The ZIMBABWE Situation | Our
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SOKWANELE
Enough
is Enough
We
have a fundamental right to freedom of expression!
ZIMBABWE ELECTORAL LEGISLATION
: CHECK LIST AGAINST THE SADC
PRINCIPLES GOVERNING DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS
SADC Standard |
Statute in Breach |
Policy in Breach |
Remedy for Breach of law |
Remedy for Breach of policy |
Progress |
Clause 2 PRINCIPLES FOR CONDUCTING DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS SADC Member States to adhere to the following principles: |
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2.1.1. Full participation of citizens in the political process |
Public Order and Security Act (POSA) s 24 – requiring notice of intention to hold a public gathering POSA. s. 25 – regulation of public gatherings. Note - any appeal against a police banning order is to the Minister of Home Affairs – an interested party POSA. s 26 – power to ban public gatherings |
POSA s 24 – the common police practice of interpreting this provision to mean that no gathering, including closed private party planning meetings, can take place without police permission, wrongly extending the application of this law POSA. s. 25 – regulation of public gatherings, exacerbated by tendency to impose onerous and unreasonable directions POSA s. 26 – power to ban public gatherings, exacerbated by police policy of giving free reign to ZANU (PF) meetings and banning opposition meetings on the flimsiest of pretexts, or for reasons outside the specified grounds. |
Repeal the section Repeal the section Repeal the section |
While the section remains in force interpret it restrictively – ie against any extension of police powers While the section remains in force interpret it restrictively While the section remains in force interpret it restrictively against the abrogation of the constitutional rights of citizens |
NIL NIL NIL |
2.1.2. Freedom of association |
POSA. ss. 24, 25 and 26 as above Non Governmental Organisations (NGO) Bill which requires NGOs to register with NGO Council under ZANU (PF) control (s.9) and imposes penalties for non-compliance - in breach of s 21 of Constitution which recognizes freedom of association |
Police practice as above in respect of POSA ss 24, 25 and 26 |
Repeal POSA Do not enact NGO Bill. Reinstate old Private Voluntary Organisation Act |
While the Act remains in force interpret it restrictively |
NIL |
2.1.3. Political tolerance |
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) – effectively excludes any robust expression of view point contrary to that of ZANU (PF) by a system of registering mass media services and accrediting journalists by a Media and Information Commission appointed and controlled by the Executive – imposing severe sentences on those who do not comply |
Policy that denies registration and accreditation to the independent media and journalists Immunity from prosecution afforded to those who harass and intimidate the opposition |
Repeal AIPPA |
Apply even-handed policy to pro-ZANU (PF) and pro-opposition media houses and journalists. Allow the Daily News and Tribune newspapers to re-open Cease selective enforcement of the criminal law |
NIL |
2.1.4. Regular intervals for elections |
NIL |
NIL |
NIL |
NIL |
N/A |
2.1.5. Equal access to state media for all political parties |
The Broadcasting Services Act s. 4 places control of appointments to the all-powerful Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe Board in the hands of the President and his minister. Effectively this gives total control of the state media and the power to grant or refuse broadcasting licenses to ZANU (PF) There are no independent TV or radio stations in Zimbabwe as a result of this Act |
The opposition has been refused access to the state media consistently at all times, and independent media groups have been refused broadcasting licenses. |
Amend s. 4 of the Act to constitute the Board from genuinely independent and professional members |
Change the policy that excludes the opposition from the airwaves Allow the establishment of independent TV and radio stations |
NIL |
2.1.6. Equal opportunity to exercise the right to vote and be voted for |
The restriction of postal ballots under s. 71 of the Electoral Act to members of the armed forces, diplomats (and spouses) effectively disenfranchises millions of Zimbabwean citizens living abroad. NGO Act s. 17 which prohibits foreign funding of NGOs concerned with issues of governance – ie including promotion and protection of human rights - effectively restricts citizens from receiving advice or assistance in order to know or exercise the right to vote and be voted for. Part IV of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) Act prohibits all independent voter education The effect of s 17 as read with s 51 of the Electoral Act is to empower the military to decide the number and location of polling stations |
