FinGaz
Clemence Manyukwe Staff
Reporter
THE Attorney-General is seeking to have Lovemore Mukandi, a
former Central
Intelligence Organisaton (CIO) second in command, who is a
fugitive from
justice in Zimbabwe, extradited from Canada, the full bench of
the Supreme
Court will hear today.
The A-G's pursuit of Mukandi, who
was facing fraud charges when he fled from
Zimbabwe, has however hit a brick
wall, because this country does not have
an extradition treaty with Canada,
court papers show.
The revelations are made in an affidavit signed by CIO
director general,
Happyton Bonyongwe, which is to be used in a
constitutional appeal filed by
Mukandi's co-accused in a case of suspected
fraud that took place in 1998.
Mukandi and the others are accused of
defrauding the CIO of millions of
dollars in a scam relating to the
construction of safe houses. Mukandi and
his then boss, Shadreck Chipanga,
were dismissed in 1999 after a series of
public clashes exposed wide
divisions in the intelligence community over the
matter.
Mukandi's
co-accused, Ricky Mawere and David Nyabando, both intelligence
officers, are
challenging their suspension from the CIO since 1998, arguing
that their
constitutional rights to a fair hearing within a reasonable time
had been
violated.
However, in his affidavit, Bonyongwe said the delay in finalising
the matter
was not due to the CIO's complacency, but was a result of
Mukandi's escape
and difficulties in having him extradited.
The two CIO
operatives allege they were discriminated against, saying that
after the
allegations surfaced, Mukandi was pensioned off, given all his
benefits and
a motor vehicle while they continued to be suspended.
"Efforts to
successfully investigate and prosecute the matter were dealt a
major blow
after one of the co- accused, namely Mukandi, fled from our
courts'
jurisdiction to Canada," said Bonyongwe.
"The A-G has, through the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs, been making efforts
to have Mukandi extradited from
Canada but this has been to no avail due to
the absence of an extradition
treaty between Zimbabwe and Canada."
Bonyongwe said there had been no
discrimination in his handling of the
matter, as Mukandi was a political
appointee who signed a contract with
President Robert Mugabe.
"It does
not help applicants to point out what particular treatment was
given to
Mukandi who was a deputy director general when he was retired . . .
his
contract then was different from applicants in that his contract was
between
himself and the President," Bonyongwe's affidavit reads.
However, the
applicants insist that section 23 (1) (b) of the Constitution
of Zimbabwe
does not condone any discrimination "by any person acting by
virtue of any
written law or in the performance of any public office or any
public
authority."
"The delay is extreme and the reason for it is inexcusable. The
applicants
would certainly not be afforded a fair hearing due to the lapse
of time."
An attached letter from the A-G's office confirms that Mukandi
escaped and
that efforts are being made to bring him home. The letter points
out that if
Mawere and Nyabando had been tried in the absence of Mukandi,
justice would
not have been done.
"This means that this matter will not
be heard until Mr Mukandi has been
located. This office cannot successfully
prosecute this matter without him."
FinGaz
Njabulo Ncube Chief Political
Reporter
TEACHERS' unions have served notice to begin a nationwide strike
on Monday
over what they describe as paltry sums of money paid out by the
government
this week as salary adjustments.
The salary adjustments
resulted in the lowest paid teacher earning about $84
000, and the highest
paid commanding $157 000, which are both below the
poverty datum line,
currently pegged at $344 000 for an average family of
five.
Executives
from the Zimbabwe Teachers' Association (ZIMTA), the largest
representative
of primary school teachers, and the Progressive Teachers'
Union of Zimbabwe
(PTUZ), confirmed yesterday that they had written to the
Public Service
Commission (PSC) two weeks ago giving notice of an impending
collective job
action.
"Please be advised that our members are not happy with the salaries
your
Commission is offering in January 2007," reads part of a January 15
letter
written by PTUZ secretary general Raymond Majongwe to the PSC. "The
salaries
and allowances fall far short of our expectations and are below the
poverty
datum line . . . yet the Commission decides to pay teachers salaries
as low
as $84 284.20 and a paltry $157 503.24 for the highest paid
teacher."
The teachers are demanding a minimum basic salary of $400 000,
transport
allowances of $100 000, and a housing allowance of $150
000.
The recent rise is inflation to 1 283 percent has come against a sharp
increase in transport and grocery costs. Energy and power costs have also
soared in the new year.
PTUZ wants government to exempt at least one
teachers' child from paying
school fees, a benefit similar to that enjoyed
by war veterans, and to
improve conditions of service significantly to stem
the flight of teachers
to neighbouring countries.
The union has also
called on the government to improve the conditions of
service for teachers
in rural areas through the provision of housing and
facilities that meet
World Health Organisation standards.
"It is against this background that our
members and other teachers are
agitating for collective job action if the
following demands are not treated
as a matter of urgency within the
next
14 days," Majongwe said.
The letter giving notice to go on strike has been
copied to Permanent
Secretaries in the Ministries of Education, Sports and
Culture, Public
Service, Labour and Social Welfare and to the secretary
generals of other
unions.
Education Minister Aeneas Chigwedere said he
had no immediate comment to
make on the matter.
If the teachers go ahead
with their threatened strike, they would join
government doctors as the
second major group of civil servants to resort to
industrial action to press
for better salaries and working conditions.
Doctors have been on strike for
six consecutive weeks.
FinGaz
Kumbirai Mafunda Senior Business
Reporter
THE government will buy out the Heinz group's 51 percent stake
in Olivine
Industries, taking full control of one of the country's largest
food
manufacturers.
Industry and International Trade Minister Obert
Mpofu this week confirmed
that the government, which already holds 49
percent of Olivine, had received
indication from H.J. Heinz Company that it
was ready to sell its majority
interest. This development comes amid reports
that Olivine had stopped
producing cooking oil after being barred by the
United States government
from buying soya beans from resettled farmers under
a law prohibiting
American companies from dealing with the Zimbabwean
government.
The US embassy said in a statement at the weekend that major
American
companies were scaling down their operations in Zimbabwe in
response to the
country's economic crisis, which the embassy attributed to
economic
mismanagement by the government.
"They have communicated to us
and we have taken a position as cabinet to
take up equity. The process has
already started and technical aspects are
being looked into," said
Mpofu.
It is understood the government will take up the stock through the
Industrial Development Corporation (IDC), its investment agency.
Michael
Mullen, director of Global Corporate Affairs at Heinz, declined to
shed
light on the sell-off.
"Heinz continues to review strategic alternatives for
the business. Until
completed, Heinz's policy is not to comment on rumours
or speculation," said
Mullen in a terse response to inquiries by The
Financial Gazette.
Olivine, the maker of familiar brands such as Buttercup
margarine, Jade soap
and Heinz baked beans, also owns Chegutu Canners.
A
US$3 billion global brand, Heinz was one of the first foreign companies to
invest in independent Zimbabwe when it partnered the government in acquiring
Olivine in 1982, spending US$15.2 million for its 51 percent
share.
