Will you be able to vote in this year's General Election?
Is your name on
the Voters Roll? Are your employees, relatives and friends registered? If
not, you/they will not be allowed to vote - whatever happens. Better be safe
than sorry, or "Be Prepared" as the Boy Scouts say. Please, if you have not
registered to vote or changed your address or name to the correct one,
PLEASE, Please do so NOW!!
In Harare, you can register at Market Square
(Harare District Office), Makombe Building (next to Passport Office) or at
the de-centralised Registrar-General's offices at Mt Pleasant District
Office, Mabvuku District Office, Machipisa District Office and one other
(sorry, no detail). You can also get your ID, register births, deaths and
marriages, register changes to your details and apply for a passport at these
offices. Currently, there is NO QUEUE AT MT PLEASANT - RUSH THERE if you
need to register or apply! You need your ID and proof
of residence.
TIME IS RUNNING OUT. We have now been informed that
VOTERS ROLL INSPECTION will take place from MONDAY 17 January to SUNDAY 30
January ONLY. After 30 January, you will not be able to register, or to
change your details (address, married name, etc) - so
ACT NOW! CARPE
DIEM. JUST DO
IT!! ............................................................ PS -
Please pass this message on to EVERYONE YOU KNOW! You can print this mail,
make a poster or flyer, or just talk to people, but please let's get EVERYONE
FOR DEMOCRACY ON THE VOTERS ROLL - including all 3 million Zimbabweans in the
DIASPORA - we need their vote! Not much time to do this - ONLY 3
WEEKS. LET'S DO IT!! CHINJA!
Alfred
Hickling Thursday January 6, 2005 The Guardian
"When words fail,
art speaks," writes the young African curator Raphael Chikukwa, which sounds
like the kind of windily portentous statement curators are prone to make,
except that in this case it happens to be true. Chikukwa has invited 13 of
Zimbabwe's most prominent artists and writers to comment on the country's
social and political condition; among them the influential journalist Bill
Saidi, who decided that the most telling way to respond to the gagging order
of the Mugabe regime would be to recreate his front room exactly as it was
30 years ago.
Saidi was editor of the Daily News, the last independent
newspaper in Zimbabwe, until it was shut down by the government in 2003. His
living room functioned as a shebeen, one of the illicit drinking dens in
which young radicals gathered covertly in the late 1960s and 1970s. Its
frowsy retro furnishings, brown plastic sofas and faint reek of ganja speak
poignantly of long evenings spent plotting a dream of independence that
somehow turned into a nightmare.
Tsvangirayi Mukwazhi, the former
chief photographer of the Daily News, presents some shockingly candid shots
of contemporary Harare streetlife. One shows a heavily armed police officer
standing with his boot on a suspect's head while another, of street children
torturing a pigeon, looks like the casual repetition of random violence,
until you realise the children intend to eat the bird.
Guardian
correspondent Andrew Meldrum's eviction from the country is alluded to in
Michele Mathison's disturbing video recreation of what it feels like to be
bundled into the boot of a car; while Voti Thebe's wedding dress, festooned
in balloons the colour of the Zimbabwean flag, looks like an item of
temporary relief, until you realise that the balloons are actually condoms,
and the work refers to the fact that 30% of the population are now infected
with HIV.
Chikukwa turns out to be quite correct - words fail you, though
the art quite potently speaks for itself. Until February 13.
Mugabe faces new threat as party militants
stage revolt By Basildon Peta, Southern Africa Correspondent 06 January
2005
Zimbabwe's ruling party is on the verge of disintegrating after
party militants invaded its headquarters in Harare to protest at Robert
Mugabe's autocratic style.
President Mugabe, who had just started a
month-long holiday in Malaysia, is expected to cut his break short and
return to Harare on Saturday to save his party from collapsing ahead of
elections in March.
The 81-year-old leader got a spoonful of his own
medicine when the angry supporters invaded his head office, as they have
invaded thousands of white farms, and briefly held his ruling Zanu PF's
political commissar hostage to protest at a purging of officials opposed to
Mr Mugabe's autocratic style.
The supporters blocked the main entrance
and barred the commissar, Elliot Manyika, a close Mugabe confidante, from
leaving the premises. They wanted him to explain why the party was imposing
candidates for parliamentary elections in March on the rank and file and
purging those disagreeing with Mr Mugabe over his
successor.
Eyewitnesses said the demonstrators expressed outrage at Mr
Mugabe's purge ahead of primary elections next week to choose election
candidates. Many potential candidates have been struck from the candidates
list on the grounds that Zanu PF wanted to give female candidates a greater
chance. Ironically, most of the invaders were women from the party's
influential women's league who believe that Mr Mugabe is merely using the
need to promote women as a trump card to impose his will on the
party.
"Many of the protesters think what is happening is not in the
interests of stability of the party," said a junior Zanu PF official
interviewed by telephone from party headquarters. "They think the imposition
of candidates at the expense of others for whatever outcome will do more
harm than good. The argument for empowering women is being seen by some just
as a pretext for settling scores."
The party members struck from the
list include six senior provincial chairmen who angered Mr Mugabe for
plotting against the election of Joyce Mujuru as vice-president to replace
the late Simon Muzenda. Among the plotters were the disgraced ministers
Patrick Chinamasa, July Moyo and Jonathan Moyo, who have all been dropped
from the top structures of Zanu PF and struck off from the candidates to
contest elections in March.
Even Mr Mugabe's close crony, the
semi-literate Joseph Chinotimba, who led the destructive invasions of white
farms that have ruined Zimbabwe's agriculture, has been banned from
contesting the March poll after he angered the leader by backing the rival
candidate, speaker of parliament Emmerson Mnangagwa.
Ms Mujuru is now
firmly on course to replace Mr Mugabe when he retires in 2008.
It is
the first time that Mr Mugabe and his supporters have quarrelled in public
throughout the 41-year history of his party. It is now feared that Mr
Mugabe, never afraid of spilling innocent blood to protect his power base,
will unleash the army and police against opponents, even those from within
his party, when he returns at the weekend.
A PURGE waged by the ruling party
against rebellious cadres might cost ZANU PF, which is facing another tricky
poll against the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), as it emerged that
spurned party bigwigs might contest the March elections as independent
candidates.