The practice of requiring members of the armed forces serving abroad to vote in the presence of their commanding officers mitigates strongly against the right to make a free choice in the election The number and location of polling stations has a bearing on the voters’ ability to exercise the right to vote freely. In the 2002 election very few polling stations were sited in urban areas, causing long queues and preventing hundreds of thousands from voting. In the rural areas the location of some polling stations (eg close to militia camps), was intimidating to opposition supporters. Giving authority to the military to make these decisions will only exacerbate this problem |
Repeal the Section and permit citizens living abroad to exercise their constitutional right to vote in national elections Repeal the section Repeal Part IV of the Act Repeal s 17 of the Act |
Change the practice to ensure that all postal ballots are carried out in conditions that ensure secrecy Give responsibility for deciding the number and location of polling stations to professional, non-partisan individuals and make them accountable to the electorate |
NIL NIL NIL |
2.1.7. Independence of Judiciary & impartiality of electoral institutions |
The mode of appointment of Supreme Court and High Court Judges under the Constitution (s. 84) makes them susceptible to political pressure through the all-powerful office of the President. The appointment of members to the Electoral Supervisory Commission (ESC) under s. 61 of the Constitution, of the Delimitation Commission under s. 59 of the Constitution, of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), and of the Registrar-General are all done effectively by the President - thus compromising the independence and impartiality of all Zimbabwe’s electoral bodies. The Electoral Act s 17 provides for the secondment of staff to supervise and run elections from the Defence Forces, the Police Service and the Prison Service. This seriously jeopardizes the integrity of the whole electoral process |
The policy of awarding valuable farms from the fast-track land resettlement programme to senior members of the Judiciary, civil servants, military personnel and officers of the ESC and ZEC severely compromises their independence. (The lack of independence and impartiality of the Judiciary was clearly demonstrated by the unreasonable delays in hearing election challenges for the 2000 parliamentary elections and 2002 presidential election). The Defence Forces, Police Service and Prison Service have been strongly politicized over the last 4 years, with the result that they no longer enjoy the respect or confidence of voters. Hence they cannot now be seen as impartial arbiters in the electoral process |
Repeal the provisions relating to appointment, and enact legislation to ensure the genuine independence of all judicial and electoral officers Repeal s. 17 and provide non-partisan electoral officers |
Reverse the policy of giving valuable hand-outs to judicial and electoral officers End the policy of politicization and build a truly professional service |
NIL NIL |
2.1.8. Voter education |
NGO Act s 17 – which prohibits foreign funding of NGOs in respect of “issues of governance” will remove funds previously available for voter education, eg. through Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) Part IV of the ZEC Act prohibits all independent voter education |
Even before the NGO Act comes into force the police are already harassing and intimidating qualified professionals who seek to provide voter education |
Repeal the Section Repeal Part IV of the ZEC Act |
Cease obstructing voter education by those quailed and experienced to provide it |
NIL |
2.1.9. Acceptance and respect of valid election results by political parties |
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Through the lawless acts of the youth militia and other state agents ZANU (PF) has encouraged the growth of a culture of violence and intolerance which mitigate against the acceptance of valid election results
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End the policy of political control through lawlessness and violence Also end the policy of impunity for unlawful acts perpetrated against the opposition |
NIL |
2.1.10 Challenge of election results as per law of the land |
The Electoral Court established by s 158 of the Electoral Act to hear and determine election petitions and consider electoral offences, is not independent of the Executive. (The power to appoint judges to this Court being given to the Chief Justice whose judicial independence is suspect) |
The inordinate delays of the Judiciary in processing election challenges under the 2000 parliamentary elections and 2002 presidential elections were in breach of the spirit and letter of Zimbabwe’s election laws, and called further into question the Judiciary’s impartiality |
Repeal this Section and make provision for a truly independent Court to determine election challenges and adjudicate on electoral offences. |
Judges appointed to act promptly, efficiently and without bias |
NIL |
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Clause
4 GUIDELINES FOR THE OBSERVATION OF ELECTIONS SADC Member States to be guided by the following guidelines: |
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4.1.1 Constitutional and legal guarantees of freedom and rights of
citizens |