Bernard Chidzero, then Finance Minister, described Heinz's entry into
Zimbabwe as "bearing witness to the realism of government policy in shaping
and implementing economic policies for the transformation of the
socio-economic system in the interest of all Zimbabweans." Heinz's senior
vice president, Richard Patton, said then that Zimbabwe would become a new
supply source for Heinz's European subsidiaries.
But relations between
Heinz and the government have soured over the
government's refusal to lift a
price ceiling on edible oils, a precondition
for Heinz agreeing to the
initial investment.
A government crackdown on manufacturers of basic foods
has compelled
vegetable oil processors to stop the production of pre-packs
for bulk oil,
creating shortages of the commodity.
FinGaz
Stanley Kwenda, Kumbirai Mafunda Staff
Reporters
Veteran politician thumbs his nose at expulsion calls
EDGAR
Tekere, whose controversial memoirs have riled ZANU PF and could cost
a
provincial governor his job, has charged that a "personality cult" is
behind
a call at the weekend by the party's Youth League for his expulsion.
The
ZANU PF Youth League launched a campaign last weekend for the dismissal
of
the former ZANU PF secretary general, who was only readmitted into the
ruling party at its annual conference at Goromonzi in December.
In his
book, A Lifetime of Struggle, Tekere portrays President Robert Mugabe
as a
reluctant recruit to the armed struggle for independence, and plays up
his
own role in the President's ascendancy to power which he says he now
regrets.
This has provoked a storm of denunciation from President
Mugabe's
supporters. Much of the criticism has been scornful. In the past
two weeks
since the book launch, state media have lined up commentators to
attack
Tekere as a person rather than to analyse the contents of his book.
George
Rutanhire - a former deputy minister described by state media as a
key
player in the Mgagao declaration that endorsed President Mugabe as the
struggle's spokesman - was allowed to allege on television that Tekere was
mentally unstable
But reacting publicly for the first time to the Youth
League's demands for
his expulsion from ZANU PF and the controversy
surrounding the contents of
his book, Tekere told The Financial Gazette in
an interview yesterday that
the feverish expression of righteous indignation
in response to his book
exposes the influence of a "personality cult" that
he says has been built
around President Mugabe.
"That's the total
foolishness of the whole thing. That's my party, which has
gone into a state
of decay. Musangano wapera, wapindwa ngemapete (the party
has gone rotten).
ZANU PF is more of my party than it is Mugabe's. And when
I say that, I am
mindful of what happens," said Tekere.
"Ndiyo iyoyi nyaya yekuisa nepicture
nepicture yaleader pacard reparty
(that's the problem with having a leader's
picture on party cards.) We used
to laugh at those who were in ZAPU for
emblazoning their leader's picture on
their party card. As ZANU PF, we had
our founding values; that leaders come
and go and the party lives on. That
was a check against the creation of
personality cults. Then, at the Unity
Accord, (Didymus) Mutasa and (the late
Morris) Nyagumbo, because they wanted
to curry favour with Mugabe, insisted
on the use of a picture. But I asked
them 'why do you want to humiliate
Nkomo (Joshua) by making him carry a
party card with Mugabe's picture on it?'",
Tekere said.
Tekere dismissed
the Youth League's attempts to have him sacked from the
party.
"Hameno
havo varikupengereka. (I don't mind the lunatic fringe). Tichaseka.
It's
going to be amusing. It's going to be a circus. Murikutya chii?
Ngenyaya
yekuti manyorerwa idi? Vafumurwa (Why are you afraid of the truth?
They have
been exposed.) They think it's important to be heard publicly
vachitsigira
VaMugabe. They want to curry favour with him. It is a
disgrace."
Tekere
said he has been told that not all provinces supported proposals for
his
censure at last weekend's conference of the Youth League, a claim which,
if
true, would once again expose the thinly concealed cracks within ZANU PF.
"It
is causing a lot of divisions across provinces and lots of criticism
from
other party members. I [article ends here....]
FinGaz
Kumbirai Mafunda Senior
Reporter
THE GOVERNMENT has frozen the salaries of 50 striking doctors,
escalating
its dispute with the health workers who have refused to end their
six-week-old strike, Health Minister David Parirenyatwa confirmed
yesterday.
Out of the 350 junior and senior resident doctors on strike,
government
singled out 50 striking junior doctors at Parirenyatwa Hospital,
in a move
the affected medical practitioners see as punishment for being
more
"radical" than their colleagues. However, Parirenyatwa said the salary
freeze was only "administrative".
"What we have done is if you don't go
to work for 14 days then you have a
problem and your salary may be
compromised. But if you have been away for 10
days there is no problem. It
is merely an administrative issue,"
Parirenyatwa told The Financial
Gazette.
Earlier, sources had reported that the Parirenyatwa Hospital
Management
Board, headed by Thomas Zigora, the hospital's chief executive,
had taken
the decision to freeze the salaries.
Hospital Doctors
Association president Kuda Nyamutukwa yesterday confirmed
the freezing of
the doctors' salaries and said the authorities' action
further strengthened
the doctors' resolve to press on with the industrial
action.
"Parirenyatwa Hospital doctors' salaries have been frozen, but
other doctors
got their salaries. We know it's a case of trying to kill the
strike, but it
has instead boosted our morale. They are trying to fight fire
with fire. It
is not going to help because it has even angered the doctors
who have been
going to work," said Nyamutukwa, himself a victim of the
salary freeze.
Junior and senior doctors working at Zimbabwe's public
hospitals went on
strike last month to press for better pay .
FinGaz
Clemence
Manyukwe Staff Reporter
PARLIAMENTARY committees resumed proceedings this
week after taking a recess
in 2006, a year in which they began to flex their
muscles, shedding the long
held perception of them as mere
rubber-stampers.
That negative picture of a decorative body with little
independence from the
executive first emerged out of Constitutional
Amendment number 9 of 1989.
That amendment abolished the bicameral
parliamentary system by scrapping the
senate and creating a unicameral
legislative body consisting of 150 members,
30 of whom were to be appointed
by the President and the Council of Chiefs.
The 30 appointees made a mockery
of the legislative process, as the effect
of their presence was that even if
the opposition won 74 seats and the
ruling party won 46 seats in a general
election, the governing party would
still command a majority in
Parliament.
Prior to that constitutional amendment, the original senate -
which lasted
from 1980 to 1989 - had 40 members, the majority of whom were
elected by the
House of Assembly and the remainder appointed by the Chiefs'
Council and the
President.
The reintroduction of the 66-member Senate in
November 2005 increased the
number of presidential appointees in Parliament
by six.
Delays by the courts in making rulings on electoral disputes have
also
battered Parliament's credibility. Zimbabwe has gone from one election
to
the next with voting results in many parliamentary constutencies still
being
disputed.
The word "Parliament" is derived from the French verb
parler, which means to
talk, and last year, Parliamentary committees did
more than just talk when
they began to assert themselves.
But it remains
to be seen if the committees can sustain the momentum.
In a report last year,
the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Health and
Child Welfare said it
resisted pressure from Deputy Health Minister Edwin
Muguti after he tried to
interfere with their work following negative press
reports precipitated by
the committee's visit to Harare Hospital which
revealed that the institution
was collapsing.
