http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Own Correspondent Thursday 21 January
2010
HARARE - South Africa's government has sent a written
protest to Harare over
the invasion of South African-owned farms in
Zimbabwe, a development that
suggests Pretoria could be hardening its stance
towards President Robert
Mugabe's controversial land reforms.
Senior
officials at South Africa's embassy in Harare and in the government
of
Zimbabwe told ZimOnline that a diplomatic note was send to the Zimbabwean
Ministry of Foreign Affairs last week after South African citizen Raymond
Finaughty appealed to the embassy for assistance after his farm was invaded
last month.
Finaughty's farm in Rusape district, about 170 km east of
Harare, which was
invaded a day before Christmas by a senior Zimbabwe
central bank official,
is one of several South African-owned properties that
have been seized by
supporters of Mugabe's ZANU PF party.
"We sent
the highest level of complaint to Harare officials following the
continued
disturbances on the farms . we are still waiting for a formal
response from
the Zimbabwe government" said the embassy official, who did
not want to be
named because he did not have permission from his superiors
to speak on the
matter.
South Africa's ambassador to Zimbabwe Mulungisi Makhalima and
Zimbabwean
Foreign Affairs Minister Simbarashe Mumbengegwi were not
immediately
available for comment on the matter.
However, in a
statement issued earlier this week, South Africa's Ministry of
International
Relations and Cooperation said Pretoria had "made formal
contact with the
Zimbabwean authorities and government with regard to issues
raised by the
South African citizens residing in Zimbabwe."
The statement, which does
not refer directly to farm invasions, is silent
about the protest note to
Harare.
But our sources said after Makhalima sent the protest note to
Mumbengegwi he
also raised the issue of farm invasions with Zimbabwe's
Economic Planning
Minister Elton Mangoma.
"It was felt that Mangoma
was the best person to handle the situation as he
is the one who signed the
BIPPA (Bilateral Investment Promotion and
Protection Agreement) with us last
year and made undertakings," said our
source.
South Africa and
Zimbabwe, at one time each other's biggest trading partner
on the continent
in addition to being strong political allies, signed the
investment
protection agreement last year.
But the pact is not in force because
Zimbabwe's Parliament is yet to ratify
it.
Mugabe's chaotic and often
violent programme to seize white-owned farm land
for redistribution to
landless blacks saw several farms owned by foreigners
and protected under
bilateral trade agreements between Zimbabwe and other
countries seized
without compensation.
The seizure of private land has raised questions
about Zimbabwe's commitment
to uphold property rights as well as agreements
entered with other
countries. - ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Sebastian Nyamhangambiri Thursday 21 January
2010
HARARE - A Harare lawyer representing a key witness in the
terrorism trial
of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai top ally Roy Bennett on
Wednesday
notified Zimbabwe's Attorney General (AG) Johannes Tomana that he
would sue
him for acting "irresponsibly" when he had him arrested last
year.
Lawyer Mordecai Mahlangu was arrested last November and spent a
night in
police cells after he prepared an affidavit indicating that Mutare
arms
dealer Michael Peter Hitschmann - lined up as the state's star witness
in
Bennett's trial - was not going to testify because the evidence that the
state recorded was obtained through torture.
The state accused
Mahlangu of having written the affidavit on Hitschmann's
behalf and caused
him to sign it when he approached him for advice.
Mahlangu, who was later
charged with trying to obstruct the course of
justice, was last week
acquitted by a Harare magistrate.?
In a letter served to the AG's office
yesterday, Mahlangu's lawyer Raymond
Moyo said: "It is the intention of our
client to institute civil proceedings
for the damages sustained by him
arising from his wrongful arrest and
unlawful detention both under the
common law and under the Constitution of
Zimbabwe."?
Moyo also
notified co-Home Affairs Ministers Giles Mutsekwa and Kembo
Mohadi, the
arresting police officers Clever Ntini and Henry Dowa, and
police chief
Augustine Chihuri that he would sue them too. ?
In terms of the State
Liabilities Act, an aggrieved party must give 60 days
notice before
instituting civil proceedings. ?An official at the AG's office
confirmed
receiving the letter from Mahlangu.
In an interview Mahlangu told
ZimOnline that he would sue Tomana in his
personal capacity.?
"It
would send wrong signals if taxpayers foot his legal bill. He acted
irresponsibly and in bad faith. He is a senior lawyer and he knows the law,"
said Mahlangu.
Tomana, a self proclaimed ZANU PF sympathiser, is
regarded as among
hardliner supporters of President Robert Mugabe working to
derail the
power-sharing government the veteran President formed last
February with his
former opposition foes Tsvangirai and Deputy Premier
Arthur Mutambara.
Tsvangirai and his MDC-T party have questioned Tomana's
tenure at the AG's
department, insisting that he must be dismissed because
Mugabe did not
consult his coalition partners before appointing him to the
post.
Under the global political agreement that gave birth to Zimbabwe's
power-sharing government Mugabe must consult his coalition partners before
making senior appointments. - ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Stanley Kwenda Thursday 21 January
2010
"FREELANCE journalist Stanley Kwenda was found dead on the
outskirts of
Harare. His remains were found dumped in a ditch along the
Harare to
Domboshava road . . . "
An imagined worst case scenario.
True.
But after that strange and angry voice on the phone last Friday
evening
promised I would not survive the weekend, the imagined and probably
exaggerated scenario above was something I could not say with certainty
could never happen. I had to act immediately.