While the potential for fissures within ZANU PF became
more glaring after the infamous Tsholotsho meeting, which has claimed the
scalps of over a dozen party hopefuls, it is the imposition of candidates
this week that has driven disgruntled cadres to the edge. Sources
said the decision to elbow out party heavyweights linked to the Tsholotsho
debacle by reserving their constituencies for women and the nomination of
other senior party members unopposed had raised the ire of party activists
in the grassroots - the backbone of ZANU PF. The Young Turks, the most
aggrieved section, were cut off from the inner cabal of the ruling party,
which has maintained a firm grip on Zimbabwe's body politic since
independence in 1980, with most of them being dropped off the nomination
list for the ZANU PF primary elections. This has ignited a spark in the
faction-ridden party, with insiders intimating that the rejected mafikizolos
were considering standing as independent candidates. The boiling
discontent has been fuelled by the recent suspension of six provincial
chairmen. The former provincial leaders, who include Energy and Power
Development Minister July Moyo, have since been slapped with a five-year ban
from the party. "Most of the people being sidelined because of the
Tsholotsho meeting are contemplating standing as independents after the
rejection of their candidatures," said a ZANU PF insider. "Some of
them had put a lot of money in certain constituencies and have a strong
chance of winning," the insider added. Eight ZANU PF members broke
ranks with the ruling party to campaign as independent candidates in 1995,
citing irregularities in the nomination procedures. The eight, who
were later suspended from the party, included Margaret Dongo - Harare South;
Stanley Chabvepi - Bikita; Eddie Musabayana - Mutare South; Ephraim Marwizi
- Gutu; Patrick Marime - Mufakose; Great Makaya - Bikita; and Winston
Munangi - Zaka East. Among those allegedly imposed against the
electorate's own nominees are Prisca Mupfumira - Chinhoyi constituency;
Sabina Mugabe - Zvimba South; Edna Madzongwe - Manyame, a Mr Jonasi - Kariba
constituency; Sydney Sekeramayi - Mashonaland East; Cleveria Chizema - Glen
Norah; Tendai Savanhu - Mbare; David Chapfika- Mutoko North; and Amos Midzi
- Hatfield. The alleged imposition has caused a furore within ZANU PF's
ranks. Some women party supporters this week besieged the ZANU PF
headquarters demanding an explanation from political commissar Elliot
Manyika on the controversial nominations. Manyika maintained the
situation was under control, saying the party's election directorate would
"solve the problem". "We are waiting for the election directorate to
resolve the issue but I cannot tell you how we go about our work. We are
going to solve it our own way," Manyika said. Insiders intimated
the disgruntlement was a sure recipe for voter apathy within ZANU
PF. The situation could however provide a window of opportunity for the
MDC, which has a faltering grip, especially on the rural
electorate. "The people are not happy. They should have allowed people
to chose their own preferred candidates, not to impose people. If we go
against the will of the people we are done," said an insider.
"There are people who are deluding themselves that the MDC does not exist
and do not want to listen to advice but they will start listening after
March 2005," the source said. The parliamentary elections have been
slated for March 2005. "It does not make sense to impose women because
they are good ladies from Harare. They do not have grassroots support.
Candidates must come from the people. The elections must be open so that
every card-carrying member participates," the source said. In
Mashonaland East, ZANU PF supporters alleged that Sekeramayi had been
imposed ahead of their chosen candidate, Wilfred Marimo. Political
analyst Heneri Dzinotyiwei said "manoeuvreing big chefs into positions of
power could further marginalise electorate, already reeling from effects of
economic mismanagement". "In and outside ZANU PF, people are just
frustrated and when they see unfairness in a party they support, they are
likely to drag their feet," Dzinotyiwei said. "They can campaign as
independent candidates but eventually they will just turn back to ZANU PF.
That is the problem with this country's politics," said another political
analyst.
MOVEMENT for Democratic
Change (MDC) president Morgan Tsvangirai this week stoked the fires
surrounding the unfolding espionage saga by claiming that his party had
infiltrated the ZANU PF government.
Tsvangirai, whose party had
suspended participating in all elections unless the government undertook
broad electoral reforms, said the MDC had broken into ZANU PF's election
rigging machinery, courtesy of moles within the system. "We are
watching every step the regime is taking in a poor attempt to steal your
voice. That shall fail because we now know them well. We are deep
inside. "We know their strategies and plans, thanks to an
increasing number of patriotic Zimbabweans in their system. We have
sufficient material and determination to draw a line in the sand and block
yet another round of electoral fraud. In 2005, we are ready to hit the
ground and stop the rot," Tsvangirai said in his widely distributed weekly
message. The ZANU PF government has, in recent weeks, been besieged by
a sensational spy saga, which has so far sucked in prominent businessman and
the party's Mashonaland West province, Philip Chiyangwa,
ambassador-designate to Mozambique, Godfrey Dzvairo, ZANU PF deputy security
chief Kenneth Karidza, Zimbabwe's intelligence attaché in Geneva, Erasmus
Moyo and the party's director for external affairs Itai Marchi.
Former Metropolitan Bank company secretary Tendai Matambanadzo has also been
implicated in the alleged spy ring, while several other senior ZANU PF
officials, including two cabinet ministers, look set to be drawn into the
imbroglio. Chiyangwa, Dzvairo, Marchi and Matambanadzo have already
appeared in court to face charges of contravening Section 4 of the Official
Secrets Act, while Karidza will make a court appearance tomorrow. Moyo, who
had been recalled by the government from Geneva, did not return to Zimbabwe
is now on the run. Party and government officials implicated in the
case are alleged to have been passing on state secrets to foreign
intelligence organisations, with the US' Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
and Britain's MI-5 being linked to the intriguing espionage drama.
Harare has had a bitter diplomatic stand-off with Washington and Whitehall
for the past five years, with President Robert Mugabe accusing the latter of
seeking to overthrow his government. Britain and the US have led
international efforts to isolate the ZANU PF government, accusing it of a
serious democracy deficit and widespread human rights abuses. The
two states led a chorus of disapproval following President Mugabe's hotly
contested re-election in the 2002 presidential election. Tsvangirai's
statements are likely to cause further discomfort within the ruling party,
itself long accused of infiltrating opposition groups and ultimately
destroying them from within. ZANU PF national chairman John Nkomo, a
target of Jonathan Moyo's vitriol a couple of months ago, has recently
spoken about infiltrators that have destabilised the foundation of the
party. "We were infiltrated by a few termites, which began their long
journey of burrowing through our core values of liberation, discipline,
unity, respect and loyalty," Nkomo wrote in ZANU PF's Voice
newspaper. ZANU PF is in the middle of frantic efforts to break away
from emergent young politicians who had broken into influential party
positions, with the old guard of liberation war politicians reasserting
themselves in the party.
