Africa discovers dark side of Chinese master

The Telegraph

By Colin Freeman in Chambishi, Sunday Telegraph
Last Updated: 1:05am GMT 04/02/2007

      The smooth red carpet rolled out across Africa last week for Hu
Jintao, the Chinese president, did not quite reach the gates of Zambia's
Chambishi copper mine.

      His plans to make an official visit yesterday to the plant, which
re-opened under Chinese state ownership eight years ago, fell victim to a
hitch he rarely encounters at home: the not-so-grateful worker.

      Tipped off that miners were threatening protests about poor pay and
conditions, Mr Hu changed his schedule, leaving the podium - specially built
for the occasion - ungraced with his presence.

      The miners, who lost 51 colleagues in an explosion at a subsidiary
plant two years ago, were a rare dissenting voice on Mr Hu's 12-day,
eight-nation tour of Africa, which took in Cameroon, Liberia and Sudan last
week and continues to Namibia, South Africa, Mozambique and the Seychelles.

      Otherwise, it was choreographed all too smoothly: five-star hotels
sealed off to accommodate his vast retinue, surreal "press briefings" at
which no questions were permitted, and state functions to which awkward
guests like Zambia's opposition parties, who back the miners' grievances,
were not invited.

      The VIP treatment was not surprising, however, given his country's
rapidly-expanding new role in Africa as an investor, trader and aid donor.
As well as an army of trade delegates signing business deals by the hundred,
Mr Hu came with £2.7 billion to spend in aid and unconditional loans, cash
pledged when he entertained 43 African leaders in Beijing last November.
Like the Europeans who scrambled for Africa in the 19th and early 20th
centuries, his motives are far from altruistic: Beijing wants vast
quantities of Zambia's copper, along with Angola's oil, Gabon's timber and
Zimbabwe's platinum for its own massive economic expansion, which it hopes
will turn it into a new superpower.

      Yet to a growing number of African governments - especially the more
corrupt and undemocratic ones - Mr Hu represents a much more promising
saviour than George W Bush, Tony Blair or U2's Bono. Thanks to his country's
long-standing "mutual non-interference policy", Chinese aid and investment
deals come on a "no-strings" basis, free of high-minded lectures or
conditions about how the cash should be spent.

      However, the enthusiasm of Africa's ruling elites for a non-Western
benefactor is not shared by the miners of Chambishi township, whose Chinese
masters arrived after the mine had lain shut for more than a decade. The
sprawling plant is now decked in Maoist-style slogans urging workers to make
"vigorous efforts to make the company prosperous", yet the way it is run is
capitalism at its most raw.

      As well as the mine's questionable safety record, workers' benefits
have been slashed, unions discouraged and employees are paid as little as
£53 a month, despite rising copper prices.

      One miner - who would not give his name for fear of losing his job -
told The Sunday Telegraph: "We are glad that the Chinese re-opened the mine,
as unemployment here was very high and there were problems with theft and
drunkenness.

      "But they are difficult to work for. Safety is still poor even after
the explosion that killed my friends, and when we ask for more money, they
threaten to sack us. I would prefer to work for white managers - they are
better educated and they understand what a Zambian needs to live on."

      A particular grievance among the miners is that they no longer have
the generous cradle-to-the-grave benefits they enjoyed when the copper mines
were in state hands.

      Today, Chambishi's roads are muddy and potholed, its menfolk spend
much of their spare time getting drunk in local shebeens, and mine-sponsored
soccer teams that once made the Copper Belt region a talent pool for the
country's national team are defunct.

      "They have created employment but they should improve the social
conditions," said Isaac Lumba, 32, one of a group of miners drinking cartons
of strong maize beer outside the Chember Grocery store, a small shack among
Chambishi township's rundown, single-storey cottages. "If they are taking
our copper they should give something back to the community."

      The poor conditions in the Chinese mine were highlighted in a
Christian Aid report released last week. It said that while other foreign
mine operators, including Swiss and Indian firms, were often slipshod too,
they provided at least some social benefits, sponsoring anti-malaria
programmes and football teams. The report also described how two miners were
shot and injured during a wages protest outside the Chinese managers'
compound last year, either by Chinese-hired security guards or by Zambian
police. The shooting, it said, "confirmed in the popular imagination the
idea that Chinese bosses were uniquely brutal and exploitative, and that the
Zambian state's relationship to them was too close".

      Fears about the Chinese way of doing business are not just confined to
the Copper Belt. In Zambia's capital, Lusaka, traders and manufacturers say
the flood of cheap Chinese goods into their markets has made it all but
impossible to earn a living. It is a complaint repeated in marketplaces in
nearly every African country that has done a trade-for-aid deal.

      Zambia, however, is unusual in Africa in that the Chinese presence has
become a major political issue. Last October, Michael Sata's opposition
Patriotic Front party nearly unseated Levy Mwanawasa, the Zambian president,
after campaigning on a populist anti-Chinese ticket, benefiting partly from
resentment over conditions in the mines.

      Guy Scott, the Patriotic Front general secretary, believes Beijing
already wields unhealthy influence over African governments, effectively
turning whichever party is in power into a client faction. "They are out to
colonise Africa economically," he said.

      But it is easy to blame the Chinese for problems that have more to do
with the former British colony's longer-term economic woes. Unemployment,
for example, is 50 per cent, and 85 per cent of Zambians live below the
poverty line, a point not lost on Mr Mwanawasa, who insists Chinese
investment offers a leg-up to prosperity after four decades of
post-independence mediocrity.

      In speeches last week designed to head off protests against Mr Hu's
visit, he spoke scathingly of anti-Chinese riots that erupted after last
year's elections. "The Chinese government has brought a lot of development
to this country and these are the people you are demonstrating against?" he
asked.

      Despite the controversy, Chinese businessmen are flocking to Lusaka in
such numbers that five months ago, the city opened its first Chinese-owned
casino.

      A Chinese-built five-star hotel is also going up in Livingstone, named
after the British missionary who spearheaded the first great colonial
venture here. It may be some time, however, before President Hu or any of
his successors is accorded a similar honour.

Mugabe, Dabengwa differ on ZINWA

Zim Standard

  By Foster Dongozi & Kholwani Nyathi

      PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe and former Home Affairs Minister Dumiso
Dabengwa disagreed during a Zanu PF politburo meeting last week over plans
by the government to take over water management in Bulawayo, The Standard
has been told.

      Sources who attended the four-hour meeting said a disagreement arose
between Mugabe and Dabengwa over the takeover of water and sewage management
in Bulawayo by the controversial Zimbabwe National Water Authority (ZINWA).

      Dabengwa, as chairman of the Matabeleland Zambezi Water Project
(MZWP), told the politburo meeting the move would not be in the best
interests of the region.

      Dabengwa, according to the sources, said the region had been a victim
of underdevelopment for a long time and allowing the government to take over
water billing would undermine development in the region further.

      Mugabe told Dabengwa the takeover of Bulawayo water management was not
negotiable as the ministry responsible for water was created specifically
for water management throughout the country.

      Deputy president of the Senate, Naison Khutshwekhaya Ndlovu, sided
with Mugabe, saying in any case, the largest dam supplying Bulawayo, Insiza
was government-owned and located in his province of Matabeleland South.

      Vice-President Joice Mujuru defended government's decision to allow
Zinwa to take over water management in the city.

      Said the source: "There was tension during the meeting and it was
heightened when Dabengwa asked why Zinwa wanted to take over the management
of water from the council, which had run water and sewage management
efficiently since independence in 1980.

      The government takeover of water management has raised suspicion among
government critics in Bulawayo.

      They allege the government's plan was to deprive the city council of
revenue from water and sewage management, thus depleting its budget, until
the government accuses it of mismanagement and replaces it with a
government-appointed commission, as in Harare.

      Zanu PF has already removed from office popularly elected councils in
Harare, Chitungwiza and Mutare, all dominated by the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC).

      Water billing alone currently generates close to 50 percent of the
council's revenue.

      Dabengwa said he was speaking on behalf of Bulawayo residents and Zanu
PF supporters in the city.