But the good news
first. I am safe and sound in my hiding place. Who knows,
all the news
organisations that carried the story of how I fled Zimbabwe
last week
following the death threats would by now probably have been
writing about my
death.
Usual suspects
Sadly, all this is happening at a time when
we should be celebrating the
dawn of a new era of democracy in Zimbabwe. I
saw it first hand last Friday
evening that the usual suspects are still on
the prowl - almost a year after
a new coalition government came into office
in Harare with a mandate to
promote among other things the rule of law and
respect for human rights.
Friday began with the normal routine, which
means grabbing all the
newspapers I can lay my hands on just to check what's
happening around.
I had just received a copy of British-based Index on
Censorship 2009 Review.
From the moment I flipped open the first chapter, I
could never put the book
down.
The stories told in the book of how
some journalists elsewhere in the world
have stood up to tyranny - with some
even getting killed in the process - in
order to be able to practise their
profession are encouraging.
Although, I must admit, there is something
quite disturbing about knowing
that someone could order your death simply
because you dared tell a story.
Somewhere, on one of the pages of the
Index, there was a long list of
journalists who have either been harassed,
incarcerated or lost their lives
in the line of duty. Interestingly, some of
them were from Zimbabwe - and
little did I know that by end of that day, I
would be part of the
statistics.
Death threats
This was after
I received very specific death threats from a senior police
officer in
connection with a story I did for the The Zimbabwean newspaper.
At about
11 am I received a call on my phone and on the other end of the
line was a
gentleman who told me that a certain Sylvia who works for fast
food outlet
Chicken Inn wanted to talk to me.
The said Sylvia later called me on my
cellphone. She said she wanted us to
meet at some point in central Harare so
that she could give me more
information on how Police Commissioner General
Augustine Chihuri had blocked
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai from visiting
police stations around the
country. Apparently this was the subject of my
story in The Zimbabwean.
I asked her who she was and why she wanted to
give me that information. In
response, she said she was just any ordinary
Zimbabwean who had information
that was of public interest and that could be
of help to the country.
She had used this same trick to dupe people at
The Zimbabwean newspaper to
give her my cellphone number.
Unusual
determination
Somehow her rather unusual determination to get the "story
or information"
to me left me wondering just why any genuine news source
would pursue a
reporter so much. Generally, things are supposed to be the
other way round.
In no time, the lady called again. This time pleading
with me to urgently
come to the place in central Harare where she had
earlier suggested we meet.
At that point I realised I was being lured into a
trap!
I told her to send her information to me via the e-mail address of
The
Zimbabwean newspaper but she insisted on a face-to-face meeting. At that
point I told her off and asked her not to call me again.
But as I
prepared to get my weekend into swing, I received a call at 7.15 pm
on my
mobile phone while I was having a drink with a friend at a local
hotel.
The number of the caller was not displayed on my phone but I
could hear a
male voice on the other end of the line. Before I knew it, the
man at the
other end of the line was hurling threats and insults at me.
"Kwenda, you
are not going to last this weekend," the man thundered in an
audibly harsh
and angry voice.
The man never gave me a chance to make
head or tail of why he had actually
called me. He was just spewing all sorts
of profanities, while repeatedly
reminding me that I was going to die, that
I would be dead before fellow
congregants at my church uttered the last word
of the evening prayer that
following Sunday.
For a moment, I was
puzzled by it all, I could not just understand why
anyone would threaten me
with death when I can't even harm a fly.
Licence to kill
But I was
under no illusion as to the potentially dire consequences of
ignoring the
threat, especially when it dawned on me that the only person
who could have
been behind the threatening call was the senior police
officer whom I had
obviously named and shamed in the story published by The
Zimbabwean.
I have never felt so afraid but on the day in question I
was left trembling.
The policeman in question belongs to a "special" group
of security agents
who seem to have "unofficial" licence to maim, torture,
abduct and kill as
they please. I was left with no option but to think of a
way out.
For a moment, I thought of seeking sanctuary at a friend's
place. I also
thought of calling my lawyer so that we could confront the
caller.
But, when I tried to make a quick count of the number of court
orders that
have been ignored by the police and the number of people who
have been
tortured and sometimes killed by the usual suspects, it became so
obvious to
me that no one could guarantee my safety and
security.
Neither the courts nor the inclusive government that has to
date done pretty
nothing to restore the rule of law and respect for human
rights in the
country could protect me.
I felt like I was all alone to
face a lynch mob, there was no option but to
leave the country. - ZimOnline
http://www1.voanews.com
The bank's problems started soon after it embarked on various
programs which
are said to have benefited the then Zanu PF government
through printing of
money to finance grassroots economic schemes, referred
to as quasi-fiscal
activities
Gibbs Dube | Washington 20 January
2010
The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe is technically insolvent and is
likely to
collapse if the government does not recapitalize it, economists
say.
The economists attribute the bank's current woes to the many
programs it
launched under the former government of President Robert Mugabe,
often to
the benefit of the former ruling ZANU-PF party and its supporters,
funded by
printing vast quantities of the now-abandoned Zimbabwean
dollar.
Economist Nsununguli Mbongolwane told VOA that the bank was
insolvent as its
liabilities far outstrip its assets and it can no longer
meet its
obligations.
"The assets that the bank has, if any, are
fewer than its liabilities and
therefore it is technically insolvent and is
likely to collapse," he said.