Muguti summoned the committee members in an attempt to give
them
"instructions", but the MPs rebuffed him, because they perceived his
actions
as an attempt by cabinet to influence their work.
The committee
proceeded to present a damning report on the collapse of the
health
sector.
Part of the report said: "Shortages of human resources are
contributing to
the sub-standard services being delivered today. There is a
70 percent
vacancy rate in some categories and this sent shivers down the
spine of
committee members."
The Parliamentary Legal Committee, chaired
by MDC MP Welshman Ncube, also
made its presence felt. For the first time
since the original version of the
Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act (AIPPA) in 2000, it
forced the executive to withdraw
legislation. Two draconian pieces of
legislation were abandoned, the
Suppression of International Terrorism Bill
and the Interception of
Communications Bill.
The committee convinced Attorney-General Sobusa
Gula-Ndebele and the two
ministers sponsoring the Bills - Home Affairs
Minister Kembo Mohadi and
Transport and Communications Minister Chris
Mushohwe - that the proposed
legislation was unconstitutional.
New
versions of the Bills are now in place with improvements being noted on
the
Terrorism Bill.
However, critics argue that even with amendments, the
eavesdropping is still
repressive.
Despite concerted efforts by
government officials to sweep under the carpet
the corruption that destroyed
Ziscosteel, the Parliamentary portfolio
committee on Foreign Affairs,
Industry and International Trade showed some
teeth and probed the pillaging
of the steel company.
The Zisco saga later led Parliament to set in motion
the impeachment of
Industry and Trade Minister Obert Mpofu on charges that
he lied under oath.
The Transport and Communications committee also
demonstrated last year that
it would not brook any top level interference
when it moved to charge
Information Permanent Secretary George Charamba and
Zimpapers boss Justin
Mutasa with contempt of Parliament after members of
the committee were
barred from visiting the Chronicle newspaper in the
course of their work.
The same committee, chaired by ZANU PF MP for Makonde,
Leo Mugabe,
threatened to charge
Harare Commission chairperson Sekesai
Makwavarara with contempt for not
taking their hearings on operations at
Town House seriously.
The committee also censured Media and Information
Commission (MIC)
chairperson Tafataona Mahoso for branding a two-day
parliamentary conference
for media activists lobbying support for a
voluntary media council as "a
regime change activists'
gathering."
Parliament itself resisted pressure from the presidency. A
committee chaired
by ZANU PF's Mazowe West MP Margaret Zinyemba opposed a
directive issued by
Vice President Joice Mujuru for Harare to transfer the
billing and
collection of water revenue to the Zimbabwe National Water
Authority
(Zinwa).
In its report during the year, the Local Government
Committee recommended
that "urban councils should be given back the duty,
with Zinwa concentrating
on rural areas." The committee was, however,
overruled on the matter.
The Public Accounts Committee, chaired by MDC Glen
Norah MP Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga, investigated abuse in the handling
of public funds at
the Social Dimension Fund, a hearing continuing this
year.
The Lands and Agriculture committee sparked controversy by warning
about a
poor harvest due to shortages of inputs, thus contradicting
government's
claims of a bumper crop.
The committee, after years of
beating about the bush, blamed the farming
chaos directly on Agriculture
Minister Joseph Made.
Lands committee chairperson Walter Mzembi, ZANU MP for
Masvingo South, told
this paper last year that "committee members remain
unconvinced that things
are being done correctly at the (Agriculture)
ministry)."
The Defence and Home Affairs committee, chaired by Zanu PF Bikita
West MP
Claudious Makova, opened up its hearings to the press, after
parliament had
barred the media for many years on the flimsy grounds that
the committee's
deliberations covered issues of national security.
FinGaz
Rangarirai Mberi News
Editor
Monetary policy's battle for relevance
CENTRAL bank governor Gideon
Gono would never publicly admit it, but there
is a lot that monetary policy
can no longer do.
Such as taming inflation and stabilising the exchange
rate. Which, quite
regrettably, are two key measures of the success or
failure of any monetary
policy.
Confidence in the effectiveness of the
standard, traditional instruments of
monetary policy has hit rock bottom. So
the big question for Gono this week
as he prepared his latest statement
would have been how to keep Zimbabwe's
monetary policy credible, and indeed
relevant.
For anybody trying to get a fix on the direction of the economy,
monetary
policy has become less and less of a dependable gauge.
Business
has come to rely for direction more on the endemic
run-for-the-hills type of
analyses from hysterical commentators.
Gono's statements over the past two
years have become less based on the
basic, traditional policy instruments
central banks everywhere are expected
to use, and now leans increasingly on
unorthodox weapons - remember last
year's aborted bonds - to compensate for
the lost use of regular weaponry,
such as interest and exchange
rates.
Extraordinary times call for extraordinary measures, is how Gono often
describes the swing from orthodox policy. Many agree. But the downside has
been that the policy statements, instead of being a treasure trove of
indicators giving businesspeople pointers as to where government policy is
headed and why, have become a source of great fear for the market.
This
anxiety comes because the market knows there will be less attention to
the
relatively more predictable issues surrounding rates or exchange rates
than
there will be on at times peculiar measures that force businesses to
revise
entire strategy.
The old, conventional central bank arsenal has long lost its
relevance here.
Where other governors would toy with rates to smother
inflation, Gono, with
a series of rate hikes under his belt, has long
reached the end of the line
on the rate front.
Against a backdrop of
hyper-inflation and raging state spending, a rate hike
at this time, while
not only disastrous for government debt and business,
would quite simply be
unnecessary.
There has been strong industry pressure on Gono to let go of the
exchange
rate. But the run on the local currency in the run-up to his
statement must
have shown Gono how deep public pessimism has cut through the
economy.
Dealers yesterday quoted the rand as high as $600 and the greenback
at $4
200, the Zimdollar down nearly 40 percent inside a week.
This
suggests Gono will hesitate, as he has done over the past year, to move
in
any significant way on the exchange rate, again being forced to abandon a
key pillar of monetary policy.
This policy statement will be the first
since the central bank agreed to end
its much-maligned support for
loss-making state enterprises. Quasi-fiscal
activity last year reached
$372.9 billion - a figure that, chillingly,
exceeded 2006 recurrent spending
of $341 billion.
However, while the end of this spending was cheered, there
is no guarantee
that government will lay off the printing press.
Finance
Minister Herbert Murerwa has left Gono a 36.4 percent budget deficit
to deal
with. Murerwa estimated the 2007 budget deficit at $1.5 trillion,
stripping
out interest payments on local debt. But including interest
doubles the
deficit to 36.4 percent of GDP.
However, as Zimbabwe still cannot access
foreign aid - and this is unlikely
to change for a while - December
estimates said the printing press would
have to spit out $3.1 trillion to
cover both deficit and interest.
There is state spending that Gono may well
be able to counsel against. But
for the bulk of it - civil servants wages
that account for some 70 percent
of expenditure - Gono would struggle to
successfully discourage additional
spending there.
Already, striking
government doctors are demanding salary increases as high
as 7 000 percent,
and other government workers are waiting in the wings for
their turn to turn
on the heat.