      Zanu PF secretary for administration Didymus Mutasa, was prickly when
contacted for comment.

      Mutasa said: "Who told you what happens in the politburo? I will not
discuss with you what happened in the Politburo."

      Dabengwa confirmed he had raised the ZINWA matter in the meeting.

      "We asked for an explanation on what was going on with ZINWA issue and
we received a satisfactory explanation that the Cabinet had already made a
decision on the water issue."

      Dabengwa insisted the ZINWA issue had not ended.

      "We had been mandated by concerned Zanu PF members in Bulawayo who
felt there was need for consultations, so that their input on the issue
could be considered. We sought and got a meeting with the minister
responsible for water so that he could get the people's feelings on the
matter.

      "The main problem with the water issue is that there was not enough
rain and we don't see what solution ZINWA can offer by taking over water
supply and distribution. Water distribution should be left to the Bulawayo
City Council."

      The Bulawayo City Council hs said it was against the takeover.

Canada rejects twinning proposal

Zim Standard

  TORONTO - Canada has rejected a proposal
by Zimbabwe to twin Niagara Falls and the Victoria Falls in a marketing
strategy President Robert Mugabe's government hoped would help attract more
western tourists to his country.

      Late last year, the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA)'s chief executive
officer, Karikoga Kaseke announced that his organisation would take
advantage of a tourism road show into Canada this year to negotiate a deal
to have the marketing departments of the two world wonders cross-promote
them to their visitors.

      But in a recent interview with MAP Feature Service, Anna Pierce, the
manager of Niagara Tourism, an arm of the Ontario Province's tourism
department, said the Canadian authority would not entertain the idea because
of Zimbabwe's deplorable human rights record and its meddling in matters of
commerce.

      "We are not considering that offer at all. We talked to everybody
concerned and we all agree that there will not be such an arrangement as
long as things remain the way they are in Zimbabwe," said Pierce.

      Towards the end of last November, Kaseke told a group of Canadian
tourism operators and journalists that the ZTA would "invade" Canada as part
of the 2007 Travel Expo, a road show that markets Zimbabwean tourism
attractions abroad.

      He said the target was to bring back to Zimbabwe no less than 20
Canadian tourism buyers.

      Kaseke said preliminary negotiations were to be handled by Zimbabwe's
High Commissioner to Canada, Florence Chideya who had invited the tourism
operators and journalists in a propaganda effort to portray Zimbabwe
positively in the western press.

      But Kaseke's enthusiasm was dampened by an emphatically negative
response from both Canadian authorities and even the operators that Chideya
had taken to Zimbabwe.

      Canada has diplomatic representationin Zimbabwe. Canadian-owned
companies also do business in the country while such humanitarian
organizations as the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) have
running operations.

      But the Canadian government joined other Western countries in imposing
targeted sanctions on the Zimbabwe government which bar Canadian
organizations from cooperating with state institutions in Zimbabwe, such as
the ZTA.

      Both Niagara Falls and Victoria Falls bring in billions of dollars in
annual revenue to the economies of their local communities and the countries
they belong to, which are Canada and the US in the case of Niagara and
Zimbabwe and Zambia for the Victoria Falls.

      Niagara Falls attracted more than 20 million visitors annually and
this number is expected to rise to 28 million from this year.

      On the other hand, Victoria Falls, the bigger and considered more
attractive of the two, attracts only as much as about one million a year.

      Pierce said even if the federal government did not impose sanctions on
Zimbabwe, political instability in the country made the Victoria Falls
inaccessible and a twinning arrangement would result in little or no benefit
to Niagara Falls.

      Jonathan Rooth, a producer with Omni Television, who was part of
Chideya's delegation, told the Zimbabwe authorities that they had to solve
the country's political problems if they hoped to see an improvement to
tourism.

'Mugabe must hang' jibe lands man in court

Zim Standard

BY OUR STAFF

      BULAWAYO - A Gwanda man will this Tuesday be hauled into court for
saying President Robert Mugabe "must hang just like the former Iraqi
dictator Saddam Hussein" for his role in the Gukurahundi atrocities.

      Dingilizwe Ndlovu is alleged to have said: "Sokufe uSaddam ngabe kufe
olwangakithi lolu ngendaba yeGukurahundi (Saddam is dead but it should have
been Mugabe because of the Gukurahundi atrocities).

      The incident, says the State outline, took place on New Year's Eve in
Gwanda at Jazzy Bottle Store.

      Zanu-PF activists effected a citizen's arrest on Ndlovu and handed him
over to the police where he spent four nights in the cells for the jibe

      The state says Ndlovu violated section 16 (2)(6) of the notorious
Public Order and Security Act (POSA). He is represented by Mluweli Ndlovu of
Cheda and Partners.

      It is a crime under POSA "to make abusive, indecent, obscene or false
statements or gestures about the President or acting President or in respect
of his office or his person".

      Of late, a number of Zimbabweans have been brought into court for
allegedly insulting the President.

      Last month, Selestin Jengeta of Masvingo was arrested after pointing
at a picture of Mugabe during a TV news bulletin at a bar and saying if
Mugabe died, then Zimbabwe's economic crisis would end.

      The president has become a subject of crude jokes by long-suffering
Zimbabweans grappling with the worst ever economic crisis.

      Human rights groups say 20 000 people died in Matabeleland and
Midlands provinces during the government's military campaign code-named
Gukurahundi in the 1980s against alleged dissidents.

Masvingo wowed as Mutare mogul shows off latest acquisition

Zim Standard

  BY OUR STAFF

      MASVINGO - A Hummer rolled into Masvingo on Thursday morning and
almost brought business in Zimbabwe's oldest town to a standstill.

      Curious residents jostled to get a glimpse of the much-talked about
vehicle.

      The car, described as the beast of the road by motoring
correspondents, belongs to prominent Mutare businessman and Zanu PF
heavyweight Esau Mupfumi who went straight to the Magistrates' Court where
Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings bureau chief Nathaniel Mlambo was appearing.

      The remand hearing for the reporter accused of rape was delayed for
three hours. Mupfumi only arrived at around 11 00 AM, with a lawyer, Misheck
Mugadza of Muvinge & Mugadza.

      Mugadza managed to secure a $50 000 bail for the journalist who was
whisked away in the Hummer, leaving Masvingo residents stunned.

      "Thanks to Mlambo's rape case, we were able to see this vehicle which
has been a subject of interest in newspaper columns," said a man who was
keen to take a photograph of the vehicle.

      Mupfumi confirmed to The Standard that he rushed to Masvingo to assist
the journalist. He chose the vehicle he purchased for $600 million almost
two weeks ago for the mission.

      On Friday he tried to downplay the matter.

      "My buses ply that route and I normally go to Masvingo," said Mupfumi.

      But pressed further, Mupfumi said he was related to Mlambo and felt an
urgent need to assist him.

      "I am his cousin. I am sure you heard about the story. If we are
cousins, I can't let you (Standard reporter)uchishupika," Mupfumi said.

      He also confirmed his vehicle caused excitement in Masvingo.

      "Even when I brought it to Mutare last week after buying it, some
shops were closed as people jostled to see it," said Mupfumi.

      The businessman added: "There was even an unfortunate incident when
two cars were involved in an accident as their drivers were looking at the
vehicle," said Mupfumi.

      The Hummer is one the latest vehicles gracing the streets of Harare
where many people are showing off their wealth as the economic crisis
deepens. Mupfumi owns a fleet of buses and is arguably one of the richest
indigenous business people in Mutare.

      Last year he donated $1 million to the Mutare Press Club where he had
been made Patron.

40 disgruntled lecturers quit NUST

Zim Standard

  By Nqobani Ndlovu

      BULAWAYO - About 40 lecturers at the National University of Science
and Technology (NUST), the second largest university in the country, have
resigned since the beginning of the year.

      They have all cited deteriorating working conditions, officials
confirmed last week.

      The reports of mass resignations, putting under severe test the
quality of the institution's academic programmes, come at a time when
lecturers at state universities, including NUST have embarked on an
indefinite job boycott for substantial salary increments.