But economist Eric Bloch of Bulawayo said
that while the central bank could
collapse if it were not recapitalized, it
might have sufficient assets to
cover its liabilities. He noted that the
Reserve Bank owns three Harare
buildings, one a 23-story office block, a
large building in Bulawayo, the
country's second city, a factory that
produces gold jewelry, and a printing
press and mint.
"It has
extensive assets but it does not have cash," Bloch said. If
government does
not recapitalize it or enables it to obtain excess funds
such as the special
drawing rights from the International Monetary Fund then
it will
collapse."
The Ministry of Finance recently allocated the central bank
US$10 million in
the 2010 national budget to meet its operational costs, but
most economists
say this is far less than what would be needed to bail out
the institution.
The Movement for Democratic Change formation of Prime
Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai has long called for the removal of RBZ Governor
Gideon Gono, a
close political ally of President Mugabe, saying he bears
heavy
responsibility for the country's precipitous economic collapse in the
past
decade.
Gono in his own defense has said that he followed
instructions and did what
was necessary to keep the economy running despite
Western sanctions.
http://www.mg.co.za
DINGANI MASUKU | BINDURA, ZIMBABWE - Jan 21 2010
06:37
In a dusty field in northern Zimbabwe, villagers clapped and sang
as they
received desperately needed seed and fertilizer for their crops,
their only
source of food and income.
In this poor village in the
Bindura district, about 70km north of Harare,
families live and die by the
seeds they plant and the rains that fall.
Donors have given $74-million
in aid to Zimbabwe's traditional sustenance
farmers, a windfall for
communities like Bindura.
The United Nations Food and Agriculture
Organisation (FAO) predicts that
donor-funded projects could produce 450 000
tonnes of grain, about
one-quarter of the nation's needs.
"We had no
hope of getting seed, and at the same time we did not know how we
would get
seed in time" for the planting season, said Christopher Mafusire,
who
received 10kg of seed from the scheme.
The 67-year-old said he could now
plant two acres of land, which should be
enough to feed his family -- if
rains come on time. "This village had
hunger, but now we will not starve,"
Mafusire said.
Many Zimbabwean farmers aren't so fortunate.
Once
an exporter of grain, Zimbabwe has relied on international food aid for
the
last decade.
The food crisis peaked in 2008 with about half the nation's
12-million
people needing aid, as the failure of crops and the collapse of
the economy
left fields barren and store shelves empty.
Last year the
food crisis eased thanks to better rains and economic reforms
by the unity
government that took office last February.
But at least 1,9-million
people are still expected to need aid this year,
according to initial UN
estimates.
Bindura was once part of a vibrant farming sector that until
2000 was able
to help feed the nation and export cash crops, accounting for
about 40% of
the economy.
A decade ago, President Robert Mugabe
launched controversial land reforms to
forcibly resettle mainly white
commercial farms with new black farmers, in a
process tainted by widespread
political violence.
Donors haven't provided seeds to the new farmers, who
complain that the
government hasn't given them enough help to get their
crops into the
ground -- raising questions about how big the national
harvest will be.
Without aid, the resettled farmers have little means of
financing their
operations. Mugabe's land reforms did not give the owners
title to the
property, leaving them unable to access loans from commercial
banks.
The unity government plans to conduct a land audit this year to
determine
who really owns the land, and then issue deeds so banks can again
finance
farming.
"That security of tenure has got be worked out this
year in conjunction with
the audit so that people can feel secure," Economic
Planning Minister Elton
Mangoma told Agence France-Presse. "The government
is committed in seeing
this through," he said.
Bringing Zimbabwe's
farms back to their productive peaks will be expensive.
Finance Minister
Tendai Biti says $45-billion is needed to return the
overall economy to its
peak, when agriculture was the backbone of the
economy.
Charles
Taffs, vice-president of the mainly white Commercial Farmers' Union,
said
Zimbabwe's farms haven't grown enough food to feed the nation since
2000.
"We borrowed $1,8-billion dollars in order to get that crop.
This year we
see a situation where finance is very limited," he
said.
Nationally, he estimated that about $350-million was available from
donors,
the government and the private sector for farming this
year.
He predicts this year's harvest will yield at most 600 tonnes of
the staple
maize, only about one third of the nation food needs.
The
FAO says it's impossible to predict the size of the harvest so early in
the
season.
But the UN has already asked donors for $378-million to aid
Zimbabwe this
year, partly to feed those who will certainly face hunger
again. -- AFP
http://www1.voanews.com
Sources said Prime Minister Tsvangirai invited NCA Chairman
Madhuku to his
Movement for Democratic Change party's offices for a
conversation, but that
the two men did not resolve their differences on the
constitutional process
Jonga Kandemiiri | Washington 20 January
2010
Zimbabwe's National Constitutional Assembly, a civic
organization, said it
was still opposed to the constitutional revision
process led by Parliament
following a discussion Wednesday between NCA
Chairman Lovemore Madhuku and
Prime Minister Tsvangirai of the group's
position.
Sources said Mr. Tsvangirai invited Madhuku to the Harvest
House offices of
his Movement for Democratic Change formation, but that they
did not resolve
their differences. The prime minister finally asked Madhuku
to be as
objective as possible when the draft constitution emerges late this
year.
