botswana and Mozambique in the company of
strangers.
Sarudzai Mhlanga, a Chisumbanje villager said some of the
victims had since
established themselves as full time commercial sex workers
in South Africa
after undergoing what she termed a ‘mentoring’
process.
Another village head, Karakadzai Machona of Madhuku village
said, he was
aware of the activities of human traffickers whom he said
always employed
new tricks making it difficult to address the
problem.
“I always stress on the need to deal with trusted people when
going to South
Africa but frequently we come across different experiences,”
Machona said.
Many men and women currently working in South Africa said
they underwent
nerve wracking experiences on their way to South Africa.
Tafadzwa Sarimana
who came home for the Christmas holidays said he managed
to escape after the
human trafficking syndicate that recruited him was
ambushed by South African
police at Musina in South Africa.
“They
took all my money leaving me stranded without food and bus fare to
complete
my journey, I gave myself up to the South African Police so I could
get back
home,” he said. Sarimana later applied for a passport before
returning to
South Africa, where he is now working as a security guard.
Other girls
said traffickers assisting people to cross the Limpopo River
into South
Africa often rape and rob their victims before handing them over
to South
African employers who often abuse them.
A Vheneka Secondary School
teacher, Idea Sithole said schools were losing a
considerable number of
students who are heading to South Africa as a result
of dubious job
promises.
Sithole added that their fathers and forefathers went to South
Africa where
they worked mainly in mines and the trend continues. Sithole
appealed for
combined efforts in fighting human
trafficking.
International Organization for Migration (IOM) Media and
Public Information
Assistant, Folen Murapa noted that Zimbabwe’s
geographical position lends
itself to be used as a transit point for both
human trafficking and human
smuggling for persons trafficked from Asia,
Europe and from other African
countries.
“In Zimbabwe, young women,
men and children are being lured to South Africa,
Botswana, Zambia,
Mozambique, Angola, Egypt, Europe and Asia with false
promises of
employment, education or marriage,” said Murapa.
Zimbabwe Republic Police
(ZRP) said the absence of specific provisions on
human trafficking in
Zimbabwean law made it difficult for them to address
the issue. “We only
deal with breaches of the Children’s Act, the Sexual
Offences Act and the
Criminal Law Codification (Reform) Act when confronted
with trafficking
cases in Zimbabwe,” says a statement released from ZRP.
Research and
Advocacy Unit (RAU) a human rights non-governmental
organization views the
absence of such provisions on human trafficking as a
legal deficit that
makes it difficult to prosecute those involved.
“Despite the fact that
the Zimbabwean Criminal Code criminalizes sexual
exploitation, the absence
of specific provision on human trafficking creates
a huge deficit in the
legal framework,” a RAU report says.
The United States Trafficking in
Person report for 2011 notes that Zimbabwe
is a source, transit and
destination country for women and children
trafficked for the purposes of
forced labor and sexual exploitation in South
Africa, Botswana, Asia, Europe
and many other countries.
No specific data has been availed on the number
of people trafficked because
of the clandestine nature of the
business.
Since the inception of Counter Trafficking programme in
September 2006, IOM
has assisted 43 victims (25 female and 18 male) who had
been duped into
leaving Zimbabwe on promises which proved to be
false.
IOM’s Murapa said the organization is conducting mass public
awareness
campaigns, disseminating Information Education and Communication
(IEC)
material, training and holding workshops to raise awareness about
human
trafficking.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Ignatius
Chombo, Minister of local government rural and urban development
has
suspended Brian James, Mutare’s elected Mayor who got into office on an
MDC-T ticket. Brian James has become yet another victim of Chombo’s reign of
terror on MDC Councilors. A total of 15 councilors have been suspended to
date with some receiving a favorable high court ruling ordering their
reinstatement.
01.02.1202:57pm
by CHRA
Brian James has been
suspended in the same style that saw most elected
mayors right across
Zimbabwe being suspended by the same minister. Brian
James is being accused
of general misconduct. In a letter to Councillor
James, Minister Chombo
said: "Having cautioned you in a letter of Remedial
Intervention dated March
03 2011, reports of misconduct continue to come to
my office implying that
you are unrepentant. This leaves me with no option
other than to invoke
section 114 of the Urban Councils Act (chapter 29:15)
to suspend you from
being a councillor (ward 12) Mutare City, with immediate
effect."