THE government, which last year
refused international food aid, is stepping up grain imports from South
Africa to avert a crisis that could be triggered by dwindling stock
levels.
Statistics released by the South African Grain Information
Service (SAGIS) in its weekly maize exports report showed that Zimbabwe is
importing between 5 060 tonnes and 8 000 tonnes of maize every
week. Zimbabwe, according to independent food aid agencies, is faced
with more than 2.4 million starving and malnourished people, a figure hotly
disputed by government. The country, which is reeling from the
effects of a three-year drought and a recession spanning over five years, is
now among South Africa's major maize importers. Commentators this
week said the imports were likely to leave a hole on the fiscus, further
worsing the budget deficit, amid speculation that the treasury had not
budgeted for the import bill. SAGIS said Mozambique, which is fast
emerging from a decade-long civil strife, is importing up to 396 tonnes,
Lesotho 1160 tonnes, Congo 216 tonnes, Botswana 598 tonnes and Namibia nine
tonnes. Samuel Muvuti, the chief executive officer of the Grain
Marketing Board (GMB), Zimbabwe's national granary, could not be reached for
comment. The GMB boss recently said the parastatal should be applauded
for importing maize. "The issue of importing grain has been
unnecessarily made newsworthy by some sections of the media. Actually, we
should be applauded for importing maize. A lot of countries are importing
maize," said Muvuti, a former soldier. A parliamentary committee on
food and agriculture recently made startling revelations that the country's
silos had only received 350 000 tonnes of maize from the 2003/4 farming
season. This was despite assurances by Agriculture Minister Joseph Made
that the country had sufficient grain to feed its 11 million-plus
people. Zimbabwe consumes an average of 158 000 tonnes of maize per
month. The GMB has so far imported only 224 000 tonnes.
SUSPENDED Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association (ZNLWVA)
chairman Jabulani Sibanda is being pushed out of his Silverspring Farm in
Umguza as ZANU PF gurus move to punish the rebellious former freedom
fighter.
It has been established that Sibanda's problems arose
from campaigning for presidential hopeful Emmerson Mnangagwa and attending
the Tsholotsho meeting allegedly to drum up support for the Speaker of
Parliament. Sources said the defiant Sibanda, who has openly clashed
with ZANU PF heavyweights, including Matabeleland North Governor Obert
Mpofu, was being pushed out of Silverspring, situated on prime farming land
in Umguza. They indicated that Silverspring was the suspended war
veterans leader's only property, ruling out any suspicion of multiple farm
ownership. ZANU PF insiders said the swoop on Sibanda's farm was
intended to neutralise Mnangagwa's support base following the suspension of
six provincial chairmen, who were supporting his presidential
ambitions. Mnangagwa, who had become known as the "Son of God" in the
ZANU PF power game, came close to snapping the vice-presidency when he
mobilised support from seven provinces. Dispossessing Sibanda of
Silverspring Farm is seen as one way of punishing the war veteran for openly
defying President Robert Mugabe when he was suspended from the party last
month. President Mugabe, the patron of the war veterans association,
authorised Sibanda's suspension from ZANU PF for allegedly attending the
Tsholotsho meeting. "Silverspring Farm, his only farm, has been
taken away. That was his only farm. The other worrying issue is Sibanda has
just disappeared from the scene . . . maybe he had gone to his rural home,"
said a source from Bulawayo. Sibanda's conspicuous absence from
Bulawayo comes as Dumiso Dabengwa, Josiah Tungamirai, Solomon Mujuru and
Vitalis Takawira, all ZANU PF politburo members, move to dissolve the ZNLWVA
executive and neutralise its powers. President Mugabe, irked by
political gamesmanship that threatened to split the ruling ZANU PF,
appointed the four-member panel to "restructure" the ZNLWVA.
Sibanda last year quoted trouble when he announced his intention to fight
for the top ZANU PF provincial post in the country's second largest
city. "He had problems with Obert Mpofu. Jabulani (Sibanda) was
eyeing the Umguza constituency, which is also being eyed by Mpofu," the same
sources said. "Sibanda was not a multiple farm owner, like some of
these party chefs who are now being dispossessed. This was his only farm,
which he often complained was not big enough. At one time he complained that
he did not fully benefit from the land reform programme," the sources
said. Sibanda, not one to mince his words, last month described his
four-year suspension from ZANU PF as a "suspicious move" and a "great
betrayal". ". . . I feel betrayed by the so-called four-year
suspension from the party. I would like to make it clear that it is not
four-years but seven years in that the same people have tormented me for the
past three years," Sibanda is on record as saying. He alleged that
some party heavies were baying for his blood at each and every
turn. Sibanda has for the past two years been on suspension from the
ruling party on charges of gross insubordination, stemming from charges that
he had been disrespectful to Vice-President Joseph Msika and other ex-senior
members of the former PF ZAPU.
POWER utility Zesa
Holdings has hiked electricity tariffs by an average 126 percent with effect
from January 1 2005.
Zesa general manager for corporate affairs
Obert Nyatanga announced that the weighted average electricity tariff would
go up from the current $104 per kilowatt hour (kWh) to $235 per kWh, as
recommended by a government appointed consultant - Sad-Elec of South
Africa. "After further consultations with government in November and
December 2004, it was agreed that Zesa implement the Sad-Elec recommended
cost reflective tariffs from January 1 2005 since government alone cannot
carry the electricity tariff subsidy of $1.14 trillion in 2005. "At
the same time, Zesa cannot continue to carry the heavy burden of that
subsidy alone, hence the decision to implement the recommended cost
reflective electricity tariffs," Nyatanga said in a statement.