More worrying is that government's spending/revenue estimates
are based on
the assumption that inflation would slow to 400 percent by
December.
However, the majority of analysts who participated in The Financial
Gazette's
recent poll for December 2006 inflation had seen month-on-month
inflation
staying around 40 percent this year. December month-on-month
turned out to
be 36.3 percent, the second highest monthly rise since the
47.0 percent
recorded in July 2005.
If month-on-month inflation were to
average a now seemingly conservative 35
percent, annual inflation would end
2007 at 3 564 percent. And if monthly
CPI averaged the forecast 40 percent,
inflation would hit 5 569 percent by
year-end. The IMF sees inflation
averaging 4 278 percent this year.
All of which, if it turns out accurate,
suggest an escalation of unorthodox
measures out of the central bank, making
monetary policy even more
unpredictable.
FinGaz
Nkululeko Sibanda
Staff Reporter
ZIMBABWE could issue the first licence to an independent
broadcaster before
the end of this year, Leo Mugabe, chairman of the
Parliamentary Portfolio
Committee on Transport and Communications, said
yesterday.
Mugabe said the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ) had
assured the
committee that the airwaves would be opened up by the end of the
year to
allow independent players to participate.
"We were told that BAZ
would, by the end of August, advertise for
independent players to establish
broadcasting companies, a process that is
expected to be completed by
November, leading to the granting of the
licences then," said Mugabe.
He
said BAZ would flight new advertisements in the media for applications
for
national television, national radio stations and community radio
stations.
Mugabe said, however, that BAZ still needed to address
"legislative hitches"
within the Broadcasting Act, citing sections that were
unclear on foreign
funding. No comment was immediately available from
BAZ.
In 2004, BAZ invited applications for 15 national commercial free-to-air
radio broadcasting licences, but no licences were issued. Of the five
applicants, four - Matopos FM, Media Integration, Voxmedia Productions and
Radio Dialogue - were disqualified, mostly on the grounds of ownership.Only
MABC Television was shortlisted, but it also failed to make the grade
reportedly due to lack of proof of adequate funding to undertake the
project.
FinGaz
Stanley Kwenda Staff
Reporter
THE Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA) has appointed a Spanish
tourism expert
to help market the country in the European and South American
markets, as
the country begins chasing new markets following its failure to
attract
significant Asian business.
The appointment of Pedro del
Campo, who has vast experience in marketing and
advertising, is a major
policy rethink by the ZTA, which committed enormous
resources to the "Look
East" policy, which is yet to bring any real gains to
the country.
ZTA
chief executive officer, Karikoga Kaseke, says Campo's appointment is
one of
many other measures his organisation has planned to regain lost
business
from European markets such as the United Kingdom and Germany.
"This year, we
should regain our market share in our traditional markets in
continental
Europe and the western world," Kaseke told reporters.
But ZTA's efforts could
continue to be scuttled by frozen ties between
Zimbabwe and western
countries such as the United States and Britain,
Zimbabwe's traditional
source markets. Last year, Kaseke was denied a visa
to travel to the UK to
attend an international tourism fair, as he is one of
dozens of government
and ZANU PF officials banned from travelling to Europe.
But Kaseke insisted:
"We are going there to kneel before them and ask them
to come back to
Zimbabwe."
Zimbabwe has tried to compensate for lost western business by
targeting
Asia, but tourist numbers from that region are still to pick
up.
Last year, ZTA made revelations that Zimbabwe is yet to be known as a
tourist destination in Asia, despite claims by government suggesting
otherwise.
ZTA has a target to increase tourism's contribution to GDP
from the current
3 percent to 12 percent by 2010. It also aims to rake in $2
billion in
foreign currency annually by the same year.
Official tourism
statistics show the country lost 1.5 million tourists in
2005 alone but that
it had registered a 20 percent increase in arrivals last
year.
Germany
has the highest number of tourists visiting the country followed by
the UK
and Japan. European countries dominate a list of the top 20 countries
where
the country has been getting most of its visitors.
FinGaz
Personal Glimpses with Mavis
Makuni
THE call by Local Government, Public Works and Urban Development
Minister,
Ignatius Chombo, for politicians not to meddle in the day-to-day
running of
the affairs of the City of Harare must have raised incredulous
eyebrows and
sparked gales of mirth in many quarters.
The warning
would have represented a breath of fresh air if it had been made
by anyone
else. But for Chombo, the most meddlesome minister in President
Robert
Mugabe's administration, to have the cheek to pretend he does not
approve of
a practice that has become a trademark of his ministerial career,
is simply
to go too far in trying to fool the people of Zimbabwe.
I do not normally
have a burning desire to read the state-controlled paper
that published the
story last Friday. However, when I saw the headline,
"STOP INTERFERING WITH
COUNCIL, CHOMBO TELLS POLITICIANS" beside a picture
of a serious looking
Chombo, I decided to find out what he could possibly
say with a straight
face after becoming notorious for poking his nose into
the most mundane and
routine affairs of not just the capital but other local
authorities
throughout the country.
Lo and behold, the minister was expressing exactly
the same concerns to
which he has turned a deaf ear when they have been
cited by the media and
the Combined Harare Residents' Association (CHRA)
with regard to his
inability to leave the running of municipal affairs to
elected officials.
Ironically, Chombo made these remarks at a City of Harare
turnaround
strategy report back meeting in Highfield, the last place he
should have
been if he heeded his own advice not to interfere in the routine
affairs of
municipalities. No doubt Chombo wishes to project himself as a
minister
spearheading the taking of democracy to the people by ordering the
holding
of monthly report back meetings. But if the truth must be told,
these
meetings are a hoax designed to legitimise the commissions Chombo has
imposed on urban residents. The only way to give residents "a sense of
ownership of council programmes" is to restore their right to elect
officials of their choice which Chombo has usurped.
"While local
authorities are political creations it is wrong for politicians
to interfere
in their operations. We want councils to have a free hand in
implementing
their programmes. We do not want politicians to supervise
council workers .
. .", Chombo pontificated. His forked tongue apparently
liberated by a
politician's constant need to play to the gallery, he accused
some of his
colleagues of trying to supervise council employees and warned
that
government would not brook such interference from either ZANU PF or
Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) politicians.
Is this the same Chombo who has
spearheaded a relentless crusade to unseat
elected officials from urban
councils so as to replace them with hand-picked
commissioners who are
beholden to him? Has he forgotten that since
overzealously undertaking, on
behalf of his party, the hatchet job of
unconstitutionally removing the
first popularly elected executive Mayor of
Harare, Elias Mudzuri, he has
virtually acted as the de facto Mayor of
Harare, directing the Commission
that is supposed to be running the affairs
of the capital city at every
turn?
The chairperson of the commission, Sekesai Makwavarara has unwittingly
confirmed this fact many times by proudly stating that she was following
instructions from "my minister" to justify some of the most outrageous
actions the council has perpetrated against city residents. If anyone has
taken the lead in usurping the routine neighbourhood and housekeeping
functions of local authorities, it is Chombo. He was at the scene of the
crime, so to speak, when the Murambatsvina tsunami hit Harare in 2005 and he
has personally ordered and supervised the closure of facilities such as
Mbare Msika.