During the period of suspension, Mayor James shall not
conduct any council
business and will not receive any form of remuneration.
Minister Chombo said
the suspension of Mayor James "was in the interest of
ensuring sound local
governance for effective and efficient service delivery
in Mutare City".
The minister then appointed Masvingo provincial
administrator Mr Felix
Chikovo as chairman of a probe team expected to
ascertain allegations
levelled against the mayor.
Others members of
the investigation team are Mr G Madzimure (deputy director
traditional
leaders support services), Mr J Chauke (Accountant Financial
Advisory
section), Fortune Mutete (banker) and Mr A Magumise (Rural Local
Authorities).
CHRA would like to condemn these continuous suspensions
in the uttermost
contempt as they only serve to appease certain political
loses that were
encountered by one political party during the local
government elections in
March 2008. These revelations do act as
manifestations of our advocacy on
the overall review of the urban council’s
act, which seek to revise the role
played by the minister of local
government rural and urban development.
The act gives the minister a
leeway to abuse this piece of legislation hence
obstructing the systems of
good governance placed at the bottom. Chombo is
on record of having argued
that if it means that he will have to dismiss all
elected councillors, he
will do it which now leaves us with question of
whether it is going to be
Brian James only. In December, the Herald reported
that Chombo wrote to the
elected Mayor of Harare, Muchadei Masunda, warning
him of underperforming
which puts him (Masunda) at risk of being suspended.
It is also against
these written warnings that Brian James got the chop.
Chombo has so far
suspended a total of four MDC councilors in Harare for
corruption; five in
Rusape; one in Nyaminyami Rural District Council; two in
Zvimba Rural
District Council; and two in Harare Municipality – Councilors
Warship Dumba
and Casper Takura who had opened a council probe on the
minister on how he
had acquired so many properties in Harare, Brian James
becomes the latest
victim.
The four councilors who were suspended for alleged corruption
charges got a
favorable high court reinstatement order to which the judge
ruled that their
dismissal was "so grossly irrational in their defiance of
logic that no
reasonable person applying his mind to the matter could
possibly have
arrived at those decisions”. The suspension followed the
recommendation of a
board of inquiry headed by senior magistrate Munamato
Mutevedzi. However,
Chombo has since filed a Supreme Court order arguing
that the hearings were
done
without their side of the story being
head which then over rules the high
court order.
What worries
residents and organizations like CHRA is that the overall set
up of the
local government system is an open-open system with which
corruption thrives
upon without any checks. The Minister has got the power
to appoint a probe
team at his own discretion. Most of the people come
either from urban or
rural local authorities, provincial local government or
the ministry itself.
Most of these individuals are senior people who have
either been seconded
for their positions by the local government board which
itself is appointed
by the Minister. A careful analysis will indicate that
there is no
partiality in the whole probing process as indicated by previous
probes
which all resulted in the dismissal of elected mayors and councilors.
WHAT IS
CHRA DOING?
A motion has been moved in parliament which is targeting a
possible review
of the urban councils act. CHRA will be doing nationwide
consultations on
the review of the Urban Councils act chapter 29:15.
Critical areas that we
intend to lobby Parliament to review include but are
not limited to:
(Listed in order of criticality and cruciality)
ü
Sec 80: The Minister is empowered to suspend a Council and appoint a
Commission
ü Sec 114: Suspension and dismissal of elected
Councilors
ü Sec 311: Inquiries by the Minister and appointment of
investigators
ü Sec 314 :Minister may reverse, suspend, rescind
resolutions, decisions,
etc. of councils
ü Sec 229: Approval of by
laws by the Minister
ü Sec 223: Minister’s power to make by-laws on
behalf of Council
ü Sec 288: Estimates (budget formulation)
ü Sec
304: Appointment of auditors
ü Sec 116: Composition of the local
government board and its function as set
in sec 123
ü Sec 206:
Minister’s power to act on behalf of council regarding estate
development
Findings from these consultations will be taken to
parliament for review and
it is our hope that our own parallel findings
shall be able to act as the
centre of the Urban Councils act discourse
enquiry in parliament.