      The lecturers are represented by the Zimbabwe State Universities Union
of Academics (ZISSUA), which groups academics from eight government
universities.

      They are demanding $1,2 million a month for juniors and $1,8 million
for senior lecturers.

      They rejected the government's imposed salary increments of 300
percent that saw the lowest paid lecturer getting about $500 000 in January.

      The lecturers' action has resulted in most universities suspending
their academic programmes.

      But the start of this year's first semester at NUST, which was
originally set for the end of last month and later moved to this month, is
likely to be further affected by the staff exodus.

      The university has an establishment of about 250 part-time and
permanently employed lecturers.

      ZISSUA president Bernard Njekeya, a lecturer at NUST, blamed the mass
resignations on low salaries and poor working conditions.

      "The high staff turnover is because of the government's refusal to
address our demands," Njekeya said.

      NUST director of information and public relations, Felix Fandyroy
Moyo, confirmed the mass resignations, adding "the high staff turnover was
not a new phenomenon".

      Moyo said: "I wouldn't really want to say it is only the lecturers who
have left the institution. Staff members at various departments have left
due to varying reasons. They are not above 40."

      But sources insisted that lecturers dominated the number of workers
leaving NUST as they were highly sought after in other countries.

      The lecturers began their strike on Tuesday after the government
refused to negotiate a new salary package with the academics, saying they
should wait for quarterly reviews in April.

      Universities in Zimbabwe have over the last few years been hit by a
serious brain drain as skilled staff seek better opportunities outside the
country.

      Low salaries and poor working conditions have been cited as some of
the factors contributing to the skills flight.

      The striking lecturers join junior doctors, nurses and other health
workers as well as teachers in downing tools to protest against low salaries
which do not match the rate of inflation now estimated at more than 1 800%.

      Economic analysts say the government is so low on funds it cannot meet
civil servants' pay demands.

Experts criticise 'piecemeal' approach to cholera outbreak

Zim Standard

  BY CAIPHAS
CHIMHETE

      HEALTH experts last week warned of increased cases of cholera in
Harare, saying the "piecemeal" approach by the government in addressing
problems of water and mounting garbage would not help combat the disease.

      The Harare City Council has started to give out "aqua tablets" to
residents living in areas affected by the outbreak.

      In the past two weeks, at least 12 cases of cholera were recorded in
the capital and with the water crisis worsening, health officials fear more
people could be affected.

      They said the "stopgap measures" by the Zimbabwe National Water
Authority (Zinwa) and the Harare City Council in trying to address the city's
water and refuse problem would not stave off the disease.

      Most residents of Mabvuku and Tafara fetch their drinking water from
unprotected wells. Their toilets are usually blocked because there is no
running water.

      Community Working Group on Health (CWGH) executive director, Itai
Rusike, says the situation could get worse if the water supply is not
improved in the affected areas. Apart from that, there were not enough
chemicals to treat the water from reservoirs, which are heavily polluted by
raw sewage.

      "It's another time bomb," he said. "Something has to be done now, not
tomorrow."

      The chairman of the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Health and
Child Welfare, Blessing Chebundo, said the provision of pills for use in
drinking water could only be applicable at household level.

      "This shows an act of desperation. Very soon the problem will spread
and will it be sustainable to use pills? The solution lies in the supply of
clean water to everyone," said Chebundo.

      Zinwa is not the best authority to manage and supply water to urban
residents as it lacked the capacity, he said.

      This was supported by Rusike, who attributed the cholera outbreak to
Zinwa's incapacity to provide clear water to urban areas.

      "It failed in rural areas. It should have stayed away from the
distribution of water in all urban areas," he said.

      Combined Harare Residents' Association (Chra) chairman, Mike Davies,
said the cholera outbreak was long foreseen.

      "The city council were warned of cholera in October last year and
never moved an inch. They should be held accountable for this," he said,
adding that the "solution lies in removing the government-appointed
commission and electing office bearers with the people's interests at
heart."

      But a spokesperson for the council, Percy Toriro, said the council had
played its part to curtail any further cases of cholera.

      "The first thing we did was to clear refuse in the affected areas. As
we speak, we have a vehicle stationed in the area to ensure that there is no
accumulation of garbage," said Toriro.

      This is not the first time that there has been an outbreak of cholera
in Harare. Last year, more than 40 people died from cholera countrywide.

      Consequently, the government closed down Mbare Market and banned
vendors from selling fresh meat and fish to curb an outbreak of cholera that
killed at least three city residents.

      The Harare commission has been criticized for failing to collect
garbage. Fly-ridden mounds of uncollected refuse, dry water pipes and burst
sewerage are a common feature in many of Harare's poorer suburbs, including
Mabvuku/Tafara.

ZCTU says Gono day-dreaming

Zim Standard

  BY WALTER MARWIZI

      THE Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions says officials and business
people who think wages and prices can be frozen in Zimbabwe are merely
"day-dreaming".

      "Dreaming is allowed but not all dreams come true!" said Wellington
Chibebe, the ZCTU secretary general in reaction to calls for a freeze on
prices and wages starting this month.

      Announcing the monetary policy last week, Reserve Bank Governor Gideon
Gono called for what he dubbed a Social Contract that would see a restraint
on prices and incomes. Gono said starting from this month there would be "a
transitional freeze of all prices: wages: salaries: fees: interest rates:
municipal charges and all other forms of tariffs and rates in the economy."

      He said this would only be revived after an initial period of four
months.

      But Chibebe said Gono's proposal would not work in Zimbabwe.

      "This would ideally work in an environment where wages and the Poverty
Datum Line (PDL) are at par. What labour proposes is that prices be frozen
first while wages are gradually brought up to the level of PDL. When these
two are at par, only then can such proposals be entertained," said Chibebe.

      The union leader said the workers, including civil servants and
members of the uniformed forces had been reduced to beggars, and wanted
long-lasting solutions to the problems.

      "Workers are tired of piecemeal and stop-gap measures when it is clear
that the crisis we find ourselves in, centres around issues of governance,"
he said, adding that workers would not hesitate to strike if their demands
were not met.

      "We urge the government and all other stakeholders to deal with issues
of salaries and wages as top priority now, to avoid a volatile and
potentially explosive year as the workers are now caught between a rock and
a hard place."

      Chibebe deplored the arrest of three nurses at the Harare hospital for
allegedly inciting nurses at Parirenyatwa hospital to go on strike.

      "We demand that government should, as a matter of urgency, address the
needs of striking nurses and doctors in order to avoid any further loss of
lives at hospitals. The nurses who have been arrested should be released
without conditions immediately. We also stand by our demand that the
government should devise an effective system of reviewing health personnel
and other civil servants' salaries before strike action," he said.

Settlers scuttle US$1.2m investment

Zim Standard

  By Kholwani Nyathi

      THE ressetlement of the Chitsa people in some parts of the Gonarezhou
National Park has put in jeopardy plans to set up an Intensive Protection
Zone (IPZ) for rhinos, now under increasing threat from poachers, the Parks
and Wildlife Management Authority (PWMA) has warned.

      In yet another indictment of the government's chaotic land reform
programme, PWMA director Morris Mutsambiwa said large numbers of rhinos - an
endangered species under the Convention on International Trade in Endangered
Species (CITES) - were wandering outside national parks where they were
vulnerable to poachers.

      Speaking at a recent media briefing, Mutsambiwa said a German donor,
the FrankFurt Zoological Foundation which wanted to pour in US$1,2 million
annually towards the IPZ was developing cold feet because of the continued
presence of the settlers at the mega park.

      The settlers allocated land by the government at the height of the
haphazard land redistribution in 2000 are also scaring away investment at
the park, which is now part of the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park that
also includes the Kruger National Park in South Africa and Limpopo National
Park in Mozambique.

      About 740 families are reportedly refusing to vacate the park
demanding to be given land where they would be allowed to maintain the same
community as the one they established in the reserve.

      Mutsambiwa said alternative land had been identified for their
relocation but their leaders are reportedly turning down the offers.