The NCA has maintained that the constitutional overhaul should be
led by an
independent commission. It says that the parliamentary-led
process,
controlled by politicians, will inevitably produce a flawed basic
document
that will serve the interests of the political class rather than
the
Zimbabwean people.
The NCA for years has called for a
"people-driven constitution, seeing this
as the fundamental solution to the
country's long political crisis.
NCA National Director Ernest Mudzengi
told VOA Studio 7 reporter Jonga
Kandemiiri that the two sides agreed to
disagree on the process.
Mr. Tsvangirai's spokesman, James Maridadi, said
he could not comment on the
conversation as he had not been briefed on the
meeting.
http://www.talkzimbabwe.com/
British
FCO
Thu, 21 Jan 2010 05:13:00 +0000
THE following is
the full text of the House of Commons Q&A session on Zimbabwe held on
Tuesday, January 19, 2010. The British Foreign Secretary, David Miliband
answered MPs questions on Zimbabwe.
Mr. Henry Bellingham
(North-West Norfolk) (Con): When he next expects to meet his EU counterparts to
discuss EU relations with Zimbabwe.
The Secretary of State for
Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (David Miliband): Zimbabwe will be
considered by EU Foreign Ministers during the course of February, and I look
forward to having discussions then. The UK and the EU are strong supporters of
the global political agreement-the GPA-and we will continue to press for
progress. We welcome the recent agreement of the GPA signatories to establish
key commissions, and we urge implementation of that
agreement.
Mr. Bellingham: I am grateful to the Foreign
Secretary for that reply. Does he agree that, although the economic news coming
out of Zimbabwe is now more promising, there are still huge concerns about human
rights abuses and about the detention of Movement for Democratic Change MPs such
as Roy Bennett? Does he also agree that the existing sanctions should not be
lifted until those issues have been dealt with?
David
Miliband: Yes, I agree that numerous aspects of the situation in
Zimbabwe are of deep concern. It is right to say that, over the past year, the
economic situation has changed in a quite fundamental way, although it is not
quite right to refer to the detention of Roy Bennett as a continued threat to
him through a legal case.
In respect of sanctions, we have made it clear
that they can be lifted only in a calibrated way, as progress is made. That is
something that we will discuss. I do not think that it is right to say that the
choice is between lifting all sanctions and lifting none at all. We have to
calibrate our response to the progress on the ground, and, above all, to be
guided by what the MDC says to us about the conditions under which it is working
and leading the country.
Kate Hoey (Vauxhall) (Lab):
Does the Foreign Secretary share my concern that President Zuma of South Africa
has not challenged Mugabe and the MDC fully to carry out the terms of the global
political agreement? He seems continually to be urging compromise on the
MDC.
David Miliband: President Zuma is playing a careful
hand, and he is playing it rather skilfully. The Prime Minister was able to
discuss Zimbabwe, among other things, with him at the Commonwealth conference in
November. President Zuma will be making a state visit to the UK in early March,
and I have had discussions with my South African opposite number. The position
of the South Africans has certainly been to urge adherence to the global
political agreement, which requires compromise on all sides, and I do not think
that they have been less than even-handed in the way in which they have done
that.
Sir Malcolm Rifkind (Kensington and Chelsea)
(Con): Should not all European Union Governments recognise that Morgan
Tsvangirai was right to enter into a coalition with Robert Mugabe, if there was
to be a prospect of peaceful change? Is it not worth remembering that even
Nelson Mandela entered into a coalition with the white South African National
party, and that Solidarity in Poland entered into a coalition with the
communists? They all recognised that change has to be gradual if it is to have
any chance of producing peaceful stability.
David
Miliband: No European country, to my knowledge, has condemned Mr.
Tsvangirai for the move that he made. I am not sure what the implication of the
right honourable and learned gentleman's question was, but I hope that it was
not to question the fact that this is a transitional agreement whose conclusion
will be a proper democratic election that respects the will of the Zimbabwean
people. There was a hint in what he was saying that there is perhaps-to echo the
term used by my hon. Friend the Member for Vauxhall (Kate Hoey)-rather more
compromise with Robert Mugabe than the mood of the House would wish. Mr.
Tsvangirai's position has been well established, however: he has shown himself
to be a man not only of principle but of competence, and we should support him
strongly.
Fiona Mactaggart (Slough) (Lab): There is one
EU member country that has a very direct effect on Zimbabwe, through the
Kimberley diamond certification process. Belgium is a member of that process.
Will the Foreign Secretary speak to his Belgian counterpart about the human
rights abuses in the diamond mines in Zimbabwe, and discuss whether it would be
right to threaten suspension of the Kimberley process in order to ensure that
the human rights of people working in the diamond mines are
protected?
David Miliband: As it happens, I now have
another new Belgian opposite number in the new Belgian Government. I spoke to
him at the end of last week. I will be happy to talk to him about a range of
issues, including Zimbabwe, when I next meet him.
Mr. Keith
Simpson (Mid-Norfolk) (Con): The Foreign Secretary has talked about
specific EU targeted sanctions, and said that they should be calibrated. Will he
explain which of the current EU sanctions are really having an effect and
encouraging Zanu-PF to move towards removing the human rights abuses that have
been in place for so long?
David Miliband: The
honourable gentleman will know that a range of EU sanctions is in place. Some of
them refer to individuals, others to so-called parastatal organisations.
Different sanctions have been brought in at different points, and different
sanctions are the responsibility of different ministries in the Zimbabwean
system.