CHRA remains committed to good local governance
practiced on a non partisan
basis.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Pindai Dube
Wednesday, 01 February 2012
14:52
BULAWAYO - A mainstream MDC councillor was on Monday arrested
in Lupane,
Matabeleland North province on charges of assaulting a
policeman.
Cain Mpofu, MDC councillor for Ward 18 in Lupane East, was
arrested at
Lupane Business Centre for beating up a police officer who had
been sent to
arrest him on a different charge.
MDC Matabeleland North
province Sengezo Tshabangu confirmed the arrest of
Mpofu saying the charges
were trumped up to fix him, since he was the
campaign manager for former
Lupane East legislator Njabuliso Mguni who is
seeking
re-election.
Mguni was fired by the Welshman Ncube- led MDC from
Parliament in 2008 and
he is eyeing the Lupane East constituency seat on
main MDC ticket in
elections expected next year.
“Mpofu was arrested
and he is currently detained at Lupane police station on
allegations of
assaulting a policeman but these are just trumped up charges
to nail him
since he is the campaign manager for Mguni and he is also our
Lupane East
district secretary,” said Tshabangu.
He added: “They can arrest us and
jail us on any charges, but that won’t
stop us from bringing change in this
country”.
The arrest of Mpofu in Lupane came just two days after the
arrest of two
employees of the civic group Bulawayo Agenda, Busani Ncube and
Zansi
Mabunda.
The two were arrested by Lupane police on allegations
of holding a public
meeting without police clearance at Lupane Business
Centre, although they
had a court order that gave them a green
light.
According to the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR)
Matabeleland North
province is now the most hostile province in the country
as police have
arrested or harassed more than 40 politicians and human
rights activists
since January last year.
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai in October last year said Matabeleland
North province police were
now politicised and were applying the law
selectively by harassing and
arresting political activists regularly.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
01 February
2012
The bail appeal by seven MDC-T members, who have been in custody
since last
May over the death of a policeman in Glen View, was postponed on
Wednesday
until later this month.
The seven are among a group of 29
party members who have been charged in
connection with the death of
policeman Petros Mutedza, which is believed to
have been the result of a bar
fight. The MDC-T insists the charges against
its members are “false” and
“spurious” and a deliberate attempt to bring the
party into
disrepute.
The seven whose appeal was postponed on Wednesday are part of
the original
group that was arrested after the death in May. The majority of
the group
was released on bail, but repeated attempts to have the other
seven released
have failed.
Since then, two more MDC-T members have
been arrested in connection with the
death, including Paul Rukanda, the MDC
Organising Secretary for Glen View
South in Harare, who was arrested a week
ago. The MDC-T Youth Assembly
Chairman Solomon Madzore was also arrested
last October and remains locked
up.
Last week, a Harare magistrate
ordered the State to investigate complaints
by those in remand prison,
including assault by prison guards and the denial
of medical attention. The
State is also being urged to investigate why two
of the women in custody are
being held in solitary confinement in the male
section of Chikurubi
Prison.
The nine people now in custody are Paul Rukanda, Solomon Madzore,
Glen View
Ward 32 Councillor Tungamirai Madzokere, Rebecca Mafikeni, Phenias
Nhatarikwa, Lazarus Maengahama, Stanford Maengahama, Yvonne Musarurwa and
Stanford Mangwiro.
Meanwhile nine of the ten MDC-T activists who were
arrested at Harvest House
three weeks ago have been released after being
granted a US$50 bail each at
the High Court. The 10 are facing charges of
public violence and were
originally denied bail at the Harare Magistrates’
Courts after the State
claimed that they were facing serious charges and
were a ‘flight risk’.
Those granted bail are; Barnabas Mwanaka, Taurai
Nherera, Simbarashe Makaha,
Leonard Dendera, Muchineripi Muzengeza, Patson
Murimoga, Samson Nerwande ,
Murambiwa Dzwenge and Kudakwashe
Usai.