Nyatanga indicated that the cross-subsidies would not be eliminated in the
first quarter of 2005 due to low tariff levels currently enjoyed by some
customers. "This therefore means that there is not going to be any
tariff adjustments for those few customers who are currently paying above
the recommended cost reflective tariffs until such time the tariff
rationalisation exercise is full implemented," Nyatanga added. The
mining and manufacturing industries are likely to be the hardest-hit by the
tariff adjustment, while the agricultural and residential sub-sectors will
have gradual tariff hikes. Zesa, which ran up a whopping $160 billion
loss in 2003, was forced to back down on a 400 percent tariff hike it had
sought to effect in 2003. Zesa was recently on the market seeking to
raise $50 billion to finance power importation and the purchase of coal for
its thermal power station and managed to raise $40.92 billion through the
issue of bills.
THE implementation
of a quota system in selecting ZANU PF candidates, starting with the March
polls, has sparked controversy among the party's male ranks, as it emerged
that 36 constituencies have been set aside for women.
When ZANU
PF adopted the quota system, not many aspiring males appreciated its full
implications, while others reluctantly endorsed it in the spirit of
promoting gender equality. Others simply went with the flow hoping their
preferred constituencies would not be affected. Sources, however, said
the quota system has now sparked disgruntlement among the ruling party's
male folk that had been eyeing to represent the party in 36 constituencies
set aside for women. The Financial Gazette has it on good authority
that some male parliamentary hopefuls had pumped in several millions of
dollars in constituencies were they had hoped to stand, but were now left in
the cold. Oppah Muchinguri, the ZANU PF Women's League boss said the 36
seats represents 30 percent of the entire seats, which the party is to
contest in this year's parliamentary elections. Muchinguri added:
"There has been some resistance from both men and women, but as a party we
should now put our heads together to beat the enemy in the
elections." Elliot Manyika, the ZANU PF national commissar, said the
quota system was a "full decision of the party" and that all party cadres
should adhere to it. In Harare, six constituencies have been
reserved for women, while Bulawayo had two, Manicaland five, Mashonaland
West four, Mashonaland Central three, Matabeleland North two, Matabeleland
South two, Midlands four and Mashonaland East four, bringing the total
reserved seats to 36. In Matabeleland North, the Tsholotsho seat that
had been eyed by Jonathan Moyo, the government spin-doctor, has been set
aside for a woman. Two women will fight it out in the
primaries. Muchinguri said she had been forced to call an emergency
executive meeting on Tuesday to strategise on the new political development,
coming hard on the heels of the appointment of Joyce Mujuru as the party's
first female Vice President. Workshops have been lined up for next
week Monday to train female cadres selected to represent the party on how to
campaign peacefully despite lack of financial resources to roll-out
meaningful campaigns. "We know there are women who were campaigning for
men but we are happy that we have managed to have 36 seats reserved for
us. "Of the 36 seats, fifty percent of the women are unopposed while
the other half women will fight it out in the primaries set for next week,"
said Muchinguri. "As a the Women's League, we are impressed by the
number of women that sent in their CVs for consideration as candidates. We
had about 100 CVs from women from all the provinces. What is left now is for
women to put their heads and energies together to make the dream of having
more women in parliament come true. "We know most of the women lack
sufficient resources of their own to launch a formidable campaign but we
have looked at all this and we are ready for the challenge," she
said.
BULAWAYO - Who is Who
of Southern Africa, published in 1998, a year before Jonathan Moyo came onto
the political scene, describes him as "a high-powered academic" destined for
a senior post at the University of Zimbabwe.
He did not make it
back to the University of Zimbabwe, where he had been a lecturer before
joining the Ford Foundation in Kenya, but he made it to the University of
Witwatersrand. Moyo did not stay, however. Within months he was heading
the propaganda section of the Constitutional Commission tasked with drafting
a new constitution that was rejected by Zimbabweans in February 2000. But he
had laid the groundwork for his appointment as Information Minister
following a narrow ZANU PF victory in the June 2000 elections.
Considered an outsider and an opportunist, Moyo methodically worked his way
up, chopping down anyone who stood in his path and becoming one of the most
powerful people in the country. Editors were thrown out of jobs faster
than junior reporters. More than 1 500 media workers lost their
jobs. Moyo had become so powerful that most people thought he was now
untouchable. But things changed dramatically after he allegedly organised a
meeting in his home constituency, Tsholotsho, in November to oppose the
nomination of Joyce Mujuru as vice-president. He fell with a thud. He was
kicked out of the ZANU PF central committee and its politburo. He has been
denied the constituency he worked so hard for and the axe is hanging over
his ministerial job. But, surprisingly, although he has lost
control of the state media, his most powerful tool, he has dominated the
news ever since his political career took a dive, overshadowing the new
vice-president Joyce Mujuru, who made history by becoming the first woman to
attain that position and should have been the media focus. Moyo,
who is said to be one of the most disliked ministers both by his own
colleagues in the ruling party and the public, has proved that he is hot
material. His story sells. But the media's obsession with Moyo,
although justified because of the havoc he created in the industry, has
robbed the public of an explanation of what really transpired at Tsholotsho
and who was behind the meeting. Moyo has successfully organised
political and musical galas. But he did not have the capacity to organise a
gathering of the magnitude of the Tsholotsho meeting, unless he had powerful
backers. According to reports, the meeting was almost a who-is-who in
ZANU PF, especially among the party's so-called Young Turks. The fact that
it was attended by six of the 10 provincial chairmen, provincial governors
and ministers says a lot. This is reflected by the fact that
although President Robert Mugabe vowed to deal with all those who attended
the Tsholotsho meeting, a good number seems to have got away. The
media has so far given the impression that Moyo was the biggest, if not the
only, loser. He has drawn so much attention that people have not been kept
abreast with the fate of the suspended provincial chairmen, or that of the
chairman of the war veterans association and all the others who attended the
meeting. But more importantly, the public has not been informed about
the significance or implications of the meeting itself and President
Mugabe's decision to deal with the rebels. "There was nothing wrong
with the suspension of the six chairmen, but what is wrong is the media
focus," political commentator Lawton Hikwa said. "There is too much
focus on Moyo. We are not being told what happened to the suspended
chairmen, the leader of the war veterans association and all those who
attended the Tsholo-tsho meeting. And people are still in the dark about
what the meeting was all about." Hikwa argued that the party had every
right to suspend the people it suspended. He said from a layman's point of
view, it appeared that the party was being harsh because people had a right
to meet in any democratic society. "Organisations are run along
specified operational guidelines and according to their constitutions. Those
involved in the Tsholotsho meeting got it all wrong because they ignored
party protocol. So the disciplinary action taken against them was a question
of procedure rather than an attack on democracy," Hikwa said. He
said another problem was that the local media, both independent and public,
tended to institutionalise people. "Moyo is not an institution within he
party. The media has to tell us what happened to all those who attended the
meeting." Although President Muga-be has tried to give the impression
that he was on top of the situation, he conceded a lot of ground to the
"rebels". Apart from the provincial chairmen, the only other people who seem
to have been given the chop are Justice Minster Patrick Chinamasa, war
veterans deputy chairman Joseph Chinotimba, who had been elected to the
party's central committee, and former deputy minister Tony Gara.
