Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe is warily eyeing the recent uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt. Some analysts say those are prompting him to speed up elections and intensify an intimidation campaign against the opposition.
In a normal country, preparations for an election look a bit like this: dozens of eager young activists put up posters, candidates meet with community leaders to seek their support, and middle-aged party members walk door-to-door to meet the voters.
In Zimbabwe, election season means violence.
For months, President Robert Mugabe’s supporters in the military and the police have terrorized villagers in rural areas where many in 2008 supported opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai and propelled him into the seat of prime minister.
And in the past few weeks, the violence has spread to urban areas with the seeming intent of intimidating those who would vote for Prime Minister Tsvangirai and his Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party.
While such tactics long preceded the recent coup in Tunisia that instigated massive antigovernment demonstrations this week in Egypt, analysts say Zimbabwe's strongman president is taking note of North African events as he strengthens his grip. Indeed, President Mugabe, says political analyst Takura Zhangazha, may speed up plans for parliamentary elections to capitalize on a current wave of violence and voter intimidation – conditions he sees as favoring his party.
Mugabe loyalists seen behind unrestMDC members say the offensive, which started last week in Tsvangirai’s political strongholds of Harare and Chitungwiza, involves the police and the military, war veterans of the liberation struggle, and youth militia from Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party. All the assailants are known for their unwavering loyalty to Mugabe.
Chitungwiza, a dormitory town of more 2 million people, is 25 kilometers southeast of Harare.
ZANU-PF spokesperson Rugare Gumbo denies that his party is spearheading political violence or that it is working with security forces to decimate the MDC. “We have heard that before every time there is talk of election,” he says. “They are afraid of losing an election.”
The violence is just the latest sign that not all is well with the coalition government, put together in February 2009 after months of political stalemate. Mugabe’s cabinet meetings are reportedly more and more fractious. Meanwhile, MDC members are decrying breaches in the coalition’s powersharing agreement, which divided control of several ministries but left Mugabe in charge of the military and security agencies.
The political squabbling is nothing compared with the violence faced by those on the front lines in villages and towns.
Violence spreads to citiesThe spread of violence to cities is a recent phenomenon, and a dangerous turn for Zimbabwe politics. In previous election years, political violence was mainly concentrated in those rural areas where ZANU-PF still commands some support.
Presently, at least two MDC supporters are in an intensive care unit at a private clinic. One of them was shot by unidentified soldiers in Budiriro, a suburb of the capital that is touted as Zimbabwe’s own “Baghdad” and is a popular support base for Tsvangirai.
An MDC activist, who identified himself only as Amon for fear of victimization, says he saw his colleague being gunned down by a group of soldiers in Budiriro.
“I saw one of them pointing a gun and I thought he wanted to shoot me so I started running,” he says. “I heard William’s loud cry and I knew he had been shot but I continued running, fearing that they will fire another one.”
In a scene reminiscent of the violent June 2008 elections, 150 MDC supporters huddled together at the party’s headquarters in Harare’s Central Business District (CBD) this week after they were chased out of their homes by ZANU-PF youth militia, soldiers, and war veterans.
'You could have another bloodbath'Police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena denies that the police are Mugabe partisans, saying instead that it is the MDC that has provoked ZANU-PF supporters. “In most cases, MDC activists are the ones who provoke and rush then to the police to report,” he says. “The police are never partisan. We are a professional force.”
The surge in politically motivated violence comes barely a week after the MDC secretary-general, Finance Minister Tendai Biti, warned that Zimbabwe could face a “bloodbath” at elections this year if the international community does not help to prevent the crisis.
“The tell-tale signs are already there that you could have another bloodbath,” said Mr. Biti.
MDC spokesperson Nelson Chamisa says ZANU-PF is trying to provoke his party so that the violence degenerates into anarchy.
“Whenever there is an election, ZANU-PF starts a campaign of violence against the country’s innocent citizens,” says Mr. Chamisa, who also heads the Ministry of Information Technology Communication in the coalition government. “It is not a civil way of transacting politics in this day and age.”
Why violence started nowThe current wave of violence started when ZANU-PF mobilized and bused in youths from rural areas to demonstrate against the slashing of maize crop by Harare City council recently.
Incidents of political violence have continued to rock the country since last month when Mugabe, who has ruled the country with an iron fist for the past three decades, announced his determination to hold elections this year.
Political analyst Takura Zhangazha says that by unleashing soldiers and militia, ZANU-PF was trying to measure its ability to destabilize the MDC ahead of both the referendum and elections.
“Urban areas have been areas of concern to ZANU-PF,” says Mr. Zhangazha. “They are trying to measure their ability to destabilize the MDC well ahead of elections by targeting its leaders and activists.”
Mugabe's tacticsOther analysts said Mugabe has, since 1980, when Zimbabwe gained independence from Britain, used violence against adversaries to maintain power. In the March 2008 elections, Mugabe used violence against MDC supporters, hoping to force Tsvangirai to back out of the vote. At least 200 MDC activists were killed by suspected ZANU-PF supporters and state security agents.
Zimbabwe’s unity government, which comprises Mugabe’s ZANU-PF, Tsvangirai’s MDC, and a rival MDC faction headed by Arthur Mutambara, is facing total collapse because of deep disagreements within the coalition over political reform.
Under the Global Political Agreement (GPA) signed in September 2008 and implemented in February 2009, the three principals are supposed to hold consultations leading to a new constitution, which would then have to be approved by a referendum before new elections can take place.