Who can forget those television images of the minister
triumphantly sweeping
like a hurricane into the city of Chitungwiza two
years ago to order the
then MDC Executive Mayor, Misheck Shoko and the
council he headed to solve
within 48 hours problems caused by collapsing
infrastructure that the
government had not addressed since independence? He
subsequently oversaw the
undemocratic removal of Shoko from a post to which
he had been elected by
the people. Since then, he has gone quiet about the
continuing sewerage
crisis in that suburb. I remember watching Chombo on
television that same
year breathing fire about a block of flats owned by the
Mutare City Council.
He wanted certain people to be evicted from the housing
unit and warned of
dire consequences if his decree was ignored.
He was
once embroiled in a dispute involving two tenants at a block of flats
in
Harare in which he reportedly intervened to ensure that a relative of his
retained occupancy. A government minister can rarely stoop lower than that
to involve himself in the nitty-gritty of local affairs. But Chombo
apparently subscribes to the do as I say and not as I do philosophy. It is a
good thing that his hypocrisy and double standards are being challenged by
officials from his own party. ZANU PF Harare Province spokesman, William
Nhara is reported to have responded to Chombo's sermonising by stating that
ruling party politicians would continue to speak out and intervene when
local authorities failed to deliver.
Considering that the Harare Province
of the ruling party has echoed the
sentiments of the city's residents in
deploring the failure of Chombo's
protégé, Sekesai Makwavarara, to rise to
the challenge and questioning her
suitability for job, it is not difficult
to see who the minister's
outpourings were directed at. Chombo is telling
his party colleagues to
leave Sekesai alone to plunge the country's capital,
once referred to as the
"Sunshine City" into further dereliction and
dilapidation. Nhara's response
can only give desperate residents of Harare
straws to clutch at. "When we
see things going wrong, we will talk. We have
a right to talk and we will
continue to speak when things go wrong."
Financial Gazette
(Harare)
COLUMN
January 25, 2007
Posted to the web January 25,
2007
Richard Wiley
Harare
THE decay of Harare's urban roads
continues at an accelerated rate in the
wake of recent heavy rains but the
thing that really gets my goat is the
council's inability or complete
unwillingness to repair man-made damage.
About 20 years ago, I referred
to certain Zimbabweans ostensibly employed by
the city council as a bunch of
trench diggers as opposed to trench fillers.
Everywhere you went, then and
now, you found great energy being expended in
digging up tar but zero energy
being expended in replacing that tar.
The worst example that I
encounter is at the junction of Ridgeway North and
Nigel's Lane not far from
the offices in Northridge Park. About three months
ago, a metre-wide trench
was dug across the south-bound lane and to this
day, it remains unfilled and
must have been responsible for bending many
wheels and suspension
components. Whoever dug up this tar should get off
their posteriors and do
something about the carnage they have caused for so
many months.
And
maybe, just maybe, someone from Harare's euphemistically-named
Department of
Works might just come and take a look at the remnants of
Sloane Street in
Highlands. There are so many holes in this shambolic piece
of road that it
is soon to be featured as a 'pot-holing' destination in a
Welsh pot-holers'
club magazine. Problem is that the enthusiastic
'under-grounders' might just
be in danger of attack from fleets of wild
animals lying in wait in the
two-metre plus foliage that lines this road.
Oh, and should you people
from the Department of Works actually decide to
venture out of your offices,
please make sure you bring a Unimog as you will
need such a vehicle to
negotiate the water, mud and deep holes that pockmark
Glenroy Crescent
outside my office.
New C-Class
THE current C-Class Mercedes did
much to cast aside the grumpy old uncle
image that Mercedes-Benz (most
wrongly) acquired in the last decade of the
last century. In fact, the C
waltzed into what was 3-Series territory as it
came packaged in a sporty
compact body and was equipped in some instances,
with performance-orientated
engines.
Whatever you might be told to the contrary though, this C-Class
belonged to
the generation of Mercs which were the victims of an unfortunate
cost-cutting exercise. While I do not have hard evidence at hand, I have
heard and read enough to know that the model range was not exactly
niggle-free. Further, I do not think the detail finish, by which read paint
and internal trimmings, was all it might have been but it did not stop
thousands of buyers, many new to the brand, from getting behind the wheel of
the compact saloon.
A late mid-life facelift and quality enhancement,
itself an acknowledgement
that all was not kosher, certainly helped the
cause but word is that the new
model, officially announced last week, will
leave little cause for
complaint. For some reason, but I suspect I know why,
DaimlerChrysler did
little to hide the existence of the new model when it
was under development
and most unusually, official sneak photos were
released.
The factory blurb in support of the new C talks about superior
safety,
comfort and agility presented, for the first time, "in two
attractive
outfits." The last comment refers to the two different faces the
C-Class
will feature. The Elegance and Classic models retain the traditional
grille
and bonnet-mounted star, while the Avantgarde is endowed with a
slatted
grille and centrally mounted star a la SL-Class
style.
Mercedes is making much of the new model's safety system, active
and
passive. For example, an active braking system is shared with the
S-Class
and the Intelligent Light System offers five automatic lighting
options
which I hope will not be confused by Harare's unlit streets. Seven
airbags,
active head restraints and an innovative instrument and control
concept
which reduces the burden on the driver, add to the safety
aura.
In terms of engines, the launch models will be available in three
petrol
variants, C200, C280 and C350 with just one diesel on offer, the
four-cylinder C220 CDI. Specific launch date is listed as 'in the spring'
which I guess means May, but I suspect our market may have to wait 'til
August. By then, it is probable that a C320 CDI V6 will be joined by the
C180 and C200 CDI. Expect the four-cylinder motors in particular to be more
fuel efficient and quieter than the outgoing units.
Leather
lift
I HAVE had plenty to say in years gone by on how to care for leather
upholstery in a hostile car environment so I will not bore you with a
repeat. Instead, it could just be that you have recently acquired a car with
leather that is past its best or maybe, your own car is similarly afflicted
as a result of neglect.
In cars, the most common problem with leather
is caused by friction as
occupants get in and out. Slowly but surely, the
colour wears away and you
are left with ugly, bald patches.
I had
read somewhere that restoration is relatively simple so I got on the
web to
find out more. There were lots and lots of sites but I happened to
settle on
www.furnitureclinic.co.uk and
found out that for about £13, a
do-it-yourself fix is no further away than
a tub of colour-matched balm.
Simply purchase a container of said balm --
you have 14 shades to choose
from -- and rub the wondrous mixture into the
leather, using a circular
motion. Buff the surface after treatment and the
story goes that the leather
will look as good as new for a long, long
time.
Miracle time
ONCE upon a time there was a TV programme
called Ripley's 'Believe it or
Not'. It is time for the producers to pay
Harare a visit, specifically the
intersection of Ridegeway
South/Montgomery/Arct-urus Roads where clear road
markings have actually
been painted on the two lesser roads.