Mwanaka is still admitted at a Harare hospital after he sustained
serious
injuries following an attack by the police during his
arrest.
The tenth activist who was arrested, Jefias Moyo, was however
denied bail
because his is one of the 29 who has been charged in connection
with the
Glen View death.
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
THE ZIMBABWE NATIONAL SOCIETY FOR THE
PREVENTION OF CRUELTY TO ANIMALS
(ZNSPCA)
156 Enterprise Road, Harare,
Zimbabwe
Tel: +263 4 4497574
znspca.org.zw
31 January
2012
Harare, Zimbabwe, 31st January 2012
It is with much sadness that we report the death of the orphaned
male
elephant calf rescued on the 8th January 2012.
The young calf was
found abandoned and wondering along the Makuti /
Karoi Road. Through the
collective efforts of various wildlife
organisations,
the young elephant
calf was transported to Harare and placed under the
care of Gordon and Debbie
Putterill at Mwanga Lodge.
The arrival of the young calf had raised much
public attention with
several appeals being generated for his
upkeep.
In collaboration with Zimbabwe Parks & Wildlife Management
Services,
the ZNSPCA despatched a senior regional inspector and veterinarian
to
conduct
an initial assessment of the calf. The initial reports stated
that the
elephant was in a fair condition and concerns were noted with
regards
to his
immediate dietary requirements. The ZNSPCA team were duly
advised that
the elephant was receiving private veterinary treatment and
that
several caregivers would remain with the young calf on a 24hr
basis.
The owners of Mwanga Lodge had further stated that they
had
considerable
experience in the raising of young elephant. Given such
assurances it
was decided that visitations from the ZNSPCA would be conducted
on a
weekly basis.
On Monday 30th January the ZNSPCA received several
communications
concerning the continued deterioration of the young calfs
health.
The ZNSPCA contacted several international elephant
rehabilitation
organisations with whom they are affiliated. A decision was
reached
that
blood samples and a detailed veterinary report was required
so as to
ascertain the exact status of the young calfs health.
Today
upon arrival, the ZNSPCA team were advised that the young calf
had just died.
We have also been advised that a post mortem will be
conducted by The
Veterinary Services Wildlife Department.
Young elephants generally have a
high mortality rate and subsequently
require specialised dietary requirements
and a protracted period of
rehabilitation.
Since the establishment of
the ZNSPCA Inspectorate, the work of the
Inspectors has been commended
locally and internationally, including
an
award from the NSPCA (South
Africa) the Service to Animals Special
Award “in appreciation and admiration
of outstanding work under
extremely
difficult conditions” and the Humane
Society International Award for
Extraordinary Commitment and Achievement.
By Zibusiso Dube
1
February, 2012
Access to information has a very important role to play in
ensuring the
health of a democracy. Firstly, it ensures that citizens make
responsible
informed choices rather than acting out of ignorance or
misinformation.
Secondly, information serves a ‘checking function’ by
ensuring that elected
representatives uphold their oaths of office and carry
out the wishes of
those who elected them. By extension therefore, access to
information and
the media can play a role in the improvement of service
delivery, in the
respect of human rights, and in the recognition of the
needs of the people
in policy formulation and governance. Access to
information and the media is
thus an important part of development.
In
Zimbabwe however, citizens do not have access to adequate information to
base decisions on and are therefore not empowered to take charge of their
destinies by participating in the critical discourses shaping policy
formulation, service delivery principles and governance priorities.
Expansion in the use of Information and Communications Technologies (ICTs)
has however provided an opportunity for the government to increase the
amount of information Zimbabweans have access to and to generate discourse
between the public and those who govern them.
One of the greatest
challenges that Zimbabwe faces in governance is the lack
of engagement and
communication between holders of public office and their
constituents. This
is fundamentally a problem for two reasons. Firstly there
is lack of
transparency and accountability in the operations of public
officials
meaning that they have the leeway to prioritize their own
interests at the
expense of those of the citizens. Secondly, lack of
engagement leads to the
formulation of policies, and the implementation of
projects that may not
augur well with citizens and are thus rejected leading
to wastage of
taxpayers’ money and stunted developmental growth.