But Mugabe this week threatened to dissolve parliament and call early elections, without waiting for a new draft constitution.
“I have the constitutional right to call an election on the basis of the old Constitution,” Mugabe said on Monday. “If the constitutional process is not wanted, I will have parliament dissolved and call elections.”
Such a hard line by Mugabe flies in the face of South African President Jacob Zuma, a facilitator in the Zimbabwe post-election crisis, who has been pressing the three principals to come up with and implement a roadmap ahead of elections.
African neighbors called to helpMDC spokesperson Chamisa says Mugabe wanted to ambush the MDC into a snap election.
“ZANU-PF has not abandoned guerrilla tactics,” he says. “We suspect he wants an election before our own congress. He [Mugabe] thinks he will catch us flat-footed. No, for us, if one eye closes, the other one is wide open.”
The MDC has expressed concern for the lack of action by the police as “innocent citizens” are harassed for belonging to a political party of their choice. Police are victimizing MDC activists even when they are victims of violence, MDC members say, while they protect ZANU-PF militia from prosecution.
“It is clear that the repeat of June 2008 in an amplified version is inevitable,” Chamisa said in a statement. He has called on the African Union and the Southern African Development Community, who are the guarantors of the Zimbabwe agreement, to take immediate action.
The Monitor's correspondent in Harare cannot be named for security reasons.
http://www.radiovop.com
28/01/2011
15:01:00
HARARE, January 28, 2011- The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe will
on Friday lay
off 1,455 of its employees in the largest retrenchment
undertaken in the
country since independence 30 years ago.
According
to The Herald, the $70 million exercise is being undertaken to
comply with a
recommendation over restructuring and refocusing the bank run
by President
Robert Mugabe,s loyal cadre Gideon Gono.
Gono told the Herald : "The sad
thing though is that this realignment is
resulting in the loss of jobs. What
we have done is to realign the bank in
line with the wishes of the
legislature".
He said the affected staff members will be given initial
pay-offs of $5,000
each with the rest of their dues paid in
instalments.Gono’s tenure at the
helm of the Zimbabwean Reserve Bank has
been a major sticking point for the
coalition government of President
Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
and new leader of MDC-N Welshman
Ncube.
The retrenchments will leave the bank with 493 workers from a current
complement of 1,948.
http://www.thezimbabwemail.com
28 January, 2011 04:24:00 OWEN GAGARE
The civil service
audit has revealed that there could be as many as 70 000
“ghost” workers on
the government payroll impacting heavily the state’s
already dry coffers,
union leaders said on Thursday.
Furious civil servants, who this week
rejected a government offer to
increase their allowances by between $20 and
$25, said they were informed of
the scandal by officials at the Ministry of
Public Service and other civil
servants involved in the audit.
There
are about 250 000 civil servants on the government pay-roll. It also
emerged
that the issue was one of the most contentious ones discussed during
salary
negotiations between the government and workers’ unions on Wednesday,
as the
unions felt ghost workers were eating heavily into the government
wage
bill.
“The audit has revealed that there are about 70 000 ghost workers.
It is a
fact. Civil servants were actually involved in compiling that report
and
they reported those issues to us.
“Officials at the ministry also
confirmed this,” said Takavafira Zhou, the
president of the Progressive
Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ).
“So we are saying the money to pay
civil servants is there even before we go
to the diamonds and platinum. Get
rid of ghost workers and improve the
conditions of the civil
servants.”
The chairperson of the Apex Council, Tendai Chikowore,
confirmed the issue
of ghost workers was discussed although it was not on
the agenda in the last
meeting.
The Apex Council comprises of the
Public Service Association, Zimbabwe
Teachers’ Association (Zimta), PTUZ,
Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe and College
Lecturers’ Association of Zimbabwe.
Chikowore refused to discuss figures
saying she could only do so after
seeing the actual audit report.
“I have heard different figures, so it’s
difficult for me to comment or for
us to plan using the ghost workers until
we see the report in black and
white,” she said.
PTUZ
secretary-general Raymond Majongwe said although he had not seen the
report,
senior government officials revealed there were up to 70 000 ghost
workers.
“We were told that there are between 45 000 and 70 000
people who could not
be traced and that is a big problem because they are
eating into the civil
servants’ money. We also had discussions as workers’
representatives with
(Public Service) minister (Eliphas) Mukonoweshuro and
(finance) Minister
(Tendai) Biti and those figures were confirmed,” he
said.
“So the money is there, but it’s going into the wrong mouths,” he
said.
Mukonoweshuro confirmed on Thursday the audit report was out but
declined to
divulge the contents saying it was now before cabinet and could
therefore
not discussed with the Press because his hands were
tied.
He said the audit report was finalised in November last year and
was
forwarded to cabinet in December.
“It’s now going through a
cabinet process and I’m sure you know of the
Official Secrets Act which does
not allow me to discuss the matter with the
Press. The cabinet will
deliberate on the report and I will make a
presentation in the House of
Assembly and also hold a press conference when
the time comes.”
Civil
servants, currently mulling a strike in protest against meagre
salaries and
allowances, have now sought protection from President Robert
Mugabe, himself
a teacher.
President Mugabe once berated civil servants for going on
strike without
exhausting all channels including meeting
him.