However, not that far away, at the
junction of Mutare Road and Steven Drive
in Msasa, there is not the faintest
trace of paint at what is without doubt
one of Harare's busiest crossings.
Cars, lorries and bikes simply stop where
their drivers feel inclined; that
is, if they stop at all. In my brief foray
earlier in the week at this
filthy stone and litter-infested junction, I saw
no fewer than three cars
sailing through the red.
It is too much to expect PC Plod to spend an
hour or two at this potential
death trap because he will be far too busy
raising revenue from mounting
speed traps on dead straight, uncongested
roads. Not only should light
jumpers be sorted out, the same treatment
should be meted out to those who
drive with cellphones attached to their
ears. As ever, a short-term
witch-hunt was directed at such offenders but
the enthusiasm for warranted
law enforcement soon waned. Note Mr. Plod, that
in the UK, cellphone users
now have three points deducted if caught
nattering while at the wheel. Four
such offences means goodbye licence. My
observations indicate that if such a
law existed (and was applied) in
Harare, many motorists would lose their
licences in one day flat.
Financial Gazette
(Harare)
COLUMN
January 25, 2007
Posted to the web January 25,
2007
Terence Zimwara
Harare
AS the monetary policy review
beckons there have been growing calls by
economists, industrialists as well
as exporters for what has become known as
the upward adjustment of the
exchange rate.
Speculation has been rife for some time that such a plan
has been approved
by the relevant authorities but it is the rate of the
adjustment that is not
known.
The official rate of exchange has
been fixed at 1:250 against the greenback
for over half a year, and quite
frankly this is not a sustainable policy
especially when the economy has
been performing negatively.
In fact when an economy is contracting
(exports are going down while locally
companies are scaling back on
production or discontinuing operations
altogether) this will put pressure on
the local currency eventually
resulting in the depreciation of the currency.
It is therefore conceivable
that the current official rate cannot represent
the true value of our
currency. The real rate may be over 1: 2 000 but
cannot be near the rates
offered on the parallel market where rates of over
1: 3 500 have been
reported, which brings us to the core issue of this
article.
As already mentioned, the contracting economy plus inflation
that averaged
1000 percent throughout the year 2006 meant the currency was
also
depreciating accordingly -- something which the fixed rate of exchange
failed to reflect. To this end it would seem plausible for the country to
adopt a partially floating rate of exchange as a possible way of reducing
damage to the country's exports.
In early 2004 when the central bank
briefly introduced this exchange rate
regime under the guise of a foreign
currency auction system, it worked
because for the first time in years the
rate of exchange was fluctuating in
both directions. For exporters there was
an incentive in converting their
proceeds into local currency since the rate
was moving downwards for
sometime. For individuals it made sense to receive
their monies through
banks because in addition to offering rates matching
those of the parallel
market, banks were more secure than dealing in the
streets with total
strangers.
For once businesses could plan with
some level of certainty because the
monetary policies introduced then had
managed to restore some credibility
and confidence in the exchange rate
management system of the country.
Although the floating exchange rate
worked during this period, things
abruptly changed and we went back to the
fixed exchange rate system.
Exporters have in the past shown their
dislike for a fixed exchange system
for a number of reasons and the first
one they argue, is that it makes their
products expensive hence less
competitive. A fixed rate of exchange means
when proceeds are converted into
local money exporters realise less hence
the only way to make up for the
lost revenue would be an increase in price.
It is important to note that
this will only work when there is a marginal
difference between the official
rate and the parallel rate but when the
parallel rate is 10 times that of
the official rate, then a price increase
is not an option. It is from this
perspective that one would sympathise with
exporters' position on the fixed
exchange rate.
Secondly, a fixed exchange rate has the effect of
repulsing investors who
may wish to set up exporting entities in the country
because with the fixed
exchange rate in place huge losses may be incurred
from exporting. It is
quite probable that several mining conglomerates
wishing to invest here to
capitalise on the very high international mineral
prices to be seen in years
are being put off by the fixed exchange rate
regime.
Over the last few years a number of local professionals have left
the
country in search of greener pastures and better business prospects (and
true to our belief of a strong and secure family) many of these individuals
regularly send money home to sustain those left behind.
However many
do not route their remittances through the official and formal
system but
choose instead to do so through unlicensed though popular black
market
dealers. The reason here again is the fixed rate of exchange, which
they
feel is unfair because it does not change fast enough to match the rate
of
inflation and in the process prejudices the recipients of a significant
amount of their money. These are just some of the major reasons that show
why the country needs a different exchange rate management
system.
What is clear from the current situation in Zimbabwe is that the
economy
needs a floating rate of exchange which will allow for the constant
adjustment of the rate in relation to the changes in economic fundamentals.
For instance, if the country makes a huge one-off payment to settle
obligations, a floating rate of exchange will immediately adjust the rate to
reflect the gap or shortage created. This is a much better system because it
will restore the confidence of exporters, consumers and other stakeholders
and most importantly it allows businesses to make quick adjustments to
prices thereby eliminating the current price distortions.
This
alternative however is no panacea because this could leave the economy
at
the mercy of global currency speculators whose activities could cause a
total collapse of the financial system. Therefore one way of pre-empting
this could be the setting of bands within which the rate will be allowed to
move. In fact this is widely practiced by a number of major trading nations
and is done to maintain stability in financial markets.
However the
difference between our situation and that of developed countries
is that the
latter have a first line of defence in the form of foreign
currency
reserves. With our limited resources it will require sacrifices by
all for
the economy to reap the benefits of using this exchange rate regime.
For
instance if we choose this system, then we must be prepared to pay more
for
essential services such as electricity, water and the telephone which
are
currently subsidised by the fixed exchange rate regime. It may take time
before the benefits are realised but in the long term the benefits will far
outweigh the pain of going through with this plan.
Financial Gazette
(Harare)
January 25, 2007
Posted to the web January 25,
2007
Harare
THE construction industry, seen as the barometer
useful in measuring how
well an economy is doing, faces imminent collapse in
Zimbabwe owing to the
combination of brain drain and the dearth of new
projects.
Over the past eight years, the industry has shed thousands of
jobs as part
of desperate survival measures. Industry experts told The
Property Gazette
this week that the sector's resilience cannot endure the
pain anymore and
patience is wearing thin among the skilled workforce who
have joined the
great trek down south.
A thriving construction
industry in neighbouring South Africa is proving to
be the biggest undoing
for the local industry, which is experiencing massive
brain drain as
professionals stampede for jobs south of the Limpopo River.
South African
construction companies have embarked on a massive drive to
recruit skilled
personnel to meet their deadlines for World Cup 2010 related
projects.
South Africa is expecting R17 billion in new investments,
which will lead to
the creation of
123 000 new jobs in the
construction sector.
Last week, SABC News quoted Tendayi Chimuriwo,
president of the Zimbabwe
Construction Industry Council, saying soon there
would be no construction
industry to talk about because of the massive brain
drain.
"Companies will collapse because there will not be any manpower,"
Chimuriwo
was quoted saying.
Lorimak, a human resources consultancy
firm said the economic meltdown in
Zimbabwe in the last 10 years has led to
the movement of millions of people
in search of opportunities in richer
countries.