POSA s. 15 – publishing or communicating false statement prejudicial to the State – contrary to the freedom of expression … New provisions in the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Bill which impose a 20 year term of imprisonment for making a false statement POSA s. 16 – making abusive statement, even if true, about the President a criminal offence – contrary to freedom of expression protected by s 20 of the Constitution POSA. ss 24, 25 and 26 – concerning notification, regulation and banning of public gatherings, infringing many rights protected by the Constitution |
Policy of illegal arrests/ imprisonment of those making statements that cause embarrassment to ZANU (PF) whether statement true or false In practice the police tend to give the widest possible interpretation to these provisions, thereby extending their already considerable powers and further infringing civil liberties |
Repeal the section Repeal the section Repeal the section Repeal the sections |
While the section remains in force apply it impartially and only with respect to false statements that are genuinely prejudicial to the State rather than embarrassing to ZANU (PF) While these sections remain in force, they should be interpreted restrictively |
NIL NIL NIL NIL |
4.1.2 Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections |
POSA. sections 15 (publishing false statements prejudicial to the State) 24 (notification of public gatherings) 25 (regulation of public gatherings and 26 (banning of public gatherings) AIPPA effectively provides ZANU (PF) with the means to eliminate a free press. At the same time ZANU (PF) dominate the state media, achieving a massive and unfair advantage over the opposition |
The independent press have been subjected to massive intimidation, and the country’s only independent and largest circulation daily paper, the Daily News, has been threatened, bombed and finally closed |
Repeal the sections Repeal the Act |
While the sections remain in force interpret them restrictively Reverse the policy of trying to silence the independent media |
NIL NIL |
4.1.3 Nondiscrimination in voters’ registration |
The appointment of members to the Electoral Supervisory Commission, the Chairperson of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, members of the Delimitation Commission and the Registrar-General of Voters are all effectively done by the President and thus partisan, giving voters grave cause for concern re an impartial registration process |
By his own admission the Registrar-General is partisan, being a member of, and compliant to, ZANU (PF). All previous voter registration exercises under his supervision have been seriously flawed.
Voters have been arbitrarily removed. Thousands of dead people’s names are still on the voters’ roll. It is harder to register in urban areas than it is in rural areas. In rural areas in order to register opposition supporters must have the support of traditional leaders, who are now paid by the government |
Amend the electoral Acts to provide for the appointment of non-partisan electoral officers |
Replace the Registrar-General with a non-partisan appointee Remove the discriminatory restrictions to register. Compile a new voters’ roll in a non-partisan and credible way |
NIL NIL |
4.1.4 Existence of updated and accessible voters’ roll |
Section 21 of the Electoral Act only allows a printed (interpreted by the Supreme Court as a paper, not electronic) copy of the voters’ roll despite the fact it is available in electronic format |
The voters’ roll is neither updated nor accessible to voters. Experience in the 2000 and 2002 elections revealed that the roll used by the Registrar-General is seriously inaccurate and corrupted The Registrar-General has consistently refused to provide the opposition with an updated electronic version which would enable them to check its accuracy in an efficient manner It costs Z$ 12 million for each copy of the voters’ roll and is an enormous volume of paper, making it effectively inaccessible |
Amend the section to oblige the Registrar-General to provide all parties with an electronic copy of the voters’ roll |
Appoint non-partisan electoral officers in whom voters can have confidence Allow all parties to have access to electronic computer copies of the voters’ roll |
NIL NIL |
4.1.5 Timeous announcement of election date |
NIL |
NIL |
NIL |
NIL |
N/A |
4.1.6 Any funding of political parties to be transparent and based on agreed threshold as per law of the land |
Political Parties (Finance) Act s 14 - prohibits foreign funding for political parties and candidates. The prohibition of foreign funding per se is not objectionable but “foreign funding” includes the prohibition of funding by non-resident Zimbabwean citizens, in violation of section 21 of the Zimbabwean Constitution. |
Because of the partisan nature of the Attorney General and the Police any breach of the Act by ZANU (PF) is not investigated or exposed Furthermore, the prohibition of foreign funding is more of a disadvantage to the opposition than to ZANU (PF) since the latter uses State resources such as the State media, transport & communications freely for campaigning purposes Corrupt use by ZANU (PF) of its powers of patronage secures it an unfair advantage in obtaining funds |
Repeal the Section in so far as it prohibits funding by Zimbabweans in the Diaspora Impose an effective and enforceable requirement for disclosure of funding on all parties |