Mukonoweshuro on Thursday reiterated that the government did not
have money
to pay its workers competitive salaries, but said efforts were
being made to
constantly improve their welfare.
“It’s a situation of
shared misery, because all the government expenditure
items are starved of
funds. When we look at the budgetary allocations, there
is no excess where
we could take from, and channel it towards the salaries.
There is equal
stress be it in health, education, infrastructural
development and so on,”
he said.
“But as a minister I am committed to ensure that civil servants
are
adequately remunerated. You will realise that we started with a $100
allowance, then we improved that by having a salary, and later paying
workers according to their experience.
“At each opportunity we have
sought to increase remuneration, but it’s not
going to be an event, it’s
going to be a progressive journey.” - NewsDay
http://www.radiovop.com/
28/01/2011
12:14:00
BULAWAYO, January 28, 2011- Zanu (PF) youths in Bulawayo’s
high density
suburbs are reportedly moving from house to house forcing
residents to sign
their party,s anti-sanctions petition.
“ Zanu (PF)
youths came to my house on Tuesday morning while I and my wife
were at work
in town. They asked my maid to sign a brown exercise book
which I learnt
later that it was the sanctions removal petition. They also
recorded my
house number in the book. This is really worrying because I do
not support
Zanu (PF) and my family do not have anything to do with the so
called
sanctions, ” said Humphrey Siwela who stays in Magwegwe.
Another resident
from Tshabalala high density suburb, Peace Moyo said a
group of Zanu (PF)
youths led by Charity Dlodlo, a well known activist in
the area visited his
house on Wednesday evening and asked him to append his
signature on the
petition.
“I was relaxing in the sitting room with my family when a group
of Zanu (PF)
youths knocked on the front door. One of the youth, Dlodlo
called me outside
and said I should sign the petition. When I refused to
sign, she threatened
me with unspecified action calling me a puppet of the
British. After that
they left and proceeded to the house next door to mine
where they managed to
intimidate the owner of the house and forced him to
sign the petition and
write his national identity number “said Moyo who
works for a local
non-governmental organization.
On Sunday church
business was suspended at a Johanne Marange church in
Pumula after the
church’s leaders ordered all church members to sign the
petition before
preaching began. In rural areas Zanu (PF) has already
enlisted the services
of traditional leaders to force villagers to sign the
petitions.Some
villagers have alleged that some of the traditional leaders
are threatening
to deny them food aid if they did not append their
signatures to the
sanctions petition.
Speaking during a Zanu (PF) provincial conference at
Davies Hall in Bulawayo
on Monday, a senior Zanu (PF) politburo member, Dr
Sikhanyiso Ndlovu said
the party is aiming at having seven million
signatures on the anti-sanctions
removal petitions countrywide.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Lance
Guma
28 January 2011
The growing number of incidents of ZANU PF
perpetrated violence in both
rural and urban areas have given credence to
suspicions that Robert Mugabe
wants to call for a snap election this
year.
Analysts say Mugabe is worried about the developments in Tunisia
where
protesting youths brought down a regime which had been in power for
over 23
years. Similar angry protests have since spread to Egypt and Yemen,
where
impoverished citizens want their leaders to step down. Just like
Mugabe,
both Hosni Mubarak in Egypt and Ali Abdullah Saleh in Yemen have
been in
power for more than 30 years.
Mugabe’s regime has
traditionally relied on violence, mainly using party
militia, state security
agents, soldiers and police to harass, intimidate,
beat up, torture and kill
opposition activists. After losing the March 2008
harmonized parliamentary
and presidential election, ZANU PF deployed the
army in Operation Mavhotera
Papi (Where Did You Vote?), killing over 500
people in the process and
torturing tens of thousands.
Signs of a similar campaign have already
emerged. MDC activists in their
urban strongholds of Harare and Chitungwiza
are being attacked by hordes of
ZANU PF youths, bused in from rural areas.
The impoverished youths are
usually offered free alcohol and money to beat
up opposition supporters.
Whenever the MDC activists fight back the police
and army come in to assist
the ZANU PF youths.
On Saturday two MDC
activists were hospitalized in the intensive care unit
of a private clinic
following a savage attack by a mob of ZANU PF youths and
soldiers in the
Budiriro suburb of Harare. One of them, William Makuwari,
was shot in the
left leg by the assailants. He identified Godfrey Gomwe, a
ZANU PF
chairperson in the area, as one of the shooters. But, as usual, the
police
refused to make any arrests.
Highlighting the intensity of the violence
are reports that nearly 200 MDC
supporters sought refuge at the party’s
Harvest House headquarters, after
being chased from their homes by marauding
ZANU PF mobs. This month even
Finance Minister Tendai Biti has warned; “The
tell-tale signs are already
there that you could have another bloodbath,” if
elections are held and
there is no outside help.
There is a school of
thought that in addition to laying the groundwork of
terror in preparation
for a chaotic election, Mugabe’s regime has one eye on
discouraging people
from contemplating the sort of protests seen in Tunisia,
Egypt and Yemen.
Using social networking tools like Facebook and Twitter
activists in those
countries have shown that cyber-activism can be
translated effectively into
protests on the streets.
Demonstrators are being urged to ‘meet in large
numbers in their own
neighbourhoods, away from police and soldiers, before
moving towards key
locations.’ Leaflets are also being produced offering
advice on how to deal
with police brutality, like using dustbins to protect
against baton sticks
and rubber bullets, and wearing scarves to protect
against tear gas.