Some are controlled by the MDC. I would be happy to give the
honourable gentleman a more detailed answer, but I think that it might detain
the House beyond the time available for the question. I believe that EU
sanctions have helped to send a strong message, and that they have had a
practical effect without hurting the Zimbabwean people, which would have been a
sanction too far.
http://www.zimdiaspora.com
Wednesday, 20 January 2010
20:00
The British government has responded to a petition forwarded to
Prime
Minister Gordon Brown's Number 10 Downing Street by a group of
disgruntled
Zimbabweans who complained that the UK government's stance and
way of
handling asylum applications was unfair.
From Number 10
Downing Streets, UK government
Thank you for your petition regarding the
treatment of Zimbabwean asylum
seekers in the UK.
Zimbabwean asylum
seekers in the UK are not subject to discriminatory
treatment. Each and
every asylum and human rights claim - including those
made by Zimbabweans -
is fully and carefully considered on its individual
merits against the
background of the latest available evidence about the
conditions in the
country concerned as they impact on the individual.
The UK Border Agency
takes its obligations under the 1951 Refugee Convention
seriously. If an
applicant is a refugee, asylum will be granted. If they
are otherwise
vulnerable they may engage our obligations under the European
Convention for
Human Rights, in which case they will be granted Humanitarian
Protection or
Discretionary Leave.
Where a decision has been made that a person does
not require international
protection, and there are no remaining rights of
appeal or obstacles to
their return, we expect unsuccessful asylum seekers
to return to their
country of origin. Return and reintegration assistance is
available through
the International Organization for Migration.
The
Asylum and Immigration Tribunal's (AIT) determination in the case of RN
[RN
(Returnees) Zimbabwe CG [2008] UKAIT 00083] found that not all
Zimbabweans
are in need of international protection and that all cases
should continue
to be considered on their individual merits.
The AIT heard the case of RN
against the backdrop of reports of widespread
and indiscriminate political
violence that marked the election period in
2008. That violence has now
abated and there have been some positive
changes in the situation in
Zimbabwe over the past six months. While a
great deal remains to be done to
institute the political and other reforms
set out in the Global Political
Agreement, the formation of the Inclusive
Government has led to improvements
in the economy, schools and the
availability of basic commodities. In
response to this changed situation
some Zimbabweans in the UK are
considering returning home to help rebuild
their country.
The
guidance being used by asylum caseworkers has been updated to reflect
the
fact that the situation in Zimbabwe has moved on from the events of last
year and the situation that existed when the AIT determined the case of RN.
This helps to ensure that we continue to grant asylum to the right people.
As the situation in Zimbabwe has changed since the AIT considered the
situation in Zimbabwe last year, so the people who need our protection now
are not necessarily the same ones who the AIT found may have been at risk at
the height of the political violence last summer.
The Government
welcomes the enormous contribution that the skills and
knowledge of genuine
refugees make to our society and economy, but
permitting asylum seekers or
failed asylum seekers to work is not in line
with Government policy. It is
important to maintain the distinction between
economic migration and
asylum. Giving asylum seekers or failed asylum
seekers permission to work
would be likely to encourage asylum applications
from those without a
well-founded fear of persecution, hence slowing down
the processing of
applications made by genuine refugees and undermining the
integrity of the
managed migration system.
This is why we do not generally allow asylum
seekers to work while their
claim for asylum is under consideration. The
only exception is asylum
seekers who have been waiting 12 months for a
decision where this delay
cannot be attributed to them. Allowing asylum
seekers to work in these
circumstances is in accordance with the EC
Directive on the reception of
asylum seekers.
It is important that
those who apply for asylum in the UK have their
applications processed as
quickly as possible and we have set a target to
conclude (grant or remove)
90 per cent of asylum applications within 6
months by December 2011. Those
who are recognised as refugees will
therefore increasingly be able to work
here legally much sooner than in the
past, enabling them to make a
contribution to the UK.
A change to the policy on employment would create
a disincentive to
departure for unsuccessful asylum seekers and we believe
would act as a draw
for those who want to come to the UK for economic
reasons, compromising the
integrity of our asylum system and slowing down
the asylum application
process for others.
Details of
Petition:
"Since the decision in the Asylum and Immigration Tribunal - RN
Zimbabwe -
the Home Office has, either consciously or unconsciously,
attempted to
redress what it perceives to be an imbalance in the scrutiny
and assessment
of applications for asylum from Zimbabweans by rejecting them
without proper
consideration. The singling out of Zimbabweans in this way is
discriminatory
and an affront to the principles of protecting the rights of
innocent people
who are fleeing violence and persecution that are enshrined
in the European
Convention for Human Rights Act and the Human Rights Act.
The Home Office
should make a fair assessment of each and every application
and, in the case
of Zimbabwean asylum seekers, accept that: 1. The case of
RN Zimbabwe ought
to be properly applied and 2. that Zimbabweans cannot be
removed and,
therefore, grant humanitarian protection to Zimbabweans and
allow them to
live and work in the UK with dignity."
http://www.herald.co.zw
Thursday,
January 21, 2010
Entertainment
Editor
Preparations for this year's Harare International Festival of the
Arts have
gathered momentum with organisers now calling for submission of
works from
artistes who wish to take part in this year's
carnival.
The festival will run from April 27 to May 2 and will again
feature diverse
international programming with participating artists from
more than 20
countries.