Enforce a clear distinction between the State and ZANU (PF) in relation to the use of State resources Take strong and effective measures against patronage and corruption |
NIL |
4.1.7 Polling stations to be in neutral places |
The Electoral Act s 51 requires only that polling stations be established at “convenient” places, determined solely by constituency election officers, and even permits a polling station outside the boundaries of the constituency Given that section 17 of the Electoral Act allows the military to be constituency election officers the siting of polling stations may be made by the military. |
Experience has shown in the 2000 and 2002 elections that polling stations are often set up in locations in which the opposition are exposed to serious danger of intimidation and violence, and voters do not feel free to vote for the party of their choice The military are so closely identified with ZANU (PF) that they are not regarded as impartial |
To comply with the SADC standard care should be taken to site polling stations in neutral venues – in particular away from militia camps, police stations and army barracks Repeal section 17 |
Take effective measures to restore voter confidence in the integrity of the electoral process |
NIL |
4.1.8 Counting of the votes at polling stations |
Section 83 of the Electoral Act gives electoral officers (who may be soldiers appointed in terms of s 17) the power to exclude party representatives from polling stations for even trivial breaches of a code of conduct. Section 84 of the Act allows votes to be counted in the absence of party representatives. The combined effect of this is to give the military power to exclude opposition representatives, monitors and observers and then to proceed with the count |
In the 2002 election many opposition party representatives were effectively prevented from being present at the count |
Repeal section 84 |
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NIL |
4.1.9 Mechanism to assist planning and
deployment of observation missions |
NIL |
NIL |
NIL |
NIL |
N/A |
4.1.10 SADC observation missions to be deployed at least two weeks before voting day |
NIL |
NIL |
NIL |
NIL |
N/A |
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Clause
7 RESPONSIBILITIES OF MEMBER STATES HOLDING
ELECTIONS |
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7.1 Take necessary measures to ensure scrupulous implementation of above principles – as per constitutional processes of the country |
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7.2 Establish where none exist appropriate institutions where issues such as codes of conduct, citizenship, residency … and compilation of voters’ registers, would be addressed |
Zimbabwe does not have any such “appropriate institutions”. No consultation took place outside ZANU (PF) on any such issues. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Bill received an adverse report from the Parliamentary Legal Committee but their objections were over-ridden |
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Government should seek a consensus on the “appropriate institutions” |
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NIL |
7.3 Establish impartial, all-inclusive, competent and accountable national electoral bodies staffed by qualified personnel, as well as competent legal entities including effective constitutional courts to arbitrate in the event of disputes arising from the conduct of elections |
(1) Section 61 of the Constitution establishes the Electoral Supervisory Commission (ESC) as the supreme Electoral body. It is entirely appointed by the President without any input from or say given to the opposition parties or civic society. (2) Section 59 of the Constitution gives the President absolute discretion to choose the members of the Delimitation Commission without any say given to opposition parties or civic society. (3) Section 18 of the Electoral Act creates a Registrar-General of Voters who is a civil servant effectively appointed by the President (4) Section 3 of the ZEC Act allows the President to appoint its Chairperson in his absolute discretion, again without any input from opposition parties or civic society. While the opposition has some input on the selection of the remaining 4 members, the ZEC is a body subservient to the ESC in terms of section 61 (6) of the Constitution (5) Section 14 of the Electoral Act creates an “Observers’ Accreditation Committee” whose members are the Chairperson of the ESC, appointed by the President, and 4 other persons nominated by the Office of the President and the Ministers of Justice, Foreign Affairs and Information. This committee, an entirely partisan body, is given absolute discretion as to who can observe an election In summary none of Zimbabwe’s electoral bodies are impartial, all-inclusive or accountable. |
Again the experience of the 2000 and 2002 Polls – under the same Registrar-General and similar electoral bodies – proved that they are not impartial, competent or ultimately accountable to the voters. In fact they have shown gross bias in favour of ZANU (PF) |
Repeal the amend the relevant sections of the Constitution, Electoral Act, and ZEC Act to comply with SADC standards |