      "We have been promised substantial funding by a German organisation so
that we could establish the IPZ but we cannot set it up while the Chitsa
people are still settled at the park," said Mutsambiwa. "The increasing
population of rhinos has resulted in conflicts to the extent that the
defeated bulls migrate to areas outside the national parks where they can be
poached."

      He said in the last couple of months, two rhinos and 17 elephants were
poached mainly at the Hwange National Park and areas on the Zambezi valley.

City of Kings to City of Old People

Zim Standard

  By Kholwani Nyathi

      POPULATION growth in Zimbabwe's second largest city has slowed
significantly as a result of the exodus of locals, especially of the
reproductive age group, to other countries in search of greener pastures,
says the Bulawayo City Council.

      The council warns the city could soon be a "city of old people".

      Three million Zimbabweans are suspected to be in South Africa while
others are in Botswana and still others in Europe and the United States,
after escaping the economic crisis.

      The "great trek" has affected all sectors of the economy, now
suffering from a severe shortage of professionals. Few researchers have
bothered to study the effects of the relocations on the Zimbabwean
population growth and the local authority's study might excite a lot of
interest.

      In a report released recently, analysing health trends in the city
during 2005, the council's Department of Health Services said the rate of
population growth started slowing down in 1992 and mass emigration was
suspected to be among the major causes.

      "Since 1992 the population increase has been slowing down. Possible
factors include extensive use of family planning, effects of HIV infections
and possibly emigration of young persons of reproductive age for purposes of
employment," reads the report.

      In 1992 the population growth rate was put at above 2,7 percent but in
2005 it had dropped to 1,8 percent, the report notes.

      But the birth rate at 32,5 remained higher than that of people dying
at 13,9 for every 1 000 people. According to the 2002 Central Statistics
Office's census Bulawayo's population is 697 153.

      But the council says Bulawayo "is becoming a city of old people" as
youths seek better opportunities outside the country and the HIV/Aids
pandemic continues to take its toll on the reproductive age group.

      "The population is ageing albeit slowly and together with the
encroachment of unhealthy lifestyles, such as lack of exercise and unhealthy
eating, these diseases (cancer and heart diseases) of affluence are emerging
as major public health problems," said the report.

      HIV/Aids remains the major cause of death but non-communicable
diseases such as cardiovascular diseases and cancer, remain a constant
threat to public health.

      The council also notes that its health delivery system is on the
decline owing to the brain drain and shortage of foreign currency, which
mirrors the national health crisis.

      South Africa and Botswana deport an average of 500 000 Zimbabweans
every year as they continue to escape the economic crisis. Others are
stranded in the United Kingdom, Canada and the United States among other
countries after they failed to secure political asylum.

 

State urged to conduct full investigation of bullet incident

Zim Standard

  BY WALTER
MARWIZI

      PRESSURE mounted on the government yesterday to allow for thorough
investigations into a threat made against Bill Saidi, the Acting Editor of
The Standard last week.

      Less than a week after The Herald's weekly columnist Nathaniel Manheru
warned publisher, Trevor Ncube, that he would regret ever engaging Saidi,
the veteran journalist received an envelope containing a bullet and a
handwritten threatening letter.

      A tall, grey-haired man who dropped a large brown envelop at The
Standard and The Zimbabwe Independent marketing department claimed the
parcel contained advertising material.

      A receptionist who picked up the envelop said she felt a hard object
inside it but did not ask the delivery man about it as she mistook the
bullet for a flash disc.

      Inside the envelope was a bullet and a note: "What's this? Watch your
step."

      Apart from that, there was a copy of the cartoon carried by The
Standard last week, depicting baboons laughing after picking up a soldier's
payslip. The cartoon was published a week after The Standard ran a story
about mass desertions and resignations from the army.

      An editorial critical of the security forces published by The Zimbabwe
Independent last year was also enclosed.

      Saidi, who opened the mail in the newsroom, accompanied by the chief
executive officer of the publishing company, Raphael Khumalo, made a report
of the incident at Harare central police station on Wednesday.

      By yesterday afternoon a police spokesperson, asked about progress of
the investigations, said he was unaware of the case.

      Oliver Mandipaka made the comments after Secretary for Information
George Charamba issued a statement denying the incident took place. It was
not clear on what basis Charamba chose to dismiss the incident because
police were still investigating the case and had not reached any conclusions
yesterday.

      An investigating officer called Saidi late on Friday afternoon
indicating that he had been assigned to deal with the case. He gave him the
case number.

      The secretary general of the Zimbabwe Union of Journalists, Foster
Dongozi condemned the threats made against The Standard. "What has happened
is a very serious threat to Press freedom and the lives of journalists at
The Standard. We deplore such cowardly, barbaric and primitive attempts to
influence what appears in newspapers. We still remember that when The Daily
News was bombed, threats had been made by government officials against the
newspaper. If any harm befalls journalists working for the publication from
today onwards, we will ask the authorities for an explanation," said
Dongozi.

      Rashweat Mukundu, the director of the Media Institute of Southern
Africa (MISA) Zimbabwe castigated the threats saying they represented a
continuation of the threats by the government on the private media.

      "What has happened is designed to cow journalists into submission so
that they practice self-censorship and unfortunately, the government has
encouraged this by not arresting people who bombed The Daily News printing
press," said Mukundu.

      The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) also condemned the threat
and called for a full inquiry into the matter. "We condemn this outrageous
threat against Bill Saidi, which must be seen in the context of Zimbabwe's
woeful record of intimidation and violence against journalists," CPJ
executive director Joel Simon said. "We call on the authorities to conduct a
full and transparent investigation of this threat and bring those behind it
to justice."

      Saidi who is leading a newsroom that has been at the forefront of
exposing corruption in the past few months said he would continue working.
"We are not deterred. We will carry on with our reporting," he said.

      Journalists at the paper also said they were not intimidated.

Scepticism greets Gono's roadmap to recovery

Zim Standard

  BY NDAMU SANDU

      CENTRAL Bank chief Gideon Gono might have called for a meeting of
minds among all stakeholders to resuscitate the economy but analysts warned
last week the ghost of the past would return to haunt such a noble
initiative.

      Presenting his monetary policy review last week, the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor proposed a road map to recovery that would free the
country from distortions. To achieve such a feat, Gono said a social
contract would be the engine for economic revival.

      The social contract entails a transitional freeze on all prices,
wages, salaries, fees, interest rates, municipal charges and all other forms
of tariffs and rates, to be reviewed after an initial period of four months.

      He said: "The effective start date for the social contract freeze
would be from the first of March, 2007 through to 30 June 2007, at which
time the social partners will renew the need for mutually agreed
realignments."

      Gono envisages that through the social contract, the nation would be
able to arrest the current inflammatory mode "where sellers of goods and
services are wantonly escalating prices with no reference to prevailing
fundamentals in the economy".

      But economic and labour experts were unanimous that the ghost of the
past would return to haunt this noble gesture.

      "It's a good idea but with the current political dispensation, it is
difficult to implement," said Dr Godfrey Kanyenze, director of the Labour
and Economic Research Institute of Zimbabwe (LEDRIZ).

      "The governor did not look at previous failed attempts of negotiating
a social contract due to lack of political will," he said.

      He said the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions had proposed a social
contract more than a decade ago. They would meet the government at the
Tripartite Negotiating Forum (TNF) talks, which would invariably collapse
due to the absence of political will.

      Economic analysts Dr Daniel Ndlela agrees: "Since 1998 the government
has been militant on labour. They never agree on anything" he said.

      Ndlela said the government had no record of agreeing with labour,
business and civil society, adding that the central bank was not better
qualified to talk of a social contract as it was an "outsider.

      "It (the social contract) is being proposed by someone who is not
central to the social contract. We should get that statement from the
ministries of Labour or Finance," said Dr Ndlela, an independent economic
analyst.

      Yet he agreed with Gono's stance not to devalue the battered Zimbabwe
dollar, saying, "For the first time, Gono has talked some economic sense,
that the market out there will determine the exchange rate."

      Economic analyst John Robertson insisted the absence of devaluation
would lead to the disappearance of goods from the shops.

      "There will be more scarcities. I don't think there is much reason to
hope," Robertson warned.