The theme for this year's festival is "About
Face", a subject that
organisers feel should inspire all Zimbabweans to look
with hope and
optimism for transformation and new beginnings, both artistic
and societal.
"It is a call to artistes to consider new vantage points,
ideas and
inspiration at a time when moving forward is about facing the past
and about
facing the future.
"The theme is also a celebration of the
resolute face of Zimbabweans, past
and present, who continue to stare down
seemingly overwhelming challenges
with grace, determination and creativity,"
said the organisers in a
statement.
Art fans are already gearing for
yet another fun-filled six-day event that
will see artists from different
genres, both local and international
showcasing their talents.
Hifa,
which is getting bigger and better since its inception 11 years ago,
has
proved to be an important launchpad for upcoming and established artists
in
Zimbabwe, who through their participation at the grand stage, have built
strong synergies with international artists.
As has become the norm,
last year's fanfare received an enthusiastic
response from art lovers,
participating artists as well as local, regional
and international
media.
The event celebrated the finest Zimbabwean and international
music, theatre,
spoken word, dance and visual and applied arts.
It
featured over 120 international artistes from 24 countries, and attracted
unprecedented public attention in Zimbabwe with over 50 000 tickets being
sold.
Highlights of last year's event included the performance by
South African
group Malaika, PJ Powers, Fisk Jubilee Singers, Hifa opera
gala several
theatrical productions that included an adaptation of William
Shakespeare's
comedy, Two Gentlemen of Verona.
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Warren Dennis Thursday 21
January 2010
OPINION: The cloudless skies of Harare, with the sun
shining brightly in the
sky, especially at this time of the southern summer,
bring out the best
picture of a city pregnant with blessings - when it comes
to its perfect
climate - that charms its peaceful residents and provides a
unique romantic
attachment to its visitors.
It's on days like these,
deep into the summer, when the rains have stopped
briefly and usher in blue
skies and sunny mornings that Harare shows its
true colours as arguably the
best city one could possibly live in the
world - especially when you take
into account the virtually negligible crime
rate.
I should know
because it has been my home for 50 years now, from the time
that I was born
in the then Rhodesia, to migrant British parents forever
charmed by the
beauty of the climate of this town, to this day when I am
about to celebrate
my Golden Jubilee as a proud father of three beautiful
kids.
You
could possibly say I have seen it all because I was six, and fully aware
of
what was going on around me, when my parents celebrated England's World
Cup
success story in football with that defeat of Germany at Wembley in 1966
and
was already a schoolboy when George Best and company helped Manchester
United to European Cup success two years later.
Family
background
It was probably strange that, against a family background
embedded in
football, the round ball didn't become the game that charmed my
heart as I
grew up into someone whose mind could make decisions - sporting
or
otherwise - without the due influence of my father.
Maybe the
frustration of not having a local team, which I could watch week
in and week
out, that challenged the world in football contributed to this
movement from
a family tradition of being the game's supporters to my
decision to fall in
love with a game that was as different as it was
complex.
I've been a
loyal disciple of this game since those days when the world
welcomed the
'70s - with Pele and his Brazilians winning the World Cup in
the Mexico
sunshine with an artistry that took the global football audience
to new
levels.
Two things have made a big impression in my life since then - the
mystical
beauty of the city that I call home and the exploits of a merry
band of
players, from my country, who have used both bat and ball for the
cause of
my little Zimbabwe.
When Duncan Fletcher and his crew beat
mighty Australia at the World Cup in
1983, it made headline news across the
globe and, just like my father before
me, gave me a team, a sporting
discipline and heroes that I could identify
with, the same way he had
toasted England's World Cup win in 1966.
Over the course of time things
have changed, as they inevitably do, and my
country has suffered a lot and,
sadly, the game that is very close to my
heart has also suffered immensely -
battered by a conflict that had its
roots in the politics that engulfed my
nation.
Reminder comes
It's on days like these, deep into the
summer when the sun is shining
brightly over Harare, when the reminder comes
- just like an alarm timer -
of the changes that have happened to the game
that will always be a part of
my life.
Had everything been normal,
Zimbabwe would be playing a home Test series
against one of the powers of
the world's game, Andy Flower would probably
have been in the coaching
corner and - while chances are that we might have
lost - it's virtually
guaranteed that we would have made a good fight of it.
So what happened?
Martin Williamson, a man whose articles I read a lot about
on Cricinfo,
recently painted a picture of the last decade of Zimbabwe
cricket. I have my
own painting, which might not be vintage Cricinfo, but
which I believe is
relevant.
There is no doubt that the sun is beginning to filter through
the dark cloud
that hanged over Zimbabwe cricket since we limped into the
new millennium
and the willingness of the administration, led by Peter
Chingoka and Ozias
Bvute, not only to accept but also take an active part in
the creation of a
new dispensation, is refreshing.
The tragedy is
that there appears to be a deliberate attempt, once again, by
the forces
that almost destroyed the game - individually and collectively -
to try and
sow the seeds of divide and rule tactics that almost took my
sport into its
graveyard.
Cricket in Zimbabwe wasn't taken on the road into the doldrums
by a group of
black guys whom we believed didn't know how to play a game,
which has always
been a big part of our lives, let alone manage its
affairs.
Collective failure
The game was taken down that road by
our collective failure - both black and
white with the Indians playing a
shadowy role in dividing us - to realise
that our combined efforts were
better put into development rather than the
trenches we dug for a war that
was not necessary.