While the health and teaching professions have been the most
affected,
quantity surveyors, architects, engineers and artisans have joined
the great
trek.
Analysts have blamed the biting economic recession on
President Robert
Mugabe (83)'s controversial policies. President Mugabe's
government has
denied ruining Zimbabwe's once thriving economy, heaping the
blame on
targeted sanctions slapped on the country's ruling
elite.
Real Estate Institute of Zimbabwe (REIZ) president Abraham Sadomba
said
construction projects are only undertaken in response to space demand
or in
anticipation of demand.
"The dearth of new construction is due
to a poor and deteriorating economic
environment further impacting on rental
levels. This trend can be reversed
through addressing of the main economic
fundamentals at the macro level,"
said Sadomba. "Existing rental levels
provide no incentive to developers to
invest in new buildings as returns are
not attractive enough," added the
REIZ president.
There are now calls
for government intervention to save the local industry.
"We need to be
compensated by the companies that are taking away
professionals in hard
currency, so that we have enough money to train
others," says Chimuriwo.
FinGaz
Comment
NOBODY in their
right senses can question the historical validity of land
reform.
That probably explains why the major point of attack against
government's
hurried and chaotic land reform exercise was initially on the
style, form
and approach which at the time did not take into account
affordability and
the country's implementation capacity and not the concept
per-se.
Unfortunately, although many feel that it is high time government
realised
that there is now need for a systematic and rigorous attempt to
measure the
impact of the agrarian reforms so as to move the discussion on
land reform
beyond ideology and anecdote to analysis, the terrible aura
touched off by
the reforms is still very much with us. Hence most negative
views have of
late been evoked by what happened in the ensuing years after
the government
embarked on the disruptive fast-track land reform initiative
some seven
years ago.
And it is not difficult to see why. A political
legion, a significant number
of which has not yet been called to account,
has turned the exercise into a
senseless land grab orgy in flagrant
violation of the government's
one-man-one-farm rule. And the erstwhile
mainstay of the economy has gone to
the dogs. Only last year, at a time when
only a paltry 44 percent of the
allocated land was under productive use, the
country was hit by yet another
spate of disruptive farm takeovers.
The
invasions were spearheaded by voracious government ministers and senior
government officials. The politicians, in a blatant abuse of power and
privilege, were leaving their old farms and taking over lucrative new ones
as if they have carte blanche when it comes to choosing which farms they
want - a privilege which does not extend to those who bore the brunt of the
liberation struggle and are condemned to wastelands.
The ministers
admitted as much to this newspaper when they claimed that they
had
surrendered the farms they owned. With the ethical sense of a pack of
jackals, the politicians saw no shame in the immorality of changing prime
farm-land like a pair of stockings, which is why they said our reportage on
these farm occupations was something stewed in the juice of journalistic
dirty-mindedness and fault-finding, threatening to sue us out of
existence.
As if the grabbing of farms by an irresponsible cabal was not
enough, it
emerged last week that Transport and Communications Minister,
Christopher
Mushowe, has just been handed control of Kondozi Estates. The
move, which
many are unanimous in describing as procedurally irregular, was
confirmed by
State Security Minister Didymus Mutasa in last week's edition
of The
Financial Gazette. It is inconceivable that Mushowe did not already
have a
farm, either bought with his own money or allocated by government
prior to
this development. Why then did the powers-that-be, in their
collective
wisdom, think it prudent and appropriate to allocate the estate,
of all the
people in need of land, to Mushowe? How many landless people have
applied
but are yet to be allocated farms? Is there any justice in this? Can
there
be an end to this avarice? How can government ministers so easily lose
their
sense of honour and shame? Most importantly, is the government acting
in the
interest of a highly influential select few or as an instrument for
balancing different socio-economic interests?
In any other country, the
politicians' behaviour would be morally repugnant,
forcing government to act
against such cupidity. But not in Zimbabwe.
Indeed, the only thing that we
could say about the government is that it has
tolerated and seemingly
encouraged this corruption as can be exemplified by
Mutasa who in October
2006 said the land reform initiative was an ongoing
process giving the
impression that the eleventh-hour land seizures earlier
alluded to were
sanctioned by the government. Yet in the same breath a
signal had been sent
out to the sceptical world that the land reform
exercise had been concluded.
How self-contradictory can a government be?
With the government clearly
reluctant to instil discipline in the
agriculture sector and stop the
disruption of farming activities, is there
any wonder why Zimbabwe has, for
the past seven years, failed to effectively
guarantee productivity on the
farms and enhance food security? Or beyond
parcelling out the finite
resource like confetti, did government have a
well-thought-out strategy for
the key agriculture sector? Most likely not.
It lacked a clear vision of
which specific direction its agrarian reforms
should take. Hence the
lamentable state of agriculture.
Our situation ain't that simple, Mr Smith
EDITOR - I am
writing in response to a letter by Nicolaas Smith from
Portugal in your last
issue. In that article he seems to suggest that our
hyperinflationary
environment can easily be solved by adopting inflation
accounting, what an
erroneous statement.
Mr Smith, let it be known that the accounting profession
adopted IAS29-
Accounting in Hyperinflationary Economies way back in 2000
and it is a
Zimbabwe Stock Exchange directive that listed companies produce
inflation
results half yearly.
Did that slow down the rate of inflation?
No Sir. Actually hyperinflation is
a reflection that companies are adjusting
prices of their stock, just like
the street vendor to reflect "market"
values.
The principal reason we find ourselves in this spiral inflation is
that our
productive sector has crumbled and demand is outstripping supply by
a wide
margin. As a member of the accounting profession groomed in this
environment
I find Nicolaas's assertions offensive and lacking clarity on
real issues
pertaining to the Zimbabwean situation on the ground.
To
suggest that we adjust our balance sheet position every time the parallel
market changes is absurd, to say the least. The whole accounts team's time
will be spent adjusting and readjusting these "non-monetary" items week in
week out and it boggles the mind to find any tangible benefits from that. It
makes sense to adjust stock prices using inflation indexes or an estimation
of parallel market rate for imported commodities.
Farai
Maponga
UK
------------
Deliver on your promises,
Cde
EDITOR - This is an open letter to the chairperson of the
Parliamentary
Portfolio Committee on Transport and Communication, Leo
Mugabe.
I am one of the people who participated at the St Lucia Park workshop
on
September 29 2006 and I would like you to know that your responses to
issues
raised were very encouraging indeed.
However, you made an
undertaking to make sure that the issues of having many
players in the
electronic and print media received urgent consideration and
implementation.
To date, I am yet to see this happening. My impression is
that you are
endowed with the gift of persuasion. Therefore I implore you to
fight hard
in your capacity as chair to influence the introduction and
reintroduction
of many players in the print and electronic media.
You
will actually go down in history as a gallant fighter for the existence
of
pluralism in news coverage.
Another reminder is that you wanted to be
recognised for what you as a
person can do to benefit Zimbabweans. I look
forward to seeing positive and
progressive changes in the media
world.