Junior ministers Abednico Ncube, Andrew Langa and Flora Buka, and provincial
governor Josaya Hungwe seem to have got away. The list could be much longer
as no one made an inventory of who attended the meeting. The media
seems to have ignored these anomalies which, some say, reflect the simmering
divisions within the ruling party. Observers say the ruling party's
decision to deal with the provincial chairmen and some of the politicians
who had built solid bases in their constituencies could cost it dearly in
the coming elections. Herald columnist Natha-niel Manheru, who most
people claim is Jonathan Moyo, put it this way: "ZANU PF needs to introspect
a little and see itself warts and all. Its Young Turks may have been
abrasive and even subversive, but they represent an urge that exists in the
party, which may grow stronger and too insistent to be ignored, the urge for
a style more competitive, elective and meritorious. "Equally, its
old guard represents wisdom and the radical continuity of struggle. But not
all of them are patriotic, innovative, current, competent and of democratic
temperament . . . Some in their midst hide behind the aura of age, the halo
of time and in fact stand greatly beholden to the same Young Turks who stood
stout and steadfast to reorganise against the MDC after the 2000 bruising
challenge. "Moyo and his colleagues may have erred, may even be a
problem. But they are hardly enemies." By focusing entirely on
Moyo, the media could be in for a bumpy ride. There is much more to the
Tsholotsho meeting than meets the eye. Moyo could just be a scapegoat
to enable the government to smoothen things so that ZANU PF can get back its
respectability ahead of the crucial elections, which have to be seen to be
free and fair and have to conform to regional and international
guidelines.
BULAWAYO - A drug that
is being vigorously promoted in Zimbabwe as the answer to solving the
mother-to-child transmission of HIV may have serious side-effects,
especially if used as a single dose.
Reports now surfacing show
that the drug, nevirapine, may cause long-term resistance to AIDS drugs if
used as a lone dose, thus foreclosing other treatment options.
Associated Press says while the United States' National Institute of Health
(NIH) knew about the problems way back in 2002, it did not tell the White
House before President George W Bush launched a plan to spread nevirapine
throughout Africa. The NIH's AIDS division chief, Dr Edmund Tramont,
even doctored a report by one of his subordinates, Dr Betsy Smith, that
showed some of the negative safety concerns that had been discovered in
Uganda during clinical trials there. Tramont's report, submitted
shortly before Bush's visit to Africa from July 7-12 2003, concluded that
nevirapine was safe even when used as a single dose. Bush visited Botswana,
South Africa, Uganda, Nigeria and Senegal. "HIVNET 012 has
demonstrated the safety of single dose nevirapine for the prevention of
maternal to child transmission of HIV infection," the doctored report
said. It added that although discrepancies were found in the database
and some unreported adverse events were discovered during the re-monitoring
process, these were not clinically important in determining the safety of
the drug. According to Associated Press, Tramont's juniors and
Jonathan Fishbein, an expert hired by the NIH to improve the agency's
research practices, had argued that they needed more time to rectify some of
the safety concerns that had been raised. These problems had forced a
15-month stop on research into using a single dose of nevirapine to prevent
the mother-to-child transmission of HIV. Tramont argued that the
research should resume because the monitors did not understand HIV/AIDS. And
they had "very little sense or feeling for the local culture". "I
personally have been involved with this site's problems and I am convinced
that this site is ready to resume given the limitations of doing research in
any resource-poor under-developed country," Tramont wrote to his
juniors. "I want this restriction lifted ASAP (As Soon As Possible)
because the site is now the best in Africa run by black Africans and
everyone has worked so hard to get it right as evidenced by the fact that
the lab is now certified." Tramont's deputy, Jonathan Kagan, argued
that he did not see any harm in giving Fishbein time to review the data on
the Uganda research site. "I think Fishbein deserves to see what those
reports said and what evidence there is that the deficiencies were
corrected. If we have the data, it shouldn't take a long time for him to
review this and I believe both he and DAIDS (Division of AIDS) deserve the
time to do this," Kagan wrote. "From his vantage point , Ed, it must
look like we have something to hide. "Let him find out what was
wrong and what was done about it. Where's the harm? Ed, what your note is
essentially saying is that you want the site opened. "I think we're
cutting off our noses to spite our face here. It's not going to matter if
the site opens this week, or next or even the next. We should not be
motivated by political gain and it's dangerous for you, of all people, to be
diminishing the value of our monitors." Tramont would not budge. He
closed debate on the subject, saying: "HIVNET012 has been reviewed,
re-monitored, debated and scrutinised. To do anymore would be beyond
reason." The director of the Medicines Control Authority of Zimbabwe,
Mafios Dauramanzi, said nevirapine was registered in the country as an
antiviral drug and was to be used in triple combination and not as a single
dose. He said it was not registered to prevent mother-to-child transmission
of HIV, but was being used for this as "operational research". Drug
information on nevirapine from the NIH clearly states that the drug can
cause severe life-threatening liver damage and skin reactions that can be
fatal. lDetailed information about the drug is available at: http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/druginfo/medmaster/a600035.html
ACTING President
Joyce Mujuru has started flexing her muscles and last week ordered the
Ministry of Transport and Communications to put an end to the rot at the
national airline, Air Zimbabwe (AirZim).