Change is difficult to accept and when it appeared to
be coming on the
horizon, a number of people - mostly my fellow whites and
their Indian
counterparts who had been embedded in their comfort zones - did
not read the
signs well and, instead of the olive branch that could have
worked wonders,
we ran into the trenches.
Neither did the blacks read
the situation well, too, because - in their
naivety - they believed that
cricket was just another game to us.
The truth is that it was not. It was
a big part of our lives and it defined
who we were as a people - a small
community united by bat and ball - that
used the game's trials and
tribulations, over five days of a Test, as a
mirror of our lives and,
crucially, ability to defy the odds.
The pride that stemmed from being
Rhodesians, a small community that
believed it was so special it defied
mighty Britain to declare UDI in 1965,
it defied the odds to survive the
barrage of sanctions that followed and it
beat mighty Australia at the World
Cup at the first time of asking.
The pride that stemmed from producing
Kevin Curran and Duncan Fletcher, from
producing a run-machine called Graeme
Hick, a rugby superstar called Ian
Robertson and a team of white ladies that
would win the Olympic Games in
hockey at the first time of asking in
1980.
God's country
Yes, in our small world - locked away from the
razzmatazz of the globe - we
believed we were God's country, the little
nation that had an economy to
rival the best on the African continent, even
under the barrage of
sanctions, and live through it all without a
sweat.
The white farmers, who controlled the economy, controlled cricket
and, it
became a part of their lives - the last thing within their control,
dating
back from the pre-independence days, when everything was
changing.
So when the politics of this country touched agriculture and
dramatic
changes started taking place in that sector, ironically at a time
when black
players and administrators were knocking on the doors of cricket,
it created
a situation loaded with volatility that was just waiting to
explode.
Williamson rightly points out that it did not help Zimbabwe
cricket that the
biggest supporters of those who went into the trenches,
defending everything
that was white, were the white countries like England,
Australia and New
Zealand.
It split the argument into colours - black
and white - and the fact that the
powerful white media, fronted by
Williamson and company, openly sided with
the latter, only worsened a
situation that was already terrible because
genuine arguments were lost in
the process.
At times the arguments bordered on racism, which is common
when issues are
split into black and white, and sober voices - which should
have shaped
opinion and helped the cause - ended up worsening a situation
that was
crying out for a helping hand.
White cause
There was
a tendency to just go on the side of the rebellion, simply because
it was
fronted by whites and for a white cause, without looking at the
merits of
the case and the effect such articles were having on a situation
that was
desperate.
Cricket became the sporting face of ZANU PF and President
Robert Mugabe,
simply because he was the mere patron, and a tool that was
being used to
suppress the very whites that were being chased away from the
farms.
It was easy to write that, as Wiliamson and company found out, at
a time
when global emotion was running high against Mugabe and the
international
media was feasting on Zimbabwe and challenging the Mugabe
regime for every
step that it took.
White journalism had a field day,
during a period when facts lost their
relevancy and all that mattered was
giving that Mugabe spin, and some good
people had their images soiled simply
because they found themselves at the
wrong place at the wrong time.
I
was part of the readership that took everything that was written hook,
line
and stick, because I believed that as a community, we had to accept all
the
helping hands that were coming to help us fight a regime that appeared
bent
on destroying our identity as Zimbabweans.
It was a period of madness,
when the truth mattered little and probably
hurt, and we saluted Henry
Olonga when he joined Andy Flower in his protest
against the death of
democracy - using a cricket game for that - even when
no one cared to
remember Olonga after that.
British society
It was lost to all of
us that Flower, who was older than Olonga, was coming
to the end of his
playing days and, as a white man, he would be readily
accepted in a British
society that he had planned for himself - and his
family - after his playing
days.
No one cared about Olonga, the black face that gave the message its
weight,
because once he had drummed it into the ears of the world, his part
had been
done.
Flower would soon carry a British passport, coach the
English cricket team -
something that gives me pride - while poor Henry, a
product of an immigrant
family like myself lured to Zimbabwe by the promise
of the country, would
fade into the horizon.
Bvute and Chingoka,
either because of their naivety or their streak of
stubbornness, were wrong
to try and engage in a battle with the
international media because, if an
entire country like Zimbabwe had failed
to win such a battle, what chances
did two administrators dream of to get
their hour of triumph?
So when
Heath Streak fell out with the establishment the merits of his
argument
mattered little because, to Williamson and company, he was fighting
the
right war. When his fellow white players joined him, there was no reason
it
appears, for a balance of the stories because they represented what was
right.
So Andy Blignaut was owed money, as we were told by Cricinfo,
and that was
the reason he walked out. Fair and fine.
Interestingly
when the same player makes a move to return, as reported by
the same
website, all that money issue is not included. Why?
Out of
steam
Of course, the landscape has changed and the people who were
fronting the
war - especially the international journalists - have run out
of steam and,
crucially, out of the reason for the fight since Streak is
back in the fold,
Houghton is back in the fold and Alistair Campbell is
back.
As long as the right faces are back, in terms of colour, there is
no need to
keep the war and the little paragraphs that were doing the
damage, like
claiming that Blignaut was owed money and taking it as a fact,
have
disappeared from the reports filed by Williamson and company.