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NIL |
7.4 Safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens including the freedom of movement, assembly, association, expression and campaigning as well as access to the media on behalf of all stakeholders, during electoral processes as under 2.1.5. |
Human and civil liberties are severely infringed by: ZEC POSA AIPPA NGO Act referred to above The opposition have been and are still denied access to the State media, and the independent media has been closed down in terms of these laws. Voter education by civil society is effectively banned by the ZEC Act Section 142 of the Electoral Act requires the name and address of the printer of all posters, pamphlets and other documents used in campaigning to be recorded on the face of the document. Section 150 of the Act makes it an offence to place any bill, poster or other document on any building, wall etc without the consent of the owner/ occupier |
In addition to the statutory infringements of civil liberties the opposition has to contend with the abuse of legal process by the police eg false charges illegal arrest and imprisonment and the selective application of the law against their members and supporters. The right for the opposition to campaign is severely limited by the presence of militia and other lawless elements, plus the regular banning of their meetings by the police. Whilst in a normal environment this would not be sinister in the context of the harassment and violence suffered by the opposition over the past five years, these provisions are very intimidating |
Repeal those laws that are unconstitutional or infringe human and civil liberties It is ironic that ZANU (PF) have introduced recently a range of laws, ostensibly to comply with SADC standards, but which in fact make Zimbabwe even further in breach of SADC principles Repeal section 142 Repeal section 150 |
The politicization of the police should be reversed, and a new policy of political tolerance, respect for all, and observance of the law inculcated in a professional force |
NIL |
7.5 Take all necessary measures and precautions to prevent the perpetration of fraud, rigging or other illegal practices throughout the whole electoral process … |
The NGO Act which requires registration under a Council effectively under the dominance of ZANU (PF), will lead to the closure of those NGOs concerned with human rights abuses, which in the past have been the most effective in exposing fraud, rigging and other illegal practices. S 17 of the Act which prohibits foreign funding of any such organizations is a further measure which will make the exposure of electoral fraud more difficult in the future AIPPA represents a major blow to the free press, and by the same token removes one of the most effective deterrents to fraud, rigging and electoral mal-practice Sections 84 and 83 of the Electoral Act which allow counting to take place in the absence of party representatives opens the door to vote rigging |
The existence of the youth militia and other violent elements which enjoy the support and protection of ZANU (PF) militates strongly in favour of fraud, rigging, intimidation and violence |
Do not enact the NGO Bill Repeal AIPPA Repeal the sections |
Disband the youth militia, and remove the (unofficial) immunity from prosecution afforded to violent and lawless elements at the instigation of ZANU (PF) Allow the Daily News and Tribune newspapers to reopen |
NIL NIL |
7.6 Ensure the availability of adequate logistics and resources for carrying out democratic elections |
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The government has repeatedly rejected offers of logistical support from international bodies (including the UN ?) towards the holding of democratic elections |
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Reverse this policy and cooperate with all those seeking to ensure a democratic election |
NIL |
7.7 Ensure that adequate security is provided to all parties participating in the elections |
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To date lawless elements in ZANU (PF) and their agents, including the militias, and State security agents, have rendered certain constituencies no-go areas for the opposition. Members of the opposition are repeatedly subjected to violence and abuse, while those responsible are not brought to justice |
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Introduce effective and impartial policing of all areas. Also end the selective application of the criminal law against those who perpetrate violence |
NIL |
7.8 Ensure the transparency and integrity of the entire electoral process by facilitating the deployment of representatives of political parties and individual candidates at polling and counting stations and by accrediting national and/other observers/monitors |
There is no provision in the new Electoral Act enabling this |
To date government has done nothing to facilitate the deployment of representatives of the opposition at polling and counting stations. On the contrary it has seriously obstructed the opposition in deploying representatives as required. Government policy is also against the deployment of observers and monitors except those deemed to be sympathetic to the ruling party |