      On the proposed road map, Robertson said: "I have read his statement
and I can't find it (roadmap)."

      Analysts say Gono's olive branch to all stakeholders was an admission
of failure. They say in the past Gono saw the RBZ as the be-all and end-all
of the turnaround initiative.

      Responding to Gono's call on the need for a meeting of minds, Kanyenze
said it was back to basics and an admission that he had failed in his
turnaround crusade.

      "The would-be dragon slayer has collapsed on his sword. It's an
admission he has failed," he said.

      Analysts say for a social contract to work at, there was need to put
in place such prerequisites as trust, transparency, open-mindedness and a
shared common vision.

      The social contract was often preceded by a Declaration Of Intent,
which suggested the parties were serious. The Declaration Of Intent was
dcsigned to diffuse tensions and build trust among stakeholders.

      History has taught Zimbabweans the lesson that a similar arrangement
was signed but later flopped.

      Let's relive the past.

      In January 2001, the social partners signed a "Declaration Of Intent
Towards A Social Contract" with the sub-theme "Together We Can Make Zimbabwe
Great."

      It was seen then as a basis for concluding specific protocols under a
social contract to create a conducive and tolerant environment for the
negotiation and conclusion of a social contract. It was also realised there
was need to overcome stakeholder differences and work towards a common goal,
guided by a common vision for national development, among others.

      The parties agreed to negotiate and conclude a number of protocols.

      But after the signing of the Declaration, the Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions (ZCTU) withdrew from the negotiations, citing continued
violence as evidence by lack of goverrnment commitment. In the wake of the
70% increase in fuel prices of June 2001, the ZCTU organised a two-day
stayaway in July 2001 that resulted in the reconvening of the TNF.

      But before the parties had inked the negotiations the government came
up with Statutory Instrument 307a on Minimum Wages and 307b on Price
Controls, undermining the spirit of "smart" partnership.

      The social partners reconvened, coming up with the Kadoma Declaration
of November 200, highlighting the need to restore relations with development
partners.

      The Declaration was not signed, following misunderstandings between
the government and labour over continued violence, and especially the
facilitation of the formation of a rival trade union body, the Zimbabwe
Federation of Trade Unions (ZFTU) by government.

      In his 2003 National Budget Statement Finance Minister, Herbert
Murerwa, observed efforts to protect the consumer from spiralling prices
were being undermined by price controls that focus mostly on the final
product, ignoring developments affecting inputs into the production process.

      In a move that contradicted the budget statement, the government
published Statutory Instrument (SI) 302 of 2002 on Control of Goods (Price
Freeze) Order on 15 November 2002. The SI extended the list of items covered
by the price freeze. The freeze was for a period of six months.

RBZ in u-turn

Zim Standard

  IN a major policy u-turn the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ)
has abandoned plans to set up a foreign exchange rate board to determine the
actual rate, delegating the market to play that role.

      Last year RBZ chief Gideon Gono proposed to set up the exchange rate
board which would be composed of all major stakeholders - exporters, major
importers, officials from the ministries of Finance, Economic Development
and Industry and International Trade and Bankers' Association of Zimbabwe.

      Gono would chair the board to be created within the already existing
National Economic Development Priority Programme (NEDPP) structures.

      In his Wednesday monetary policy statement review, Gono said as far as
he was concerned the board would not change anything.

      "I doubt very much that it (exchange rate board) would have changed
anything at all.

      "The best advisory board for the exchange rate is the market," he
said.

      Gono said the monetary authorities would not devalue the Zimdollar
until the social contract framework was in place.

We have nothing to hide says River Ranch

Zim Standard

  BY OUR STAFF

      DIAMOND miner River Ranch says it had an amicable meeting with the
European Commission head of delegation to Zimbabwe Xavier Marchal who is
investigation alleged diamond smuggling claims.

      Legal advisor George Smith told Standardbusiness that the company had
explained to Marchal the facts on the ground.

      "We met the ambassador (Marchal) last month to explain the situation,"
Smith said.

      River Ranch and Bubye Minerals are tussling in the courts over Special
Grant 1278 that gives authority to mine in an area.

      Last year High Court Judge Lawrence Kamocha threw out an application
by Bubye to compel the Minister of Mines and Mining Development to reverse
his decision to cancel a special grant to the mine on the grounds that it
had not been properly ceded to them by the owners, River Ranch Ltd.

      But Bubye has since filed a notice of appeal in the Supreme Court.

      Meanwhile, it has emerged the affidavits used by Standardbusiness on a
story "Mujuru, Mudariki in diamond mine dispute" last year were distorted.

      The affidavits alleged that River Ranch Mine officials Lloyd Dass and
John Tsokotsa had loaded a car with diamond boxes enroute to South Africa in
November. The affidavits say that Dass's car had left for South Africa
followed by Munashe Shava's car.

      It has since emerged that the vehicle mentioned in the affidavits, a
Toyota Surf registration number AAQ9041, was stolen in South Africa in
October.

      A report made at Midrand police station shows that the car was stolen
on 26 October last year. It has also emerged that Shava went to South Africa
on 13 November and not 10 November as mentioned in the affidavits. Shava did
not travel in convoy with Dass.

Chinese brick firm back in business

Zim Standard

  By Caiphas Chimhete

      THE Chinese-owned firm, S & M Bricks (Pvt) Limited, shut down by the
government due to unhealthy working conditions late last year, has resumed
business with the firm's management undertaking to improve the working
environment, a government official told The Standard last week.

      The official said officers from the Ministry of Public Service, Labour
and Social Welfare, National Social Security Authority (NSSA) and the Brick
and Clay Products Workers' Union (BCPWU) had inspected the premises more
than three times since November last year.

      The visits were prompted by stories published by The Standard,
detailing poor salaries, ill-treatment and inhumane working conditions at
the firm.

      "They have not fully complied with the government's demands to improve
working conditions but they are making an effort. That's why the firm was
re-opened," said the official.

      When The Standard visited the company premises on Wednesday afternoon,
some workers were busy clearing litter dotted around the compound without
gloves. A few had safety shoes.

      About 200 metres from the factory, a shopping complex is taking shape.

      "Things are now improving here because officials from the Ministry of
Labour have been visiting us regularly since last year," said one worker,
who requested anonymity.

      Douglas Mudzi, secretary general of BCPWU, an affiliate of the
Zimbabwe Federation of Trade Unions (ZFTU), confirmed he held regular
meetings with S & M Bricks management to address workers' grievances.

      "What we want is for them to operate within the confines of the NEC
(National Employment Council) because if they don't, workers will be without
protection." said Mudzi.

      He added: "The management is co-operating well but there are
outstanding issues we need to address, which I cannot discuss with you."

      The Standard however understands that although the firm paid six
workers their outstanding wages, there are several others with similar
grievances.

      Other issues that needed to be addressed have to do with the provision
of protective clothing, proper accommodation and the construction of more
toilets.

      Efforts to get a comment from the Minister of Public Service, Labour
and Social Welfare, Nicholas Goche, who closed the firm on health grounds
late last year, were fruitless.

      S&M Bricks managing director, Yumpu Meng, through his secretary,
refused to comment. "He said he has no comment to make," said the secretary
over the phone.

      When The Standard broke the story late last year, the company
threatened to sue the newspaper. The paper reported that about 150 workers
and their families lived there without lavatories or proper housing.

      Workers complained of poor pay and working conditions.

      The absence of lavatories forced the workers to use the bush to
relieve themselves, raising a heavy stench throughout the compound. Human
waste was strewn around the compound, attracting hordes of big, blue bottle
flies, dubbed "The Green Bombers".

      Apart from the threat of an outbreak of disease, the workers alleged
poor pay and very long working hours: they start at 6am and finish at 7pm
for $6 000 a week.

      They complained that there was not enough protective clothing for
their type of work, which requires overalls, safety shoes and gloves.

Mugabe legacy of Africa's 'hard men'

Zim Standard

Sunday opinion By Bill Saidi

      AHMED Sekou Toure, the president of Guinea (Conakry) from 1958 until
his death in 1984, was considered one of Africa's "hard men".