Unfortunately, the
culture in Zimbabwe has never been one for affording
citizens access to
information or promotion of engagement, accountability
and transparency.
Instead, operations of holders of public office are a
mystery to the public,
with regular allegations of corruption emerging. The
media are also viewed
with suspicion, with officials wary of them and
reluctant to give
interviews. Worse still, the country’s laws, such as the
Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), certain
sections the
Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act, the contempt of
court law,
defamation law, the Official Secrets Act (OSA) and the
Broadcasting Services
Act (BSA) make operating in the country difficult for
media practitioners.
In addition to these laws, journalists normally face
harassment by state
security agents and get arrested for merely doing their
jobs. Due to this
journalists engage in self – censorship, in the process
denying people
relevant information to base decisions on. On the other hand,
Zimbabwe’s
unstable economy has resulted in a huge digital divide with large
sections
of the population unable to purchase newspapers or access other
forms of
information. Zimbabweans therefore lack adequate information on
critical
issues, thus citizen agency and developmental democracy remain
elusive.
The rise in the use of the internet and other New Information
Communication
Technologies (NICTs) in the country in the past year has
provided an
opportunity for increasing conversation between governors and
the governed.
Mobile penetration in Zimbabwe now stands at approximately 65
percent, while
use of the internet has also increased considerably following
rapid
expansion in the sector since 2009, coupled with the introduction of
third
generation internet technology. In urban areas, it is estimated that
every
household has at least four mobile phones. In addition, use of smart
phones,
whose functions include internet, multi-media services and cameras
has
increased, especially among the youth. This is providing new avenues for
communication between holders of public office and the public.
The
global community recognises the importance of ICTs in the maintenance of
democracy and in sustainable development. In September 2003, representatives
of countries from all across the globe met in Geneva for the World Summit on
the Information Society (WSIS) where the WSIS declaration of principles was
passed. The summit declared a “desire and commitment to build a
people-centred, inclusive and development-oriented Information Society,
where everyone can create, access, utilize and share information and
knowledge, enabling individuals, communities and peoples to achieve their
full potential in promoting their sustainable development and improving
their quality of life, premised on the purposes and principles of the
Charter of the United Nations and respecting fully and upholding the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights.” A commitment was also made to use
ICTs to contribute to the attainment of the Millennium Developmental Goals
(MDGs), namely the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger; achievement of
universal primary education; promotion of gender equality and empowerment of
women; reduction of child mortality; improvement of maternal health; to
combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases; ensuring environmental
sustainability; and development of global partnerships for development for
the attainment of a more peaceful, just and prosperous world.
The World
Bank defines e-governance as the “government owned or operated
systems of
information and communication technologies that transform
relations with
citizens, the private sector and/or other government agencies
so as to
promote citizens empowerment, improve service delivery, strengthen
accountability, increase transparency, or improve government efficiency.”
E-governance is also defined as “public sector’s use of the most innovative
information and communications technologies, like the internet, to deliver
to all citizens improved services, reliable information and greater
knowledge in order to facilitate access to the governing process and
encourage deeper citizen participation. E – governance therefore notes that
ICTs can be used to increase communication and dialogue between public
officials and residents, and therefore increase citizen agency.
The onus
is on the government and local authorities to use e-governance
concepts as a
means to increase communication between themselves and the
public in order
to increase accountability and transparency in their
operations. Admittedly,
e-governance is a broad concept, and requires
investments in capacity
building not only for holders of public office, but
for citizens as well.
Using websites, blogs, Facebook and Twitter for
example, government
departments, ministries, councillors and departments in
local authorities
could increase the amount of information the public has on
government
projects, activities and policies. The interactive nature of
these
communication tools would also provide the public with platforms to
inform
public officials of their needs and priorities. While e-governance is
a
broad concept including the computerisation of government transactions and
communications among government departments, it is the e-democracy part –
that concerned with improving engagement, transparency and accountability in
governance – that has an immediate appeal. This is not to say other concepts
of e-governance should be left out. The government should come up with a
holistic e-governance programme in order for Zimbabweans to be able to enjoy
the full benefits of the information society. By doing so, the government
would be making a commitment to developmental democracy – increasing
citizens participation in governance, engagement and citizen agency leading
to better service delivery and accountability and transparency in
governance.