Amend the Electoral Act to facilitate this obligation |
Reverse this policy, and open up polling and counting stations to representatives of all parties and to a credible international cross-section of observers and monitors |
NIL |
7.9 Encourage the participation of women, disabled and youth in all aspects of the electoral process as per the national laws |
Sections 59 and 60 of the Electoral Act give the presiding officers, who can be members of the military in terms of s 52 (2) (b), the power to assist and mark the ballot on behalf of illiterate or incapacitated voters. A police officer must also be present |
The military and the police are not regarded as impartial and therefore voter secrecy for disabled people is severely compromised |
Amend the Electoral Act to allow a person nominated by the illiterate or disabled voter to assist him or her to vote |
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NIL |
7.10 Issuing invitation … to SADC 90 days before the voting day in order to allow an adequate preparation for the deployment of the Electoral Observation Mission |
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If the parliamentary elections take place in March 2005 as stated by the Executive, they are already in breach of this 90 day provision |
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Issue an invitation to SADC publicly and forthwith |
NIL |
7.11
Ensure freedom of movement of the members of the SADC Election Observers |
NIL |
NIL |
NIL |
NIL |
N/A |
7.12 Accreditation of the members of the SADC Election Observation Mission on a non-discriminatory basis |
In direct breach of this requirement section 14 of the Electoral Act gives the “Observers’ Accreditation Committee” absolute power to exclude individuals from within SADC or elsewhere |
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Repeal section 14 |
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NIL |
(Clauses 7.13 to 7.19 concern the duties of the host government to the SADC Election Observation Mission to facilitate its work) |
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KEY TO ACTS OF PARLIAMENT CITED ABOVE AIPPA NGO Act POSA ZEC ACT |
Full Title Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (No 5 of 2002) Non Governmental Organizations Act (still to be signed into law and gazetted) Public Order and Security Act (No 1 0f 2002) Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Act (no 22 of 2004) |
The full text of these and other relevant Acts may be seen on the following websites: SOKWANELE www.sokwanele.com ZWNEWS: www.zwnews.com
(In the case of the NGO Act which is yet to be signed into law, the Electoral & Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Acts, a definitive version of which are still awaited, these will be posted to the websites as soon as available) | |||
This document produced by
SOKWANELE ZVAKWANA –
ENOUGH IS ENOUGH
A VOICE FOR THE TRUTH
A VOICE FOR FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY
A VOICE FOR JUSTICE AND PEACE A VOICE FOR NON-VIOLENT CHANGEJanuary 2005 |
SOKWANELE
Enough
is Enough
We have a fundamental
right to freedom of expression!
Deceit and
Deception.
03 February 2005
Ever since Gideon Gono was promoted to the post of
Governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe he has practised a form of intense
deception directed at the general public, for whom he obviously has scant
regard. The nation has been subjected to a carefully managed media circus every
three months as the Governor spells out in lengthy form his view of the “State
of the Nation” and the circumstances for which he has personal
responsibility.
These statements are always a mixture of the truth (the
parastatals have failed the public) and half-truths or just blatant lies and
distortion. Sorting out what is good and what is bad is difficult for the
layperson and many are being deceived by the bright smile behind the statements
that pour out of the Bank.
One thing that does come through, though not intended, is
that Gono is Mugabe’s man and is carefully pursuing the objectives he was set
when he was given the job. Let’s look at the situation and compare the real
situation to what Gono is saying.
“We are on the path to recovery.” Gono points to lower
inflation and projected growth in 2005 and says that Zimbabwe has turned the
corner after experiencing a decline of 30 per cent in GDP after 2000. The facts
are that in 1997, the last year for which we have reliable statistics, the GDP
stood at US$8,4 billion. GDP at the end of 2004 was estimated by economists as
no more than US$4,8 billion. That is a decline of 42 per cent in 6 years. Nearly
all observers record declines in economic activity in every year since
1998.
The projection of growth in 2005 is based on a recovery
in farm output of 28 per cent, growth in the mining industry and a recovery in
tourism. None of this is likely to materialize. In fact we expect farm output to
decline in 2005. All investment in the
mining industry – one of the stars of the economy in 2003 and 2004 - has been
frozen and output is stagnant at best, despite record world market prices. No
sign of any recovery in tourism either; in fact tourist arrivals continue to
fall.