      Today, the country he led to independence from France has just
witnessed bloody riots in which 50 people were killed by government
soldiers.

      The current president, the ailing Lansana Conte, surrendered some of
his powers to a prime minister, falling short of stepping down, as the
demonstrators demanded.

      It would be generous to pass off this bloody incident as just another
political gimmick by the opposition. But it can also be traced back to Sekou
Toure's legacy: a legacy of intolerance of dissent.

      Like Guinea, Zimbabwe is likely to undergo similar convulsions of mass
protests after President Robert Mugabe steps down, either voluntarily at the
end of his term of office in 2008, or involuntarily, perhaps after insisting
on serving until 2010.

      Whoever takes over from him could resort to the notorious tried and
tested "Mugabe way" when confronted with a situation that even remotely
challenges his grip on power.

      Mugabe, considering his well-documented contempt for people who
disagree with him, belongs to that old guard of African leaders whose
intolerance of dissent was symbolised by the number of their citizens killed
by soldiers or in jail.

      In my book, Haile Selassie must belong to this Hall of Infamy too. In
1963, when the Organisation of African Unity was formed and Addis Ababa
named as its headquarters, I was among many journalists who protested: The
Lion of Judah was an absolute monarch and had a record of intolerance and
repression as long as his beard.

      Among others were Kwame Nkrumah himself, whose Convention People's
Party set the tone for future African one-party systems. Others were Julius
Nyerere (before 1985), Jomo Kenyatta and his successor Daniel arap Moi,
Milton Obote, Kamuzu Banda, Kenneth Kaunda, Agostinho Neto, Samora Machel,
Phillibert Tsiranana, Houiri Boumeddiene, Macias Nguema, and Mobutu Sese
Seko - among others.

      These men would fume whenever citizens disagreed openly with their
views and would not countenance what they perceived as interference from the
West.

      If they were not self-confessed Marxist-Leninists, as Sekou Toure was,
then they were closet believers in that ideology, even if they dressed it up
in another nomenclature, like Humanism, African Socialism or, even more
outlandishly, Nkrumah's Conscientism.

      Among the leaders who had no "-ism" to promote was Sir Seretse Khama
of Botswana.

      Senegal's Leopold Seddar Senghor had negritude, which somehow didn't
cause the people to foam at the mouth with agitation, anguish or just plain
frustration.

      Toure, a radical trade unionist before he became an equally radical
politician, led Guinea to independence in 1958, a year after Ghana's
independence from Britain.

      Toure would form a lasting friendship with Kwame Nkrumah, another
"hard man" of African politics. Ghana would lend Guinea money to help it
start independence with a semblance of respect, after France left it high
and dry.

      There would a number of attempts on Toure's life. Yet he would be
blamed for the death of Diallo Telli, the Guinean who had become the first
secretary-general of the Organisation of African Unity.

      Diallo had apparently sought to replace Toure as president after
concluding a very successful term as the first secretary-general of the OAU.
As the new millennium opened, I met a cabinet minister of Guinea in
Switzerland who defended Sekou Toure, but was evasive about his role in
Telli's death.

      Most of the leaders who have qualified as the "hard men of Africa"
have demonstrated an intolerance, not only of dissent among their own
people, but also of any criticism from outsiders, particularly the former
colonial masters.

      Sekou Toure fell out with Charles de Gaulle shortly before
independence. France, piqued by his independent line, left the country in a
huff, stripping it of almost everything French. Conakry under Toure had
distinctly frosty relations with Paris.

      None of the colonialists were remotely angelic in their treatment of
the colonised. Brutality was their watchword.

      Mugabe's gripe against the British is ostensibly over land, although
most Zimbabweans must now wonder if the price we are paying for it is
justified . What is most tragic, in many ways, is that his treatment of his
own people is now being repeatedly compared with that of the British
colonialists.

      The number of people charged with calling him dirty names in public
seems to be rising in tandem with the inflation rate.

      This should worry him. It's probably these same people who once saw
him as their saviour from the colonial jackboot.

      Now, they claim he is wearing the jackboot.

If this is not xenophobia then, it's something uglier

Zim Standard

 Comment

      BERNARD CHIDZERO is buried at Heroes' Acre. He is probably the only
hero of the struggle interred there who was unabashed about his origins: he
let it be known at every opportunity that he was of mixed parentage: a
Malawian father, a Shona mother.

      During his tenure as a cabinet minister, Zimbabwe was aglow with an
incandescence of people animated by the sheer exuberance of belonging to
this new nation, so full of promise, so full of hope.

      All this after a long, bitter and bloody war in which thousands died.
Reconciliation was pronounced by the soon-to-be prime minister, Robert
Mugabe, on the eve of independence. The message was targeted at the whites,
who had resisted logical change with a rebellion.

      Perhaps reconciliation ought to have been directed at the latent
xenophobes in our midst, as well. These are people who thrive on the alleged
inherent supremacy of the indigenous people, as opposed to people of mixed
parentage.

      It may never be accepted as fact, but the war waged by the 5 Brigade
against the PF Zapu "dissidents" had an ethnic element. Although some cynics
claim there were Shona people who were victims of the war as there were
Ndebeles, not many neutrals take them seriously.

      In Africa, ethnic conflicts have led to bloodshed, in Rwanda and
Burundi, the DRC, Sudan, in the Ivory Coast, in Nigeria, even in South
Africa. Where the conflicts have been eventually quelled the leaders have
played a crucial role.

      In Zimbabwe, people of mixed parentage, such as Bernard Chidzero, were
always despised, even by educated and sophisticated people.

      But the Registrar-General's determination to deprive Trevor Ncube of
his Zimbabwean citizenship belongs in a class of its own. There was
obviously an element of xenophobia here, heightened by Ncube's ownership of
two newspapers published in Zimbabwe which are critical of the government.

      The law beat the Registrar-General hands down. A Zimbabwean citizen by
birth cannot be deprived of his citizenship unless he acquires the
citizenship of another country - which Ncube had not done, ever.

      The RG is not a politician, at least not of the variety we all of, who
stand on soapboxes and incite people to do this or the other thing if they
want this or that to happen.

      Yet there can be little doubt that Ncube was targeted only because he
is the publisher of two Zimbabwean newspapers critical of the government
which employs the RG.

      No doubt there are people who cursed the judge who quashed the RG's
charges against Ncube. No doubt they will urge the RG to "have another go".

      So, this campaign could be uglier than anything motivated simply by
xenophobia. It could be part of a brutal campaign against what freedoms the
media in Zimbabwe still enjoys today. Under the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), many of these freedoms were imperilled.

      Much of the credit for the absence in our jails of many journalists
convicted under AIPPA must go to the judiciary, which has acted with sober,
unemotional neutrality in dealing with cases brought before them under
AIPPA.

      In cases where the government could act without having to be asked to
explain its actions, four newspapers have been closed down under AIPPA.

      An attempt by independent media to form a voluntary, self-regulatory
Media Council has been placed, albeit temporarily, in jeopardy by the
government, supported by the chairman of the parliamentary portfolio
committee on Transport and Communication.

      There may br many attempts to disguise this strategy as something
"which is for the good of the country", but there is no difficulty at all in
unmasking it as another attempt to muzzle the independent media.

      What the campaigners ought to realise is that, in spite of the
existence of AIPPA, Zimbabwe is unlikely, ever, to return to the days of the
one-party system, in which AIPPA would be most comfortable.

      Zimbabwe will never be a one-party state again.

Fanon and the car as a symbol of progress

Zim Standard

  reflections with Alex T Magaisa

      It is often the case, when describing the state of things in Zimbabwe,
that the account of poverty is qualified by a celebration of the luxury that
one observes on the streets of Harare, in the form of expensive cars
signalling an ostentatious lifestyle. It often ends with the assessment
that, although conditions are tough for the majority, things are not really
that bad in Zimbabwe. The veneer of luxury, leads to the somewhat perplexing
conclusion that Zimbabweans are progressing and competing at the highest
level.