It
has been a long war and the game has suffered but, as they say, after
every
storm, there comes a period of calm. As we prepare to welcome the new
era,
which is pregnant with promise, my appeal is that we shouldn't quickly
forget the mistakes of the immediate past.
Having been a Zimbabwean
all my life, and a local cricket supporter for 40
years, I know what I am
talking about when I say that there is huge
potential, even among the black
players of this country, to take this game
to a new level.
The
Zimbabwe we want, just like the Zimbabwe Cricket that we want, cannot be
determined by a decade of one-sided articles from international journalists
who used to push a certain cause nor by Bvute and Chingoka and all those who
fought them, going back into the trenches and waging a war.
It can
only be found by respect for each other, irrespective of the colour,
and a
frank admission of everyone - including Williamson, myself and fellow
supporters who took sides, the players who rebelled, the administrators who
didn't read the story well, that we are all to blame for the mess that our
game found itself in.
The key issue here is that in the moment of
conflict we all helped to create
a situation, pregnant with falsehoods,
which was meant to ensure that the
game wasn't going to be governable, that
the team that was going to be
produced from that system would be weak and
that everyone would use that
alarming drop in standards to cry foul and
paint a picture of a game crying
out for help.
Sorry pawns
The
game's administrators like Bvute and Chingoka became the sorry pawns who
were thrown into the frontline, in an international battle, where all the
spoils were scheduled to go to the victors and the tragedy was that the
international media did not help the situation with their blinded and
one-sided coverage of the events.
Neither did the men who were at the
centre of the onslaught, especially
Bvute and Chingoka, read the politics
well and - without a voice where they
could be heard - they became soft
targets who were thrashed day in and day
out while their stubborn streak
only hardened the resolve of their opponents
to fight even
harder.
Now, as the dust begins to settle and hope emerges on the
horizon, it is
important that we take the events of the last 10 years in
their true
context, for the sake of a better future for the game and our
children, and
that can only be helped by everyone accepting the terrible
role that he or
she played in that turmoil.
As light flickers, we
have begun to see the true picture of Bvute as a
media-friendly and
competent chief executive officer of Zimbabwe Cricket -
something that
Williamson acknowledges - and something that has been key in
getting back
some of the old guard into the system.
A man who, in the past decade of
conflict was labelled a hopeless character,
has now emerged as the one with
the hand of reconciliation who is not only a
capable leader but appears to
be working hard to ensure that the interests
of this game override
everything else.
Dosage of promise
The franchise system has
ushered in hope, the return of the old guard has
brought a dosage of
promise, even Kepler Wessels' son is now playing in the
domestic game here
in Zimbabwe and, for a country that was deemed a pariah
state not so long
ago, it is refreshing that we even have English
professionals.
The
political picture of Zimbabwe is changing for the better, day by day,
and so
is the game that was used as a pawn during a vicious decade in which
its
heart was almost ripped out of its body.
No one sees the black and white
picture of yesterday anymore and that is why
the Zimbabwe Under-19 captain
at the current World Cup in New Zealand is a
white teenage star and the
coach is also white - showing to the world that
the days when race was used
to fight certain wars, which were bigger than
the game, are
over.
Even the minister, who is now in charge of sport, is a white lawyer
and the
touching moment came when Mugabe, upon receiving the FIFA World Cup
trophy
at Harare International Airport recently, challenged David Coltart to
produce local teams that will bring such trophies home.
That there
was no global outcry, when Zimbabwe's teenage cricket stars were
given visas
to enter New Zealand for the World Cup, should have given all of
us a lesson
that things are really changing and the impasse of the past
decade - which
almost destroyed the game that I love dearly - is gone.
Back to
life
I'm told that the list of the people who have applied for the post
to coach
the national team alone shows the changes sweeping across the game
and the
confidence that has seeped back into a lot of minds that the game
that I
love is on its way back to life.
If I had the power, I would
appoint Grant Flower, because he always appeared
to be the one who was level
headed to me all the time.
That can wait for the future. What is key now
is that the sun has been
shining brightly over Harare in recent days, they
are playing cricket
everywhere you go and the mood in the country is one of
optimism rather than
pessimism and, crucially, the experienced hands are
back to play a part.
After a decade of turmoil, the point is that we can
only get better and next
month the national team will go to West Indies for
five One Day
Internationals, which I believe they have a good chance of
winning, if they
can keep their composure.
The surprising thing, it
appears, is that after all the yokers that have
been bowled at us, on such a
sticky wicket in the past 10 years that were
worse than Bodyline, we are not
yet out and it's something that the world
needs to give credit to us for our
resilience.
The future, which is important, should embrace the challenges
of the past
decade and we will see that the game - just like our lovely
country - is
bigger than the combined egos of all the people involved in
it.
The time has come for players to do the playing, as they are doing
now, for
the administrators to do their work - without the baggage of the
past
decade - for the fans to come and support their game and, crucially,
for the
international media to recognise that the ghost of the past 10
years, when
it clearly supported a certain cause, has been buried.
As
a lifelong fan of Zimbabwe cricket, all that I am crying out is for the
game
- which continues to produces wonders in terms of talent - be given its
chance to shine without being weighed down by the baggage of the past
decade.
Warren Dennis is a Zimbabwean cricket fan, with a passion for
writing and a
sip of his beloved castle on a sunny day at Harare Sports
Club, and writes
in his individual capacity. He can be contacted on - warden6045@yahoo.com -
ZimOnline