So it is more likely at this stage that the Zimbabwe
economy will decline in 2005 by 5 per cent rather than expand by a similar
amount after 6 years of negative growth.
“Inflation is falling and will reach 35 per cent by the
years end.” Average inflation in 2004
was about 350 per cent, in 2005 it was at least 375 per cent and the CSO
estimates for inflation at the year-end bear no relationship to the facts on the
ground. Prices are rising rapidly and many of those that are rising fastest are
in fact controlled by the State – electricity, water, telephone and postal rates
are all up by several hundred percent in 2005.
With the debt of Government now standing at over Z$3
trillion, parastatals debt at about the same level and the combined losses of
the commercial banks closed down by Gono in 2004 at Z$2,6 trillion, the Reserve
Bank is in an impossible situation. He must print money to cover his obligations
and when he does so we will have higher inflation as a result. The 2005 budget
of central government reflects an average inflation rate of 270 per cent – 5
times the rate predicted by the Governor. That is more likely to be the case and
he knows it.
“No Bank will be allowed to fail.” He makes no mention of
this promise made at the start of 2004, in his first review in 2005. This is
because since he made that statement over 40 per cent of all Commercial banks
have closed their doors. This has taken Z$2,6 trillion out of private hands and
has left hundreds of thousands of depositors without reserves or even money to
live on.
Even now, 15 months later, many financial institutions
are under threat and major depositors see little chance of any recovery. They
are being offered equity in an amorphous thing called the Zimbabwe Allied
Banking Group but as this is simply a collection of failed banks in whom there
is absolutely no public confidence, this is little more than offering people a
piece of useless paper in place of their liquid
assets.
“Foreign Exchange receipts have risen.” Gono points out
that the foreign exchange proceeds going through the Reserve Bank system have
risen from just over US$350 million in 2003 to US$1700 million in 2004. No
mention is made of how this was achieved in spite of falling exports and
declining receipts from tourism and foreign aid. In fact all this records is his
success in herding what is left of the Zimbabwe productive sector towards the
banking halls of the Reserve Bank where they can be manipulated to the benefit
of the State.
Exports in 1997 were US$3,4 billion - last year they were US$1,34 billion – a
fall of 60 per cent. Foreign aid receipts are down from about US$800 million in
1997 to just over US$350 million in 2004 – most of it for food
aid.
“Gold production is up by 70 per cent.” Nothing could be
further from the truth. In 2003 gold sales to the Reserve Bank (not the same as
gold production) were only 12 tonnes. Industry experts estimated actual gold
production at 34 tonnes – 22 tonnes were sold outside the Reserve Bank system.
Gono has raised prices for gold purchased in Zimbabwe dollars to the point where
the Bank is now paying a higher price that that available on the parallel market
and as a result more gold is going into the Bank than into other free
markets.
So what are we left with after the “spin” is dealt with?
Not a great deal. We still have a shrinking economy, falling exports and
negative investment. Our combined savings – the total value of all our pension
funds and accumulated resources of 100 years of economic activity have been
destroyed or stolen. Our pensioners are without exception, destitute and there
are no signs of any changes to put things right.
Average life expectancy is now estimated at 34 years –
down from 59 in 1990. Or a decline of
one year for every year that Mugabe has been in power. Incomes have halved and
the value of the Zimbabwe currency is now half the Zambian Kwacha. 3,5 million
adults have fled the country – most of them as economic refugees to more stable
regions. 1400 follow every day. Our population was projected at Independence in
1980 to double every 18 years. It has fallen to less than 11 million since the
mid 90’s.
These nightmare statistics are not those of a country at
war with itself or its neighbors, but of a country that has received US$6
billion from donors since Independence, billions more as loans, and has been
given every opportunity and concession possible by the world community. They are
the unbelievable statistics of the failure of Africa’s best-educated and most
advanced indigenous community.
They are the product of a small minority who seized power
in 1980 and have ruthlessly held onto that power ever since. An elite that has
become rich at the expense of the poor has destroyed the national inheritance in
pursuit of power and privilege. Of this corrupt elite, Gideon Gono is only the
most recent recruit.