The effectiveness of sites like Facebook and Twitter
has been demonstrated
by the the fact that the Egyptian government has shut
them down.
With more than 5 million Zimbabweans having access to mobile
phones and the
growing use of mobile internet, activists see the potential
for some sort of
similar organization, in cyberspace, for Zimbabweans.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona
Sibanda
28 January 2011
Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara is yet
to comment on his re-call from
government, two weeks after he was also
ousted as president of his party.
A senior member of the MDC-N, elected at
the recently held congress in
Harare, told SW Radio Africa on Friday that
there is no need for the
robotics professor to respond to his re-calling by
the party.
Mutambara is currently a deputy Prime Minister in the unity
government, but
was ousted as President of the MDC-M party which he led for
five years.
Welshman Ncube has also said that he will now take over as
deputy prime
minister.
‘He simply needs to comply and say his
farewells to (Robert) Mugabe and
(Morgan) Tsvangirai before Welshman Ncube
takes over the deputy premiership,’
the official said.
The Zimbabwe
Independent reported Friday that Mutambara last year rejected a
smooth exit
package before the party’s congress, insisting that the party
must not
‘subvert democracy.’
That offer made to Mutambara by Ncube and
Misihairabwi-Mushonga was that
after the congress he would become deputy
president of the party and remain
as deputy prime minister in the inclusive
government. But the paper says he
refused the offer and had to suffer the
indignity of being demoted outright.
After Ncube announced last weekend
that he would be taking over from
Mutambara as deputy premier following his
elevation as party leader,
Mutambara has dodged questions over his future in
politics or in government.
The MDC-N re-assigned him to the portfolio of
Regional Integration and
International Co-operation as Minister, but there
are reports suggesting he
is contemplating quitting the party
altogether.
But before the congress he told his supporters he would remain a
card
carrying member, after he declared that he would not be seeking
re-election.
Others reports from Harare suggest that he discussed his future
plans with a
senior government official, before leaving Harare for
Switzerland to attend
the World Economic Forum. He will be back in Harare on
6th February.
Speculation is rife that he might join ZANU PF or the MDC
led by Tsvangirai.
The weekly Financial Gazette reported on Friday that ZANU
PF has dangled a
carrot ‘in front of beleaguered Mutambara, following his
dramatic ouster as
president of the smaller faction of the MDC.’
The
paper said Mutambara’s name is featuring prominently on ZANU PF’s
shopping
list of politicians with technocratic backgrounds, whom it wants to
win over
to reboot its political fortunes ahead of the make-or-break
elections,
scheduled for this year.
Mutambara’s former colleague when the party was
still the MDC-M, Job
Sikhala, told us the former militant student leader
will not be leaving
politics yet, but was playing his cards close to his
chest.
‘The truth of the matter is he will try to fight for his future
politically
because he has cultivated political contacts since formation of
the unity
government.
‘My own prediction, analysis and understanding
of Mutambara, because of his
ideological thrust, which is more aligned to
ZANU PF, I think he would be
more acceptable there than the MDC. His
political DNA is so divorced from
modern politics of the MDC,’ Sikhala
said.
Sikhala as President of the MDC 99, said people have to understand
Mugabe’s
personality and the fact that he has great admiration for
intellectuals and
academics, which would work in Mutambara’s
favour.
‘He (Mugabe) loves professors and doctors, that is why you
realise since
1980, his government was always full of these people and
Mutambara is no
exception.’
http://www.radiovop.com
28/01/2011 15:00:00
HARARE,
January 28, 2011- The Movement for Democraic Change (MDC) faction
led by
Welshman Ncube has resolved to haul before its disciplinary committee
dissident members that have taken its new leader to court.
The
disillusioned members, led by former national chairman Joubert Mudzumwe,
last week filed an urgent high court application contesting Ncube, s
election at the congress three weeks ago.The dissidents challenged the
legality of the congress arguing that it was improperly
conducted.
Ncube ousted former party leader Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara in a
bloodless coup.But the Mudzumwe faction has maintained that
Mutambara is
still the leader of the party which is now known as the MDC-N
following
Ncube,s election.
Kuraone Chihwayi, the deputy spokesperson of
the MDC-N said on Friday his
party’s national standing committee met and
decided to refer the issue of
its “ambitious prodigal sons ” to the party's
disciplinary committee headed
by Jacob Moyo.
“All the necessary
procedures shall be followed. The party has the capacity
and mechanisms to
handle its internal disputes,” said Chihwayi.
“As the MDC-N president (Ncube)
stated after the standing committee meeting,
the party will vigorously fight
that court application. As a party we
suspect a hidden hand in what they are
doing and it has come to our
attention that some of our political opponents
are
capitalising on the behaviour of these party rebels to cause
confusion, ” he
said.
“The activities of these rebellious comrades
have never affected the
operations of the MDC because most of their
grievances are baseless, ” he
added. The MDC-N standing committee last week
also resolved to recall
Mutambara from the coalition government. Ncube would
step into his shoes.
The party wrote to President Robert Mugabe informing
him of the demotion of
Mutambara who has been ear-marked for the post of
minister of Regional
Integration and International Co-operation which was
held by the skillful
party cadre and Ncube loyalist Priscilla
Misihairambwi-Mushonga, who is to
take over the ministry of Industry and
International Trade.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Staff Reporter
Friday, 28 January 2011
18:50
HARARE - Problems continue to mount for the Minister of Local
Government,
Ignatius Chombo as it emerges that police are probing fresh
allegations that
he fraudulently acquired and sold prime council land in
Glen Lorne.