PIRF
Masvingo
---------
Media coverage must be
fair
EDITOR - It is regrettable that coverage by the state
media, both print and
electronic, has not been fair, just and balanced with
regards to other
provinces except Harare.
The geographical media coverage
statistics for the period January 1 to
October 4 2006 speaks volumes about
this inadequate or rather selective
coverage.
To say Harare has all the
news or rather news is created for Harare leaves
people outside Harare who
pay for listeners and viewers licences to ZBH
feeling cheated or rated like
second class citizens.
Harare is not Zimbabwe and Zimbabwe is not Harare. Let
us all have a fair
share of media coverage.
Maravanyika
H.H.
Masvingo
---------
Proposed national health scheme a noble idea
but . . .
EDITOR - The proposed National Health Insurance
Scheme which will be
introduced in July 2007 and is to be administered by
NSSA is a noble idea
but has a lot of loopholes.
The intended
beneficiaries are the people who contribute to the scheme, but
the person
who is in need of medical care most is the pensioner who is
likely to be
struck off the register on retirement. And considering the age
factor, these
people are prone to illness and with the current economic
situation, these
people will not be able to access medical care.
The unemployed will never
have an opportunity to contribute to the scheme,
thus denying them access to
medical care.
The few who are employed are already on different medical aid
schemes and
are happy with their schemes because they can access medical
care from a
hospital of their choice instead of being limited to government
hospitals as
will be the case with the new scheme. Also employers might
withdraw the
existing medical aid because they won't be able to afford to
contribute to
two schemes.
It would have been ideal for NSSA or
government to try and sell the idea to
the people so in turn they join the
scheme at their own risk, judging by the
way the pension scheme is being
managed by NSSA.
The National Health Insurance Scheme should have benefited
everyone in the
country in much the same way the AIDS Levy covers even the
unemployed.
Lastly, NSSA should use the proceeds from the contributions to
upgrade
government hospitals, buy drugs and other medical supplies to
enhance
service delivery in the hospitals rather than pay for services
rendered to
members only.
Lewis
Gadimu
Masvingo
---------
It's a bread and butter issue,
stupid
EDITOR - Zimbabwe's deputy Education Minister Isaiah
Shumba thinks no
government in the world can simply waltz its way into
another country and
recruit its skilled and trained citizens. He made this
astounding statement
following reports of South Africa's decision to recruit
Zimbabwean science
and mathematics teachers to fill a yawning gap created by
South Africans
searching for greener pastures elsewhere and a bulging
education system that
is taking more students than before since the country
attained political
independence in 1994.
What Shumba conveniently fails
to acknowledge is that, as long as our
teachers are not legally bonded to
the civil service, there is no chance in
heaven that he or anyone for that
matter can prevent them from making the
great trek across the Limpopo and
beyond to try and get reasonably
remunerated jobs, be it in teaching or any
other profession for that matter.
Even those who are legally bonded will
throw caution to the wind and simply
walk away from their jobs if the job
offer is lucrative enough. Such is the
parlous working conditions that they
are facing in a country which is
lurching from one crisis to the next with
no solution in sight.
Can Shumba for starters try to imagine how on earth he
expects a teacher,
who spent either three or four years in training, to
endure the slave-like
salaries that the government is paying? Can he imagine
what these proud men
and women are going through when they see some of their
students making it
in the world and leap-frogging them in terms of career
advancement and
acquisition of assets? Can he for one day imagine how a
teacher is expected
to make ends meet with the low salaries that government
is paying, what with
the rampant price increases Zimbabweans are enduring
daily?
Small wonder some teachers have resorted to running their own
businesses
selling trinkets and anything that can provide some bit of extra
cash, in
some cases conducting business during school hours. Small wonder
then some
have simply resigned from the civil service and gone to South
Africa and
other countries which offer better salaries and working
conditions, not only
for teachers but other workers.
Conservative
estimates show that there are about 10 000 or more qualified
and experienced
teachers in South Africa - some teaching and others doing
other odd jobs.
And it is a fact that many are preparing to go, more so
after reading the
welcoming statement from South Africa that it would look
to its northern
neighbour to recruit teachers. It does not need one to be a
rocket scientist
to know that we are going to lose more teachers and there
is nothing the
government will and can do, short of closing the borders.
Many Zimbabweans
are itching to leave the country and find any job that pays
better than that
they were trained for. Is it not amazing that we have
Zimbabwean teachers in
South Africa employed in other professions other than
teaching? It is
because they simply decided it was not worth their while to
continue working
in a system that does not recognise their importance nor
rewards them
appropriately. For them, it was better to leave the profession
entirely and
try something else, just to feed the family and make a decent
living.
Some have made it and they are now materially and financially
better off
than they were in Zimbabwe and have no intention whatsoever of
returning
unless and until the economic situation improves. The problem is
that there
are no signs of that happening anytime soon. If anything, the
situation is
getting more desperate by the day, further eroding their
confidence that
Zimbabwe will one day be the gem of a country that they used
to know.
This worrying situation of teachers being lured outside the country
is not
unique to the teaching profession as trained, qualified and very
experienced
Zimbabweans in virtually every profession are either busy
searching for
employment outside the country, or have already secured job
offers or are
sprucing up their resumes so they can leave the
country.
This means many companies and sub-sectors of the economy are already
or will
suffer from the loss of skilled personnel, who were trained at a
great cost
to the companies and/or the country. This means the much-talked
about
recovery, whenever it will start, could suffer from lack of skilled
personnel because many of those leaving or who have already left have no
intention of resettling in Zimbabwe until they have achieved their
dreams.
Some are already permanent residents and citizens of these countries
who are
benefiting from their skills and the well-known and respected
Zimbabwean
work ethic, and can't imagine themselves coming back to start all
over
again, especially those who have settled their children in good
schools.
This whole sad scenario boils down to bread and butter issues; a man
and
woman needs a decent wage and salary to survive, put food on the table,
send
kids to school, buy assets such as a house or a vehicle and generally
lead a
decent, comfortable and stress-free life. That is not possible in the
Zimbabwe of today. Many families are stressed by life; if it is not
searching for the expensive fuel (for those lucky enough to own a vehicle),
it is the rising cost of basic commodities as evidenced by the Central
Statistical Office's basket of goods which continues to go up every
month.
Lest I be accused of beating the proverbial dead horse, it however
needs to
be mentioned again that unless the government grapples with the
worsening
economic crisis in Zimbabwe, people will use every opportunity to
leave the
country and seek greener pastures elsewhere.
A country that was
once touted as the "Switzerland of Africa" is now
ridiculed as a basket case
by countries that we Zimbabweans used to ridicule
with undisguised mirth
pointing out at their economic ills and poverty. The
situation has been
reversed and for sure, we are the laughing stock of the
region, all because
we fail to put words into action and deliver promise to
our people who are
so hard-working, so cheerful in the face of grinding
poverty and
hardships.
So, Cde Shumba, you might as well face the stark reality that if
you put any
measures in place to stop teachers from leaving, many will
simply walk away
and perform other jobs, as long as those jobs can help them
lead a decent
life that they can only dream about in
Zimbabwe.
Dispirited
South Africa