Zibusiso Dube is the Information Manager at Bulawayo
Progressive Residents
Association (BPRA). He writes in his personal
capacity. He can be contacted
on dubezibusiso@gmail.com
January 31st, 2012
“Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” – United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Not long ago, a young friend of mine went walking around a quiet upscale neighborhood with a video camera, filming the area, capturing images of insects in the grass, a newspaper sign and the people lazing about. He was hardly engaged in anything dangerous or political. But within five minutes, the police had rounded him up and threatened to charge him with the dastardly crime of Practicing Journalism without a License. “After all,” the officer in charge said, “there’s nowhere in the world that you can just go out and photograph things!”
The officer’s ignorance was not surprising since he had clearly never been anywhere else in the world. But, in truth, very few countries prevent ordinary citizens from wandering around filming or journalists from doing their jobs without the permission and control of the authorities. Zimbabwe is on a short distinguished list of nations that includes Yemen, Sudan, China, and North Korea.
That’s not the only abnormality in Zimbabwe’s media landscape. Little about it conforms to the way things are done across the globe – or to global or African standards.
In Zimbabwe, government keeps tight control over who can run a media outlet and who can report for it. A Zimbabwean might be able to move to the United States, to South Africa or to England and open a newspaper. But back home, he can’t do so without a license from the Media Commission, which is appointed by the Minister of Information in consultation with the president, and he can only employ journalists they agree to license. He cannot have any shareholders who live in any other country, even if they are Zimbabwean. And his license can be taken away even more easily than it was granted. As a result, the print sector is dominated by ZimPapers, largely owned by the Mass Media Trust, which is controlled by Government.
Government exercises even greater control over the airwaves – radio and television stations – which has left the country at the mercy of ZBC’s single television and four radio stations. No other radio or television station can be established without a license from the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe, the BAZ, whose members are appointed by the Minister of Information in consultation with the President. The regulations bar any station from being owned by a non-resident Zimbabwean, from employing non-Zimbabweans, receiving any funds from overseas, or using any transmitter other than that of the government-owned TransMedia.
Even with licenses and registrations, the media have a hard time doing their job. Although according to the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act, Zimbabwean journalists have the right to see the sort of information held by public bodies that they need to do their work, they are crippled by a host of exceptions. They can’t see Cabinet documents, draft legislation, or recommendations provided to public bodies if officials declare that their publication might affect relations between different levels of government or harm the economic interest of the public body. And any public body can keep its records secret if the people in charge deems releasing them to be “not in the public interest.”
And even with all the correct information, journalists still can’t really work to international standards. While the Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press, journalists can be charged with “criminal defamation” if they publish material deemed harmful to individuals. If convicted, they face prison, fines and suspension of their licenses. If they publish things deemed prejudicial to the state or the economy, deemed to undermine public confidence in law enforcement, to reflect negatively on Parliament, or to be insulting to or engendering feelings of hostility toward the President, they face up to 20 years in jail.
What does all of this mean in practical terms?
Outside of the small sphere of countries where government keeps a tight lid on the media to keep the truth from its people, this simply isn’t normal, even in Africa In the West African nation of Mail, for example, the media works with almost no restrictions. Journalists – even foreign journalists – don’t need to seek licenses, and there are virtually no restrictions on launching of media outlets. So more than 300 private FM radio stations operate in the country, and about 50 newspapers and periodicals. For almost two decades, no Malian journalist has been arrested or harassed by government although media outlets have pressed for regular accountability from government. And during elections, a special commission mandated by the constitution guarantees that all political parties have equal access to government-controlled media.
Until the 1990s, things in Ghana weren’t so different from Zimbabwe. Now, that has changed dramatically. If you want to open a newspaper, you simply register its title and begin publishing – and Ghana has more than 200 newspapers and journals and 150 FM radio stations airing ideas and information across the country.