While police were not available for comment, the matter
was reported at
Harare’s serious fraud squad by suspended councillor, Casper
Takura
following a discovery by the city fathers that Chombo improperly
acquired
the land.
The case is being investigated under ER
09/2011.
“We have evidence to believe that Minister Chombo connived with
his Ministry
and Harare City Council officials to sell the Sub – Division K
of Nthaba in
Glen Lorne to a Mr Alois Chimeri. This stand belongs to the
City of Harare
by virtue of a 08-10-1973 endorsement on title deed number
3662/1954.
"When Minister Chombo sold this land he had no agreement of
sale between him
and the City."
“We believe that Minister Chombo
connived with Mrs R Pazvakawambwa, who on
his behalf wrote a letter that
Minister Chombo was allocated this land in
1995 and there is no evidence of
allocation.
“We believe on good grounds that that Minister Chombo
connived with
Psychology Chiwanga who tried to assist Chombo by claiming
that he bought
the stand on January 1 1997,” reads part of the letter of
complaint to the
police.
Takura also complained that the "lease to
buy agreement” that Chombo
produced as evidence of the transaction has many
flaws some of which include
a wrong government date stamp and concocted
signatures.
But Chombo denied the allegations.
“I know nothing
about what you are talking about. I am coming from Masvingo
and don’t know
anything that is happening in Harare. Have you been sent to
write the story,
anyway go on and publish it,” said Chombo when contacted
by the Daily
News.
But Takura insists that Chombo abused his office as the majority of
the
documents were generated during his tenure as Minister of Local
Government,
Rural and Urban Development and that he used ministry officials
for his
personal service.
Chombo has been involved in a bitter fight
with Harare City Councillors who
accuse him of fraudulently acquiring
council land in connivance with city
council employees. They also accuse him
of unilaterally firing Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) councillors
throughout the country to control local
authorities.
http://www.voanews.com/
Economist
Tony Hawkins of the University of Zimbabwe said that although the
International Monetary Fund has been recommending such a course of action
for some time, Zimbabwe must keep spending in check
Jonga Kandemiiri
| Washington 27 January 2011
The International Monetary fund says
Harare is right to keep a lid on
salaries for state employees and maintain a
balanced budget, offering
encouragement as to future assistance to Zimbabwe
in debt restructuring and
other challenges.
IMF Deputy Director for
Africa Sharmini Coorey told reporters this week that
dollarization since
2009 has stabilized prices following the country’s
period of hyperinflation,
noting that adopting the current hard-currency
regime has imposed fiscal
discipline.
The challenge now, said Coorey, is to contain spending,
especially state
salaries. The official noted that these were already equal
to around 70% of
state revenues.
Coorey offered some encouragement as
to the level of support the
international financial institution might be
able to provide in future.
"If the authorities can strengthen their
economic policies, particularly on
the wage side and if there is support
among the donor community to
restructure Zimbabwe's debts ... the Fund is
looking forward to further
relations with Zimbabwe," she said.
The
IMF policy prescription comes as Zimbabwean civil servants are demanding
that their base salaries be nearly tripled. The lowest-paid public workers
receive $186 a month. Worker representatives want that to be hiked to
US$502.
A strike has been threatened if Harare does not meet
demands.
Economist Tony Hawkins, a professor at the University of
Zimbabwe, told VOA
Studio 7 reporter Jonga Kandemiiri that though while the
IMF has been
recommending such a course of action for some time, Zimbabwe
must keep
spending in check.
Economist Godfrey Kanyenze, director of
the Labor and Economic Research
Institute of Zimbabwe, an arm of the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, said
a national consensus must be
achieved on income levels for public workers.
http://mg.co.za/
JASON MOYO - Jan 28 2011 11:41
The
invasion on January 21 of lakeside resorts around Chivero, Harare's most
popular weekend retreat and the city's main water source, has been a major
embarrassment to a country still trying to convince the world it is moving
away from its violent past.
But the invasions also reveal how
simmering tension among the poor,
frustrated by how fast the gap between
rich and poor has widened under the
unity government, can easily be
exploited by political figures.
More than 100 people arrived at the
Kuimba Shiri bird sanctuary on the
shores of the lake, barricading entrances
to the property and to dozens of
other resorts on the banks of the
lake.
The attacks were a further knock to Zimbabwe's already tattered
international image and raised fears of similar invasions elsewhere. Owner
Gary Stafford said the group was not violent but demanded to take an
inventory of all the resort's assets, supposedly in preparation for a
takeover under black empowerment laws. Stafford's resort is home to a
world-renowned bird sanctuary.
The invasion provided yet another
example of Zimbabwe's many contrasting
faces. Just as it began, tourism
minister Walter Mzembi, seen as a Zanu-PF
reformer, was in Madrid, Spain,
launching a new marketing campaign to try to
convince wary European tour
operators that the image of Zimbabwe as a
lawless wasteland is
exaggerated.
The campaign, under the motto "Zimbabwe, World of Wonder",
would be taken to
"every tourism fair around the world this year", said Tesa
Chikaponya,
marketing manager of the state tourism promotion agency. Tourism
has been
one of the key industries to see some recovery under the unity
government,
so the invasions were a major setback.