      An article appeared in The Herald newspaper on Saturday 27 January
2007, headlined "Luxurious cars way of celebrating one's success", itself
appearing to celebrate this demonstration of "success". I could not help but
think of Frantz Fanon, that great interpreter and prophet who must surely be
turning in his grave, at a people who have utterly refused to heed his
lessons. Of this celebration of personal luxury amid overwhelming poverty,
Fanon would have aptly stated, as he did in The Wretched of the Earth, that,
in poor countries, such as Zimbabwe, "the rule is that the greatest wealth
is surrounded by the greatest poverty".

      The Wretched of the Earth is a seminal work that ought to feature in
the literature syllabi of every African country because while Fanon was
writing about things that he observed in Africa of the fifties and sixties,
he also made telling predictions about the behaviour of people in the
immediate aftermath of independence. Of great interest are his observations
on the behaviour of the state and what he calls the "under-developed middle
class", in relation to the rest of the population.

      The lessons that ought to have been learned remain true today; the
pitfalls that ought to have been avoided remain visible and evident. The
acquisition and flaunting of luxury by what is largely no more than a
sophisticated class of privileged gangsters, preying on a dying economy and
calling it a celebration of success, coupled by what appears to be a general
acceptance that it is just the way things are, must surely be a damning
reflection on the state of morals, common decency and values of society.

      One might consider that this is an unnecessary and superficial rant
against members of Zimbabwean society that are doing exceptionally well,
under the harsh circumstances. However, far from it, what is a major concern
is that the behaviour demonstrated at the individual level is largely a
reflection of the behaviour of the State in relation to development. Over
the course of history in post-independence Africa, there has been evidence
of excessive spending on prestige projects - the presidential palaces,
mayoral mansions, plush hotels, tall buildings, and numerous other
non-productive projects, the purpose of which is to satisfy inflated egos
and create an illusion of development and modernity, while productive
sectors have been neglected.

      It is in this context that unsurprisingly, a large amount of money is
spent on sprucing up the image of the Heroes' Acre where the departed are
interred while the hospitals for treatment of the ill are crumbling. Nearby,
the construction of the main highway between Harare and Bulawayo remains
stagnant and the train journey from Harare to Bulawayo still takes more than
8 hours.

      Sadly, for some people, these prestige projects - the tall buildings
and flashy automobiles represent development/modernity - even if the roads
on which they travel are pot-holed. The pursuit of individual luxury is
therefore symptomatic of the greater problem - that of an infantile
fascination with superficial, unproductive prestige projects at the national
level.

      But what is it that clouds rationale judgment, so that in the midst of
naked poverty, otherwise rationale men and women would pursue and define
success in such flimsy and superficial terms? What is it that causes men and
women to engage in unbridled conspicuous consumption, when resources could
be channelled into causes that are more worthy in that they could benefit
the common good?

      Fanon defined it in part, as the problem of an "under-developed middle
class" that is to be found in most independent African states. Instead of
harnessing its intellectual and technical capital for the rest of the
people, says Fanon, this underdeveloped middle class "disappears with its
soul set at peace into shocking ways of a bourgeoisie which is stupidly,
contemptibly, cynically bourgeois". Instead of ploughing resources to
explore, create and develop systems and products to give the country a
competitive edge, the under-developed middle class simply pursues the path
of negation and decadence, as it tries to compete with the Western middle
class. It sees itself, not as part of the country in which it is located but
invests every effort to compete with and live according to the middle
classes of the developed nations. Now, one might say this is all
misdirected, as there is really no longer a middle class in Zimbabwe.

      Well, if there isn't, there is certainly a class that appears to
thrive under the current conditions, through genius, opportunism, patronage
or a combination of all and more. By and large, it is a class that is only
distinguishable from a mob of gangsters because it does not necessarily
wield guns and knives in the pursuit of riches. The economy has been reduced
to a state in which mostly those with a gangster mentality or are able to
align themselves with gangsters, can thrive. It is, one might christian it,
a class of sophisticated gangsters. The behaviour exhibited is typical of
the conduct of gangsters after making a "score". They have no interest
whatsoever in developing anything beyond their personal luxuries. In typical
gangster fashion, the economic spaces are subject to "smash and grab"
tactics, with those in the most advantageous positions using them to maximum
personal benefit. But then again one might say, this is an unfortunate
reaction to a formal economy that has been weakened by ill-conceived
policies and strategies of the state.

      Perhaps, the behaviour exhibited is partly a manifestation of the
effects of the historical marginalisation during colonialism, so that when
independence arrived, those who got opportunities were only intent on
replacing the former masters and living their lifestyle, even if it meant
perpetuating the same system that they fought in the first place. But the
sophisticated gangster class has even outdone the former colonial masters,
especially in the area of conspicuous consumption and arrogant display of
luxury.

      There is nothing inherently amiss in this, except that the
sophisticated gangster class has skipped the stages that the Western middle
class underwent during the course of history. Thus, Fanon says of the
under-developed middle class, "It is already senile before it has come to
know the petulance, the fearlessness or the will to succeed of youth". Its
ambitions are therefore limited only to the superficial glitter of luxury
that the world has to offer.

      Perhaps it is true, that colonialism did something far more drastic
than physical subjugation; that it did something to the mind - it's a
psychological crisis; we are trying to break out, but we continue to build
the shell surrounding us. I just hope that time will come, when the reality
dawns that, the ostentatious automobile is not an indicator of success or
progress, especially when the surrounding circumstances demonstrate
otherwise. Prestige projects, both at the individual and national level are
nothing but a diversion of resources from otherwise productive areas that
would benefit the common good.

      Alex Magaisa can be contacted at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk

Zim Standard Letters

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Tel: 497574/497885
e-mail Address(es): zimnspcahq@zol.co.zw

Glynis Vaughan - ZNSPCA Chief Inspector:
  vaughans@netconnect.co.zw

    Te:l  09 240956 / 091 367 260

 

Inspectorate:

 

Simon Chikadaya 011 696 308

Regional Inspector (Mash)

 

Mathias Tengaruwa 091 696 311

Regional Inspector (Midlands)

 

John Chikomo  011 867 099

Regional Inspector (Masvingo)

 

Head Quarters    011 630 403

 

SPCA Branches:

BULAWAYO (09) 66593/66578

HARARE (04) 576355/6/7

Mary Toet   011 700 691

Yvonne Rose - Kennels  011 217 651
KADOMA (068) 23015

KWEKWE (055) 22053
MASVINGO (039) 63679

MUTARE (020) 63679
CHINHOYI (067) 22405

 

ANY CONTRIBUTIONS FOR FUEL AND FEED FROM THE

PUBLIC WOULD BE GRATEFULLY RECEIVED

 

PLEASE REPORT ANY CRUELTY CASES OR ABANDONED ANIMALS

TO ZNSPCA OR YOUR LOCAL SPCA.

 

Should you require any further information, please contact:

 

Bernice Robertson Dyer.Chairman: 

Tel:  0 68 24037

Fax:   0 68 23443

E-mail:  conroc@mweb.co.zw

 

 

THANK YOU

Zimbabwe's white farmers face uncertain future

Yahoo News

Sat Feb 3, 10:21 AM ET

HARARE (AFP) - White Zimbabwean farmers face uncertainty about their future
after the elapse of 45-day eviction notices.

"Because of the contradictions, some farmers are a bit anxious about what
the future is going to be...it's of great concern to us," Emily Crookes,
spokeswoman for the white-run Commercial Farmers' Union, told AFP Saturday.
"About 100 farmers have received eviction notices over the past four or five
months," she said.

"Most of the notices give the farmers 45 days from December 20 (2006) to
vacate their properties and the expiry of the notices is today.

"But from discussions we had with the permanent secretary in the Ministry of
Lands, farmers will be allowed to harvest their crop and most farmers finish
harvesting in May or early June."

To add to the confusion, Lands and Resettlement Minister Didymus Mutasa said
last month the government would give back land to white farmers who had good
relations with the government and were willing to toe the line.

Because of these contradictions, farmers were uncertain what the future
would hold, Crookes said.

She said only a handful of members of her union had received 99-year leases,
giving them title to continue farming.