In 1993, Ghana separated its state-owned media enterprises – the equivalent of ZBC, the Herald, and the Chronicle – from government control. Now those enterprises are overseen by an 18-member commission whose members are elected from different sectors of society. The commission, in turn, appoints a board of directors and chief executive of each enterprise who, in turn, select editors. The media commission “is a moral instrument,” said Kabral Blay-Amihere, who chairs the commission. “We do not have the power to discipline or sanction anybody.”
Why do so many nations, like Ghana and Mali, allow their media such free rein? On the one hand, they are simply following international standards as embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Windhoek Declaration on Promoting an Independent and Pluralistic African Press, the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, and the SADC Protocol on Culture, Information and Sport. In different words, they all say the same thing: A free and democratic society cannot exist without a free, pluralistic, independent and unrestricted media investigating issues of public interest, government policies and operations based on fully-disclosed government information.
More importantly, the leaders and citizens of these countries have come to understand that democracy cannot exist without unrestricted journalism and that good, free journalism means that:
- The job of journalists is to tell the truth by uncovering corruption, finding proof of lies and inconsistencies by the powerful, and challenging those in authority to serve the needs of the people. If no one poses such challenge, those in power cannot be held accountable.
- Good journalists and good media outlets, then, upset everyone at one time or another. If they only upset one political party, one tribe or one company, they are not doing their job.
- Protecting the people from the media, as governments say they are doing, really means protecting the secrets of the powerful.
- The moment citizens allow government to regulate the media, they can be sure that government will use that power to prevent citizens from learning the truth.
- Media owned and controlled by government will always serve government, not the people.
- Preventing journalists from gaining access to the information essential to an understanding of what government is doing means that government does not want to allow its citizens to know what is going on.
- The media must represent the diverse points of view of the population to ensure that the interests and perspectives of the minority are not suppressed by the majority.
- Turning journalists into criminals for reporting what they know or for doing their jobs criminalizes truth-telling.
All of this means that a free press isn’t always comfortable, especially for the rich and powerful. It can cause embarrassment to members of a government, lead to the jailing of corporate directors, and upset a lot of people. But without it, citizens cannot gain the information they to know who is serving them and who is not; who is cheating them, and who is not; and who is pretending to be something they are not. Without this information, how can citizens know how to vote? What dangers really face them? Who has solutions that they might embrace? Free media serve as the public’s eyes and ears into the inner workings of the government and other institutions. Without such a media, the citizenry has no way to hold those in power accountable.
So, how should the Zimbabwean government control the media? It shouldn’t. It is not the media that needs to be controlled but government – to guarantee that it doesn’t limit freedom of expression, impose censorship, hide information from the public, or punish journalists for telling the truth. The only media-specific laws necessary in a democracy are ones that prevent government from doing so and that protect public’s right to information, to a clear view of government decision-making processes, and to diverse opinions.
What about registration of newspapers and licensing of journalists? What’s the point of either other than to give government more power? Print media should require no registration or licensing. Anyone with the money and inclination to start up a newspaper or magazine should be free to do so – and suffer the financial loss if it produces out a poor product. And while the airwaves need some sort of control, regulation must be in the hands of an independent agency that allocates frequencies to broadcasters in an equitable manner and without charging exorbitant fees that limit access to the already powerful.
Journalists should not need licenses to practice their craft. If they do their jobs poorly, they should be fired by their editors or sanctioned by their peers. Certainly they should not be free to defame and spread lies about people. But neither the truth nor clearly stated opinion can ever be defamatory, and real defamation – knowingly spreading vicious lies that harm an individual – should be handled in civil court since criminalizing the work of journalists makes no sense in a free society. Public officials are not above the law or above criticism. Indeed, as public servants, they should be afforded no special protection against defamation. In fact, the burden of proof that a public servant has been defamed needs to be extreme high to ensure that their work is carefully scrutinized for the general good.
Government agencies must be required to disclose full information about their activities to the public. If a journalist – or any citizen – requests details about the number of teachers in a school, the amount of money spent on a new road, the qualifications of an appointee, the report of a commission, or an internal investigation into corruption, the law must require government to provide it. Exceptions should only be made when the potential harm of such disclosure clearly outweighs the public benefit from open access, not when the information might embarrass a public servant or agency, or because it simply isn’t convenient.