Mujuru, the country's
first female vice-president who is acting while President Robert Mugabe is
on his annual leave in the Far East, was not amused by the goings-on at the
parastatal, which has been losing billions of dollars because of flight
delays over the past two months. Karikoga Kaseke, the permanent
secretary in the Ministry of Transport and Communications, said Mujuru was
concerned by delays in AirZim's flights and had tasked the ministry to
resolve the problems bedevilling the airline "once and for all".
"Government decided to intervene and investigate the cause of the delays,
which were even taking up to eight days for international flights," Kaseke
said. He said his ministry had, since last Friday, started monitoring
AirZim flight schedules. The cash-strapped AirZim has been
experiencing long delays in the departure and arrival of its flights on all
its routes since November last year and has been paying hundreds of millions
of dollars in hotel bookings every day for passengers who miss their flights
as a result. Karikoga said the airline was paying 300 pounds (Z$4.5
million) every day for each passenger who missed a flight because of the
delays, especially on its London route. The airline's Beijing
flight was at one time delayed by more than eight days. But the situation is
said to have significantly improved, with this week's Monday night flight
departing on schedule. The delays at the national airline have been
attributed to industrial action by some AirZim staff, reportedly protesting
against the suspension of their 10 percent travel discount facility, which
has since been reinstated. The new airline's chief executive officer,
Tendai Mahachi, has been tasked to prepare a report to be presented tomorrow
to the transport ministry, showing how much the airline lost during the two
months
The Zimbabwean ruling class must have,
in the years leading up to 2003, identified more with Robert Browning's The
Lost Leader. For the period between 1998 and 2003 seemed more like "never
glad confident morning again".
ZANU PF's rule was given a twist of
realism. The once reassuringly resilient economy faltered. Political
tensions heightened more as an expression of the general disillusionment of
the people frustrated by social deprivation. Thus Zimbabwe entered 2004
amidst the agony of an economic meltdown, violent political battling and
dangerous tensions threatening to tear the usually tranquil and stable
society apart. The atmosphere was poisoned by the noxious fumes of the
politics of intolerance and hatred for compromise brewed in the Zimbabwean
pot - bringing into sharp focus the polarity of the stands taken by the
opposing political views. This is why, by the time the curtain was finally
drawn on 2004, even though the chronic high-inflation economy had begun
showing signs of modest recovery, the year had thrown up in the air,
challenges as regards the people's expectations as well as several
contentious issues - most of which present a moral dilemma demanding
self-introspection from all stakeholders, but particularly from the
leadership. Regarding the challenges which include the incipient
process of re-integrating the increasingly ostracised Zimbabwe into the
community of nations and pressing ahead with austerity measures to put a
fresh heart into the enfeebled economy, also arose the question of
prioritising and strategising to meet national aspirations. That is if the
incumbent government, with a proud revolutionary past, is not to leave a
terrible legacy of obsolete socio-political and economic
structures. On the political front the authorities seem to be aware of
the people's growing concerns. None other than President Robert Mugabe
himself has taken great umbrage to the institutionalised culture of
political violence if his public statements and their elaborate tones are
anything to go by. He has since made it clear that Zimbabweans have high
hopes for further democratisation and expansion of political pluralism where
they should be allowed to organise freely of their political convictions. As
categorically stated by President Mugabe in his 17th State of the Nation
Address on December 9, 2004, the people yearn for: a decisive rupture with
the reproachable past characterised by politically-motivated murders, wanton
destruction of property, bullying and intimidation perpetrated by vicious
political attack dogs. The people also hunger, if we might add, for
freedom of the press where politically confused, inconsequent, voluble,
ill-poised and insecure government spin doctors with impure motives and
their political colleagues who listen to no one and won't hear any
contradiction or discussion, do not seek to guide journalists piercing
self-serving veils of government secrecy in search of the truth -
threatening them with political backlash; a principled, pragmatic, strong
and resolute political leadership that shuns meaningless populist rhetoric
but instead listens to the voice of reason and the influence of realities; a
leadership that does not waver from hard choices nor avoid novelties
regarding them as a threat to stability - which is synonymous with
stagnation; a leadership that does not mind political cartoons and jokes at
its expense. Lastly but not least, an increased accountability of the
executive power to the legislative power, among other things. In
other words, the generality of the Zimbabwean people want to be rid of
everything that should have been swept away with the rubble of the white
supremacist Rhodesian regime - remembered for its obnoxious and peculiarly
anachronistic system of racial discrimination - so that it does not rise
again to the demands of some future oppressive ruling class. It
does not end there. There are also a number of outstanding issues government
should pursue to their full expression, chief of which is the
anti-corruption drive. Hence the inexorable increase in moral pressure for
government to intensify its campaign against the deep-seated corruption
scourge. After the government made a pledge to deal with corruption the
people feel that that promise must be kept. Up until recently the
general perception has been that the government never missed an occasion to
let slip an opportunity to deal with corruption, especially in high places.
This was not without reason. There had been persistent lack of action by the
authorities after relevant information is obtained and presented. The lack
of prosecutorial progress despite incontrovertible evidence of corruption
resulted in frustration spreading not only within the ranks of law
enforcement agents but among the generality of the people as well.
Even now, despite what, at face value appears like a pro-active campaign
against corruption, the result has largely been anticlimactic, as it were.
First, the grand total of indictments is disappointing to say the least.
Second, long-standing probes have unfortunately languished for some time
without any visible progress. Not only that but the arm of the Zimbabwean
law has not been long enough to catch up with fugitives from justice. And
there is very little hope for the extradition of those who, in the court of
public opinion, acted with criminal intent, reducing some of the country's
financial institutions to hollow shells and should therefore be put into
bottles and be sent out with the Indian Ocean Tsunamis. This has
unfortunately created the impression among Zimbabweans-who are obviously
askance as to why the government took the aim if it could not pull the
trigger-that the country's criminal justice system has been twisted to
protect the powerful and influential members of society. Put simply, it is
hard to escape the conclusion that the law is now at best cheap and at worst
blind to the transgressions of the rich and powerful. The feeling among
the people is that the powers-that-be, whose aim, in ruthlessly dealing with
the so-called ZANU PF Young Turks who had thrown their diapers into the
ring, was to lose as little as possible from a political point of view,
should show the same zeal in dealing with corruption - the dangerous cancer
afflicting the national fabric. We however hasten to say that the law
should not be applied selectively like the spider's web, which catches only
the smallest insects and lets through the big ones. All are supposed to be
equal before the law - social or political status notwithstanding. We say
this because like an oil spill, corruption has been slowly spreading -
tarring a growing list of influencing-peddling prominent politicians, their
cronies and businessmen linked to the high echelons of the ruling class.