Agreement between
SA and Zimbabwe
Stafford, a South African, should be protected from such
takeovers under an
investment protection agreement between Zimbabwe and
South Africa. Even
Zanu-PF acknowledged how bad the invasions look and
criticised them. Police,
who have traditionally refused to intervene in farm
invasions, drove the
invaders off the properties on Sunday.
The
obvious economic disparities in the area provide a ripe breeding ground
for
further conflict. The clubs and resorts around Chivero are a favourite
haunt
for Harare's jet set, who often host wild open-air parties that go on
well
into the night.
From the banks of the lake several clubs host waterskiing
and jet ski
tournaments and regattas. On an overlooking hill large mansions
have
sweeping views of the lake.
But a short distance away from the
resorts and exclusive clubs impoverished
fishing communities live off the
lake, casting out daily in rusty dugout
canoes on illegal fishing trips,
chased by park warders and arrested for
poaching. They are required to have
special fishing licences to be allowed
to fish, but few can afford the fees.
Their catch is sold on the sides of
highways and in Harare's poor
townships.
Aaron Mazvi, the war veteran and local community organiser who
led the
invasion, argued that the action was taken on behalf of nearby
communities.
Among Mazvi's comrades were local fishmongers and vendors,
including some
women carrying babies.
In line with the country's
empowerment laws Mazvi argued, the clubs and
resorts in the area should be
seized and handed over to local communities
and run by traditional leaders.
He said he wrote a letter last week on
behalf of the "Zvimba community at
large" to the minister of lands, Herbert
Murerwa, notifying him of his
group's intention to "take over properties
along the lower and upper reaches
of Lake Chivero".
Poor communities are easy fodder for local bigwigs
eyeing a piece of the
lucrative tourism concessions in the area. Some claim
the mob was driven by
Patrick Zhuwawo, Robert Mugabe's nephew and the MP in
the area, but he and
his party denied any involvement.
The invasions
were the work of "criminal elements", Ignatius Chombo, the
local government
minister, said. But there was little doubt about who the
invaders themselves
support -- they wore Zanu-PF regalia and chanted party
slogans as they
entered the facilities.
The Chivero invasions are the second such attack
on a tourist site. A week
earlier a mob invaded tourist lodges in Nyanga, in
the eastern highlands,
popular for their mountain views and hiking trails.
http://www.voanews.com/
Change
shortages have plagued retailers, commuter "combi" bus drivers and
ordinary
Zimbabweans since early 2009 when Zimbabwe abandoned its own dollar
and
adopted a monetary regime of mixed hard currencies
Gibbs Dube, Blessing
Zulu & Patience Rusere | Washington 27 January 2011
With
Zimbabwean small businesses and consumers continuing to face chronic
shortages of small-denomination US and South African bills and coins,
commercial banks say that it would be prohibitively expensive for them to
step in to relieve the public.
But Finance Minister Tendai Biti told
VOA that discussions with the US
Treasury about procuring small bills and
coins have significantly
progressed.
Change shortages have plagued
retailers, street vendors, commuter "combi"
bus drivers and ordinary
Zimbabweans since early 2009 when Zimbabwe
abandoned its own dollar and
adopted a monetary regime of mixed hard
currencies. The two main currencies
in circulation are the US dollar and the
South African rand.
Bankers
said that while they can purchase South African rand coins from the
public,
it is not easy for them to source small U.S. bank notes.
Commercial
bankers are also struggling to meet minimum capitalization
requirements, so
they are not eager to expend precious capital in purchasing
bills and
coins.
Banker Samson Nhliziyo said that buying small denomination U.S.
and South
African bills in the interbank market is too
expensive.
Independent Harare economist John Robertson said banks have
not even tried
to import small bills and coins. “They are finding it
difficult to source
these currencies from the open market due to high
costs,” he said.
Retailers have refused to take up the supply of one-rand
coins offered by
the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, saying the exchange rate
offered was not in
their favor.
Finance Minister Biti told VOA Studio
7 reporter Blessing Zulu that the US
Treasury has laid out various options
for Zimbabwe to address its small
change problem: purchasing bills and coins
from the Federal Reserve, or from
US banking institutions.
Despite
Biti's optimism as to an eventual solution, the nation’s consumers
and small
businesses could face the problem of change for some time.
Some local
remedies have emerged - for instance the spreading use of the
Zambian kwacha
in the northern resort town of Kariba for change and
cross-border
trading.
When it launched last year independent daily newspaper Newsday,
selling for
50 US cents, issued tokens good for another issue that vendors
could give
customers.
But many retailers and street vendors hand back
chocolates - or
toothbrushes.
For more on the problem, reporter
Patience Rusere turned to Bulawayo
businessman Alex Goosen and Business
Forum Secretary Roy Magosvogwe. Goosen
said the lack of sufficient small
change is a constant irritant and tends to
drive inflation.
By Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London.
28/01/11.
I beg to differ with Professor Chan’s views as expressed in his
opinion
article ‘Changing international views on Zimbabwe’ (New Zimbabwe,
24/01/11)
because they are unnecessarily provocative, contradictory and
inadequately
informed. While, he has written a book about Mugabe, it is not
clear how
Professor Chan has drawn so many controversial conclusions about
Zimbabwe
which are unempirical and open to question. For example he refers
to ‘the
lacklustre performance of Tsvangirai as Prime
Minister’.