"About 700 farmers have applied for offer letters to secure the 99-year
leases but only a few have so far received them. We are still waiting for
government to respond to the applications."

Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe launched controversial land reforms seven
years ago, seizing land from white commercial farmers to resettle thousands
of landless blacks.

Mugabe, now 82 years old, argues that the land reforms were a correction of
historical imbalances in which a white minority occupied the majority of the
fertile land.

Critics say the land reforms compromises agricultural production in what was
southern Africa's breadbasket.

Up to 4,000 white farmers have been forcibly evicted from their properties.

a further 600 still remain in the southern African nation, which is now
facing economic crisis, with four-digit inflation, mass unemplyment and at
least 80 percent of the population living below the poverty threshold.

Scams and schemes, frauds and fiddles

Dear Family and Friends,
It took two hours this week for the Governor of the Reserve Bank to present
a monetary policy for Zimbabwe to encompass the next few months. After
speaking for an hour Dr Gideon Gono hadn't got to the financial plan yet.
He had spent the first sixty minutes exposing the corruption, scams,
schemes, smuggling, wheeler dealering and the downright looting of the
country by the elite.  The audience were in their best bib and tucker,
seated on padded chairs and with polished desk space in front of them.
There were business men and women, government officials and a number of
government ministers. There were, however, a couple of notable absences,
one of which was the Minister of Finance and another Vice President Mujuru.
In front of each person was a bottle of safe, clean, pure mineral water and
the best brand of orange juice in the country - the one that most people
can't afford anymore.

What the Reserve Bank Governor described for that first hour was a
disgraceful catalogue that any country should and would be deeply ashamed
to admit and yet there was almost no response from the audience. Dr Gono
said that the "consequences of maintaining the status quo" were "too
ghastly to contemplate". He spoke of massive maize scams, of fuel
racketeering and fertilizer fiddles. He continually accused "those amongst
us" as being the people engaged in these activities. He said that the
smuggling of gold, diamond and other minerals had reached mammoth
proportions and was akin to "mafia style dealings".  Dr Gono was scathing
in the extreme about the new A2 farmers many of who are high ranking
government officials. He said they were given the best of the seized
commercial farms and yet still failed to produce. He said the farmers were
consumed with incessant "baby crying" as they begged for cheap fuel, seed,
fertilizer and tractors. And when these A2 farmers, many of whom have other
businesses and drive luxury 4x4 vehicles, have been given everything at
massively subsidised prices, Dr Gono said they find a queue of scapegoats
to blame for 6 unbroken years of dismal production. This far into the
speech Dr Gono had said nothing that all Zimbabweans do not know already.

An hour and a half into his two hour speech and after we'd had the
religious stories and the world history lesson, Dr Gono made the first
monetary announcement. "There will be no devaluation" he said, and at that
point there was a half hearted smattering of applause from the audience.
People sat back in their chairs, faces took on a glazed look and from that
moment it seemed as if everyone knew that nothing was going to change - how
could it without political backing.  Everyone also seemed to know that in
just two days time another round of scams and schemes, frauds and fiddles
would probably begin as almost all the remaining commercial farmers fall
victim to the latest government eviction notices which take effect on
Saturday 3rd February.

On the same day as the presentation of the monetary policy, news came of 19
confirmed cases of cholera from high density suburbs outside Harare. Film
footage on television showed women scooping basins of murky water out of
puddles - desperate after days of dry taps. This is physically just two
dozen kilometres out of Harare but it may as well be a world away from the
suited businessmen, the bottled mineral water and the orange juice. You
have to wonder how it would go down if the next monetary policy took place
there - among the mud and the flies, the sewage and the garbage. These are
the people suffering the results of the scams and schemes, the looting and
smuggling and you can only wonder how much more they can take. Until next
week, love cathy Copyright cathy buckle 3 February 2007
http://africantears.netfirms.com

Zim's white farmers must risk arrest, says pressure group

Mail and Guardian

Harare, Zimbabwe

03 February 2007 10:35

            A farming pressure-group in Zimbabwe on Saturday urged the
country's remaining white farmers to face arrest rather than submit to a
government deadline to move off their land.

            The government had given many of the 400 or so remaining white
farmers until Saturday to leave their farms to make way for new black
farmers, or face prosecution.

            President Robert Mugabe's government announced last month that
white farmers with crops in the ground would be given a reprieve to harvest
them. But white farming groups like Justice for Agriculture (JAG) and the
Commercial Farmers Union say that eviction notices have continued to be sent
out to white farmers despite the extensions.

            White farmers could face arrest over the weekend for illegally
occupying their farms, JAG said in a statement. To date, approximately 150
of these so-called eviction notices have been delivered to farmers
countrywide, the statement said.

            "We have strongly advised that in-situ farmers should remain on
their farms and face arrest and possible prosecution," the group said.

            "This is the only way that a farmer can effectively resuscitate
his day in court and with it, a chance of a fair hearing."

            Twenty-four of the latest eviction notices have been sent to
cane farmers in Zimbabwe's southern Chiredzi district.

            Seven years ago Mugabe's government launched a controversial
programme of white land seizures that saw the majority of the country's 4
500 white farmers driven off their farms to make way for new black farmers.

            Only around 30 white farmers, out of 700 who have applied, have
been given official permission to stay on the land.

            Lands and Security Minister Didymus Mutasa says only white
farmers who have shown goodwill towards Mugabe's government will be able to
continue farming. - Sapa-DPA

Zimbabwe's Corn Crop for 2007 Season May Drop to 850,000 Tons

Bloomberg

By Vernon Wessels

Feb. 3 (Bloomberg) -- Zimbabwe's corn crop will probably drop to 850,000
metric tons for this year's harvest in May from 900,000 tons a year earlier,
according to the U.S. Foreign Agricultural Service.

``Zimbabwe's 2006/07 corn crop plantings were delayed by weather and input
shortages,'' the Washington-based agency said in an e-mailed report
yesterday. ``As a result, both the crop and the area planted will not be up
to expectations.''

Supplies of corn and wheat will run short this year because last year's
crops weren't enough to meet local demand, the service said.

Zimbabwe, which consumes about 1.8 million tons of corn a year, has been
importing food since 2001, the year after President Robert Mugabe began
seizing white-owned commercial farms for distribution to blacks deprived of
land during colonial rule.

Zimbabwe's wheat season runs from April to September, while its corn season
begins in November and ends in April. Zimbabwe needs about 450,000 tons of
wheat a year.

To contact the reporter on this story: Vernon Wessels in Johannesburg at
vwessels@bloomberg.net

Last Updated: February 3, 2007 04:41 EST

Red Alert in the Zambezi Valley

Agencia de Informacao de Mocambique (Maputo)

February 3, 2007
Posted to the web February 3, 2007

Maputo

Flooding in the Zambezi basin in central Mozambique is worsening rapidly,
and the National Water Board (DNA) on Saturday once again urged anyone still
living near the banks of the Zambezi to move to higher ground.

Rain has persisted in parts of the basin, particularly in Zambia and Malawi.
This has ensured increased flows into the Zambezi from its major
tributaries, the Shire, the Revobue, the Luenha and the Aruanga rivers.

Water continues to pour from the upper Zambezi into Cahora Bassa lake. The
level of the lake thus continues to rise, despite the 40 per cent increase
in discharges from the floodgates of the Cahora Bassa dam as from Thursday
afternoon.

The DNA notes that the dam management is keeping discharges to around 3,550
cubic metres of water a second.

A red alert has now been declared along the whole Zambezi valley, from Zumbo
on the border with Zimbabwe, to Marromeu, the district where the Zambezi
flows into the Indian Ocean.

At every point, the Zambezi is now above flood alert level.

At Tete city, where the alert level is five metres, the river was measured
at 5.45 metres on Saturday morning. It is thus likely that low-lying parts
of the city will be inundated.

At Caia the river was measured at 6.08 metres, more than a metre above alert
level, while at Marromeu, where the alert level is 4.75 metres, the Saturday
morning measurement was 5.52 metres.

The DNA warns that the Zambezi will continue rising over at least the next
48 hours.