There are therefore fears born of a healthy scepticism that this alone might
shrink the government's resolve to decisively deal with graft and corruption
- where it will zero in only on the politically expendable. That will be not
only a travesty of justice but a tragedy too. In a nutshell, the
foregoing chronicles an integral part of the people's wish list of the
issues government should deal with in 2005.
Events of the past three or so
weeks have shown that it is not only CZ, the MDC, the NCA, Zvakwana or any
such individuals and groupings that are bent on "subverting" a
constitutionally elected government. Even people within that government are
pushing the same agenda! Jesu Kristo!
Who was making the most noise
in Parliament last year when Tony Blair said he was working with the MDC to
effect regime change in this country? "He-eeh we need to pass a motion
to outlaw the MDC, blah, blah." And right now where is he? So who is a
true patriot? CZ now believes that most, if not all, of these super-patriots
are fakes! Anyway, God is not a fool. Some Professor spent sleepless
nights drafting draconian laws to settle personal grudges with those who did
not agree with him . . . and he gets the boot before even one of his enemies
has been caught in his snare. Isn't it painful? Some handpicked
Justice Minister who is always drafting zany laws, such as the NGO Bill,
provokes an elected opposition member of Parliament into a scuffle in the
august House, resulting in the elected MP being thrown into jail without any
trial. Barely months after the MP has been jailed, and before some of
the crazy laws have been promulgated, the handpicked Justice Minister is
about to be thrown out of the ship. Doesn't this show something
about the power of God . . . I mean, divine intervention?
Youths?
It is bad, if not downright criminal, for anyone to try and
get cheap mileage from other people's mishaps. Here CZ is referring
to this noisy brother of his, one Donald Charumbira, who claims to be the
secretary-general of that dubious Malaysia-based organisation calling itself
the World Assembly of Youths (WAY). Following last week's tsunami
disaster in the Far East, CZ could not believe it when Charumbira claimed he
was rushing there to command an army of hundreds of youth volunteers in
mounting rescue operations. Since when has this WAY, a two-man band,
become a serious world body? We hear all the stories about the Zimbabwe
Federation of Youths being an affiliate of this WAY, but since when has this
WAY animal grown beyond being a shadowy organisation only known to two men,
one from Malaysia, and the other from Zimbabwe? So Cde Charumbira
thought he was not getting enough mileage from his column at The Herald and
decided to use the disaster to draw attention to himself? It's
criminal!
Busybodies!
Last weekend, CZ's outgoing
brother at The Chronicle - we mean this thoroughly dishevelled brother who
calls himself "Busybody" - thought he could change his fate by hauling some
tendentious insults on CZ and everyone else at the Fingaz. From the
outside of it, the man seemed to have taken issue with the paper's lead
story of last week about the Professor! However, the truth is that Cde
Busybody was irked by the paper's story in the previous issue which reported
that all those fawning hangers-on thrown into senior editorial positions in
the state media by the outgoing Professor were, as expected, also
outgoing. But this is the truth. He and several of his colleagues who
sashayed their way to the top by licking the Professor's bottom are surely
in the departure lounge right now - anytime soon, we will miss them!
Unfortunately, this is the truth, and Cde Busy has to wear it like a peptic
ulcer! Pretending as if the Professor is still very much secure in his
pigeonhole will not change anything . . . it will not mean that Busy
himself, whose credentials are dubious, will not follow his master. If
anything, this is mere ostrich mentality and we wonder where it will take
one to. Busybody, of all comedians in this country? Who is he to
preach about which news stories are true and which ones are not?
Remember that story about MDC planning to bomb all tall buildings in the
country? We wonder when the bombings will take place. But only the
demented and the hysterical need a soothsayer to tell them that this is the
end of the road for the rambunctious Professor. His minions can scream
denials until their voices grow hoarse but that won't make a shade of
difference as the man is surely now part of our country's sad
history! "Pigment" of fertile imagination! My foot! Even Cde
George Charamba was shocked by the level of madness with which Cde Busy and
his colleagues in the state media are trying to defend the beleaguered
Professor. This is what he had to say after The Chronicle and The
Herald decided to sex up a simple statement in their blind quest to glean
sympathy from their sobbing master: "What the editors have done in
the story amounts to being aggrieved on behalf of a private party member.
This is untoward, partisan and quite overboard given that the matter is
between a party and its member who, in the present circumstances, can only
be assumed to have submitted himself to his party's actions of censure and
sanction," Charamba said. "The report itself is a straight story
falling outside an editorial comment, and based solely on unnamed sources.
It, thus, amounts to unwarranted editorialising, itself quite
unprofessional. "Until Professor Moyo, strictly as a member of his
party, expressed public dissatisfaction with decisions of his party,
newspapers had no right or reason to invent a grievance for him. Overall,
therefore, the piece smacked of zealous advocacy made all the more odd by
the fact that it appeared in two leading national newspapers which should be
better informed about party and government matters," he added. From
the tone that Cde Charamba employed, one could be forgiven for assuming that
the statement was meant for The Daily News . . . and this tells the full
story about the future of our brothers! Anyway, we all know that Cde
Busybody, just like his godfather, is bitter and dangerous. Ever
heard of a cobra with a broken spine? It tries to kill anything within its
reach before is it dies. cznotebook@yahoo.co.uk
ZIMBABWE is fast running out of wheat,
with the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) reportedly down to four months' worth
of grain supplies in store, despite government declarations that the country
has sufficient stocks to last until the next harvest.
National
Bakers' Association vice-chairman Burombo Mudu-mo, said the industry was
bracing for the deficit and would start imports at the beginning of the
second quarter. "There are only four months wheat stocks and we are
gearing up for imports. We hope we would continue getting positive response
on foreign currency allocation. We have never had problems and we hope it
will continue that way," said Mudumo. Although GMB officials were
not available for comment on the issue, another wheat shortage would result
in widespread bread shortages as witnessed between 2001 and 2002.