However, there is a contradiction when Professor Chan
recognises the
‘dominating capacity of Zanu-pf’ which should explain why the
PM can’t do
much. While this is no apology for the PM, everyone knows how
Mugabe grabbed
nearly everything meaningful save for finance in the GNU
including police,
prisons, justice, foreign affairs, defence and security
and ensured he was
the head of government. What was then left for the Prime
Minister,
Tsvangirai to do when he has even been locked out of Zimbabwe
House?
Professor Chan claims ‘What the West would like to see is of
course an MDC
government. It would like this in the full anticipation that
it will be an
incompetent government which will become corrupt quite
quickly’. Why
Professor Chan sounds so insensitive boggles the mind. What
about the people
of Zimbabwe? Are their views not important? What would
they want to see in
their country? What type of democracy is Professor Chan
propagating?
It looks like Prof Chan is prematurely drawing conclusions
based on the
subjective views expressed in some of the cables released by
Wikileaks.
Zimbabweans resent being seen as if they are incapable of
articulating their
own independent positions. In fact, some powers have been
disappointed by
some Zimbabwean leaders’ reluctance to go for hook, line and
sinker on
certain positions.
Professor Chan claims the West and China
would prefer another coalition
government in Zimbabwe ‘preferably fairly
elected and if not fully fairly
elected, cleanly elected, i.e. without
violence and naked rigging’. What a
bizarre suggestion being made for us
thousands of miles away by
non-Zimbabweans? We have no huge appetite for
coalition governments. Thank
you very much.
Professor Chan may need
to refresh his memory by reviewing a report by
London-based think-tank,
Africa Confidential just released which indicates
that former opposition
leader, MDC President, Morgan Tsvangirai “clearly
beat Mugabe” in the first
round of voting in March 2008 but was denied power
after a plan to steal
some of his votes allegedly hatched by Zanu-pf
military junta in connivance
with South African officials (The Zimbabwe
Mail, 26/01/11). In other words,
the current coalition government was not
the primary desire of Zimbabwean
voters and we have no wish for another
coalition no matter how preferable it
may be for some outside observers.
Another contradiction in Professor
Chan’s article is when he says ‘Europe,
as a result, will start doing
business with Zanu-pf in 2011’ despite noting
in a preceding paragraph that
‘Zanu-pf has clearly no interest in fiscal
probity, fiscal transparency,
developmental equity, financial dissemination
or facilities for development
except as acts of patronage and of course,
purchasing of votes’. I wonder if
that is the official view of ‘Europe’ as
expressed by Professor
Chan.
He then says that there is ‘much conjecture that the EU will
contemplate
some form of lifting of sanctions’ because ‘they have not worked
in any way
to curtail or reduce the dominating capacity of Zanu-pf’ and ‘if
isolation
and sanctions have not worked, some form of engagement might’.
It’s not
clear what makes Professor Chan draw such hard and fast conclusions
which go
against the practical reality as we all know. .
If isolation
and targeted sanctions had not worked, why would there be such
a Zanu-pf
outcry as demonstrated by Mugabe’s perennial calls for them to be
lifted?
Why did SADC presidents led by Jacob Zuma of South Africa join the
anti-sanctions crusade in vain? Why has Zanu-pf launched a multi-million
anti-sanctions petition if the sanctions have not worked?
Professor
Chan seems to know more than we do by claiming ‘there has been a
modest
increase in contacts between British governmental and other actors
and
senior Zanu-pf actors’. As if to buttress his point that targeted
sanctions
have not worked, Professor Chan says, ‘Even some figures named on
the
sanctions list, and normally thereby off-limits, have been included in
what
are, at this stage, conversations about conversations’. So what? Where
Professor Chan forgets is that those Zanu-pf officials are only able to
access Europe by view of the flawed Global Political Agreement and the
coalition government.
We remain to get the official UK Government’s
position on Professor Chan’s
claim that ‘The UK would accept, in some ways
even welcome, the triumph of
the technocratic wing of Zanu-pf’.
In
the meantime, Professor Chan should not underestimate Zimbabweans’ desire
for genuine change and the right to self-determination. It is important to
recognise the unpredictability of political situations even in hither-to
‘stable and peaceful sunshine holiday destinations’ as we have seen of late
in North Africa e.g. Tunisia, Egypt and beyond.
Factors other than
geo-politics which will shape the Zimbabwean politik
include events like the
following:
‘Zanu-pf sets up bases around Harare’, Daily News,
26/01/11;
‘Villagers forced to sign anti-sanctions petition’, RadioVOP,
27/01/11;
‘Mutasa admits soldiers’ role in politics’, The Standard,
15/01/11;
‘State spy agents trying to hack into COPAC Data’, Radio VOP,
25/01/11.
Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London,
zimanalysis2009@gmail.com
Friday January 28th 2011
Rather like a
desert wind, the unrest which began this week in Tunisia is
rolling down
North Africa. First it was Tunisia, then Egypt and now Yemen
and Jordan.
Today is Egypt’s fourth day of unrest; traditionally Friday is a
day of
prayer in the Moslem world but all the signs are that the protesters
will be
out on the streets again after they have fulfilled their religious
obligations. Indeed the lunchtime BBC News reported just that, with furious
worshippers erupting out of the mosques in at least four major cities to be
met with baton charges and tear gas from the Egyptian police. Significantly,
Internet access has been blocked and social networks closed down but it has
not stopped the demonstrators.