Turning ZBC and Zimpapers, both controlled by government, into responsible, impartial media outlets that serve the public not the rulers or the ruling party is a major challenge. They cannot continue to function as the mouthpiece of whoever is in power; that undercuts their role, which is to protect the interests of the public against abuse by the powerful. So they need an abrupt and dramatic break with the past in order to reestablish their credibility.
If they are to remain in the hands of government, a hefty firewall must be established that will insulate media operations from political influence. But doing so has proven extremely difficult even in countries that have created independent boards representing diverse sectors of society to control their public media. Government ownership has slopped over into editorial meddling, and few have succeeded in finding any way to protect government-owned newspapers and broadcast outlets fully political interference. Some countries have opted instead for privatization, but that is a perilous course since it delivers a major chunk of the media into the hands of a single private interest.
Some suggest that Zimbabwe might first reform the Mass Media Trust to protect it from politics in some fashion and that, as a further guarantee of impartiality, editorial control over each of its newspapers be given either to journalists’ unions or to journalism departments at various universities, which would be required to maintain their own ethnically and politically diverse boards. But no such reform can be made without political will, on all sides, to divorce the media from control by the powerful.
For too long, the Government of Zimbabwe has followed the tradition set by the government of Rhodesia, which treated the media as a threat to national security and journalists as potential criminals bent on destabilizing the nation.
Zimbabwean journalists are free to fly to the United States or Europe to do their work. They can report, film and write without asking for government permission. If a wealthy Zimbabwean wants to open a radio station or a newspaper in London or Sydney, he or she is free to do so. And if a Zimbabwean journalist can find a job with a media outlet in New York or Johannesburg, he can report without interference. They are not viewed as enemies attempting to undermine the State. They are part of a fabric of diverse voices that allow the citizens of open democracies to exercise choice.
Yet at home, those same journalists or media owners are restricted no matter where they turn. They need government permission to operate. They are regularly picked up by the police, held in detention for hours without charge, and often subjected to criminal proceedings for reporting the truth. With few independent media outlets licensed and so many journalists terrified into self-censorship, the Zimbabwean public is left at the mercy of government-controlled newspapers, radio and television, which report only what those in power want the people to hear.
In reaction, the independent media have compensated – perhaps overcompensated – in the opposite political direction, squeezing the citizenry between competing views of reality that leave virtually everyone befuddled as to what is really going on. Such polarization has become the new Zimbabwean norm, a norm to which generations of journalists, media managers, readers and viewers have become accustomed.
Norms, like other human habits, don’t change easily. Journalists don’t “unlearn” self-censorship. Politicians and bureaucrats who have long enjoyed the immunity of a cowed and biased media are unlikely to give up that luxury by freely handing over potentially embarrassing information and accepting criticism with aplomb. Political activists who have long felt free to harass and abuse journalists and plant blatantly false stories will not cease their attacks from one day to the next. And a citizenry that has never enjoyed the advantages of honest and open reporting cannot be expected to understand its advantages – and thus to tolerate its disadvantages – over night.
Indeed, reports from across the country suggest that many Zimbabweans have no understanding of the importance of an open and critical media, or that they simply disapprove of it. At constitution outreach meetings in Mashonaland West, villagers expressed support for banning all private media and giving government control over all newspapers and television stations. At a meeting in Makonde, villagers expressed support for life imprisonment, if not the death penalty, for negative reporting about Zimbabwe.
“The media needs to be respectful of people in authority,” said a resident of rural Matabeleland. “If they are not, we’ll fall into chaos.”
A Bulawayan argued, “Journalists shouldn’t be allowed to write whatever they want about people, even if it is true. It’s against our culture.”
Firmly establishing free media in Zimbabwe, then, isn’t just a matter of rewriting laws. It demands a process of education of the people as well as of those in power. Undoing both the Rhodesian and Zimbabwean “norms” will be a long and often painful process of changing the firmly-established habits of every element of an entire nation.