So what is it apart from their African
identity and their religious beliefs
that these countries have in common?
What is it that has brought thousands
of young people out on the streets in
angry demonstrations? It appears that
the one common factor is the presence
of ageing leaders who hold onto power
too long and whose misgovernance
causes endless suffering for ordinary
people. President Hosni Mubarak, for
example, is 82 years old and has ruled
Egypt for close on thirty years. In
all that time he has had the support of
the west and the US in particular
because they saw him as a bulwark against
Islamic fundamentalism. This
consideration became even more pressing after
9/11 and now the Americans and
the west generally find themselves between a
rock and a hard place. If they
continue to support the ageing leader then
the perception is that they are
against democratic reform and the will of
the people. Reporting on the
demonstrations, Robert Fisk writes in today’s
UK Independent, “But you don’t
need to read the papers to see what has gone
wrong, The filth and the slums,
the open sewers and the corruption of every
government official, the bulging
prisons, the laughable elections, the whole
vast sclerotic edifice of power
has at last brought Egyptians on to their
streets.” A Cairo daily reports
that one of Mubarak’s top advisers has fled
to London with 97 suitcases of
cash; true or not, the report sounds very
familiar to Zimbabweans accustomed
to similar stories about our own
diamond-smuggling kleptocracy.
So,
what is there for Zimbabwe to learn from all this unrest in the north of
the
continent? Coincidentally, a retired Zimbabwean airforce officer
reminded
the people that for change to come about mass-mobilisation is
required, it
just needs the people to get angry enough to take to the
streets and demand
their rights to a better life under a democratically
elected government. I
cannot believe that Zimbabweans are any less
courageous than other people
anywhere in the world or that the obstacles
facing them are any bigger.
Despite the presence of marauding ‘war veterans’
in the rural areas and at
tourist resorts, partisan police and soldiers
beating up innocents citizens
and a repressive regime led by an ageing and
autocratic ruler determined to
hold onto power, I continue to believe that
ordinary Zimbabweans will find
the courage one day soon to stand up and say
Enough is Enough. Robert Mugabe
and his cronies may for now be totally
unconcerned about events in the
north, so arrogant are they in their belief
that they have a god-given right
to rule Zimbabwe in perpetuity but the
sound of thousands of feet pounding
down Samora Machel Avenue and thousands
of voices raised in anger will
awaken the ‘whole sclerotic edifice of power’
to the reality of democracy in
Africa.
And in another part of Africa, Zimbabweans are entitled to wonder
why the
international community has rightly recognised Alassane Ouattara as
the
winner of presidential elections in Ivory Coast while doing nothing
about
the illegitimate presidency of Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe. Only by
taking to
the streets in their thousands will Zimbabweans demonstrate to the
rest of
Africa and the world that Mugabe, after thirty one years in power,
is no
longer their democratic choice.
Yours in the (continuing)
struggle PH. aka Pauline Henson author of Sami’s
Story, the story of
Murambatsvina as seen through the eyes of a young boy,
available on
Lulu.com.
The following is part of a series of Shona lessons provided by http://www.learnshona.com. The audio versions are available at learnshona.com. Please note that learnShona.com courses are designed to teach you by listening and repeating the words, as this is similar to the highly effective and proven Pimsleur technique. As such, it will be more difficult, and much slower, to grasp by reading alone. We recommend downloading the audio course to listen and repeat. We welcome your
feedback and hope that you find this useful. This week’s lesson includes discussing age, occupations and related grammar. The read (listen) and repeat formula is designed to increase your intuitive understanding of Shona sentence structures. Age/birthday/years
How old are you? (How many years do you have ?) - Une makore mangani? A year - gore Years - makore You have - Une/Mune I have - ndine I am 20 years old(l have 20 years) - Ndine makore makumi maviri When - Rini When is - Riri rini Your - rako Day - zuva Birthday (your day of being born) - zuva rokuberekwa/rokuzvarwa When is your birthday - zuva rako rokuberekwa riri rini? Is on the - riri musi wa…… My birthday is on the 5th of January - zuva rangu rokuberekwa musi wa5 Ndira
Grammar
To be born - kuberekwa/kuzvarwa I was born - ndakaberekwa/ndakazvarwa You were - waka…….. She/he was born - Akazvarwa You were born - wakazvarwa We were born - Takazvarwa They were born - vakazvarwa Where were you born(You were born where) - Wakazvarirwa kupi I was born in South Africa - Ndakazvarirwa kuSouth Africa
Jobs/Occupation Mabasa
To do - kuita You do - Unoita What? - Chii? Work(n) - basa What do you do?(What work do you do?) - Unoitei?/Unoita basa rei? Your - rako Job - basa What’s your job(Your job is about what?) - Basa rako nderei? I am a - Ndiri I’m self-employed - Ndinozvishandira I’m unemployed - Handishandi I am a housewife - Ndinogara kumba To work - Kushanda You work - Unoshanda Where? - Kupi? Where do you work? - Unoshanda kupi? l work - Ndinoshanda I work in - Ndinoshanda mu….. I work in a bank - Ndinoshanda mubhengi I work in a school - Ndinoshanda pachikoro/muchikoro I work for - Ndinoshandira I work for a phone company - Ndinoshandira kambani yenhare I work at the hospital - Ndinoshanda
kuchipatara
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