Famine Early Warning Systems Net-work (FEWSNET) said the country needs about
US$85 million for wheat imports this year to satisfy an estimated 260 000
metric tonnes deficit for the crop. Only 80 000 metric tonnes of wheat
were produced locally for the 2004/2005 season. Farmers failed to
expand the total area under wheat to a targeted 80 000 hectares, with only
33 000 hectares planted. Most farmers also failed to harvest the crop
before the onset of the rains, resulting in poor yields as the moist
conditions adversely affected grain quality. Farmers - the majority
of whom were newly-resettled under the government's controversial land
reform - have cited high water charges and electricity tariffs coupled with
poor producer prices as reasons for depressed productivity. Many
have abandoned production of the crop for barley. In 2003, less than
150 000 tonnes of wheat were produced, a decrease from 360 000 tonnes
produced in 2001. Zimbabwe consumes about 400 000 metric tonnes of wheat a
year.
A PRICING stalemate between millers and bakers threatens the
availability of bread and related products, following the recent
announcement of new wheat and flour prices by the Ministry of Industry and
International Trade.
The dispute was sparked by millers who
have continued charging $4.1 million per tonne of white wheat flour compared
to the gazetted $3.5 million per tonne. Bakers' Association
vice-chairman Burombo Mudumo accused millers of intransigence by failing to
adjust prices to the gazetted levels. "Millers did not reduce the price
of wheat as laid out by the government. As an association, our input costs
are affected and we remain disadvantaged as we have complied with the
current gazetted prices. "They are getting cheaper wheat from Grain
Marketing Board," said Mudumo. Zimbabwe's sole wheat supplier GMB
increased its allocation from 1 500 tonnes per week at a cost of $900 000 to
4 000 tonnes per week for the same amount. The maximum producer and
wholesale price for a kilogram of self-raising flour is $4000 and $4 200
respectively. The retail price for the same product was pegged at $4
650.
The 2004 Zimbabwean political year
came to a close with a bang, thanks to the explosive developments within the
ruling ZANU PF.
Who would have guessed 12 months ago that the
nation would wake up on January 1 2005 under the leadership and authority of
a female acting President? But, of course, a year is a very, very
long time in politics. The behind-the-scenes manoeuvreing that has propelled
former freedom fighter Joyce Mujuru to the very top has been a subject of
intense speculation and conjecture. The political power quake that
has rocked ZANU PF in the last few months has provided a useful diversion
for economically battered Zimbabweans. The spellbinding developments within
ZANU PF enabled many Zimbabweans to forget that they were about to have one
more no-frills Christmas-cum-New Year "festive" period. In the
run-up to Christmas, the hottest story concerned the political tribulations
of the erstwhile all-powerful and hyperactive Minister of Information and
Publicity, Jonathan Moyo. The swashbuckling amateur propagandist left
the ruling party's national people's congress in early December with his
tail between his legs. The party's top leadership had been ruthless in
clipping Moyo's wings over his foolhardy involvement in organising the
infamous Tsholotsho indaba. They then proceeded to banish the man known
as the most prominent mafikizolo (Johnny-come-lately) from the inner circles
of ZANU PF, systematically disqualifying him from all the important organs
of the party. As a result, he may not even be able to contest the
party's primary elections in Tsholotsho, into which he poured millions of
dollars in donations and development projects. I found it extremely
interesting to read Moyo's statements in his desperate attempt to exonerate
himself and cast himself as someone who was being unfairly blamed for the
crafting of the draconian Access to Information and Protection of Privacy
Act (AIPPA) when the fact of the matter was that this was a law for which
the party was collectively responsible. It is ironic for Moyo to
regard himself as a sacrificial lamb in this instance. His critics and
victims of his high-handed pronouncements and actions at the height of his
reign pour scorn and sarcasm on him precisely because he personalised his
crusade against media freedom. He regarded media organisations such as
the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, Zimbabwe Newspapers and ZIANA as such
personal fiefdoms that he had no qualms about imposing absolute control over
them. This meant that Moyo dictated editorial policy and could fire
staff without regard to any labour regulations. Moyo was also
accused of invoking AIPPA to "fix" or humiliate media practitioners by
ordering their arrest on the flimsiest or most implausible
pretexts. Indeed, when Moyo was committing these abuses against
mostly independent media practitioners, questions were raised whether he was
following any coherent policy or whether he was simply acting according to
whim. During these heady days of Moyo's power, commentators
regularly described him as a ruthless opportunist who sought to portray
himself as more radical than long-standing members of ZANU PF. But
never once did the professor pose to re-examine his approach and tone down
his pronouncements. He, in fact, did everything possible to show that he was
a power unto himself. The events that have unfolded over the last few
months can only serve to confirm the truth of the Biblical proverb: "Pride
goes before a fall." Last year was the year when Moyo must have reached
the pinnacle of his powers a Minister of Information and Publicity. This was
the year when, through his very public verbal duels with Vice-President
Joseph Msika, party national chairman John Nkomo and information and
publicity chief Nathan Shamuyarira, he demonstrated that he was
"untouchable". His very public determination to defy these party
heavyweights seemed to send a clear message that the only person he was
prepared to take orders from was President Robert Mugabe. That
Moyo's misfortunes since the infamous Tsholotsho debacle became public also
shows how true it is that one should be careful not to step on other
people's necks on one's way up. The media has been accused of being
obsessed with Moyo's woes and even plotting his downfall. The simple truth
is that the professor made himself such a dominant figure on the political
landscape that he could never hope to quietly blend into the woodwork again.
Those who live by the media indeed die by the media! Zimbabwe has
never had a minister like Jonathan Moyo. There have been some mavericks,
such as Herbert Ushewokunze, but the difference is that these were
passionate about their portfolios in a constructive way. Zimbabweans
have not been able to appreciate Moyo's apparently boundless energy because
it has largely appeared to be misdirected. Just imagine where the
country would be if such energy and zeal were directed towards positive
national pursuits and goals rather than the vindictive and personal
skirmishes the professor got bogged in.
The year 2004
witnessed a lot of law points within our broader legal system. The
wheels of justice failed to turn smoothly and efficiently because our law
operated within political and economic systems that were hostile.
All lawyers and individuals with a sense of justice will look back at the
past year with a combination of loathing, regret and sadness. It is
hoped, but half-heartedly so, that the year 2005 will usher in positive
developments within our entire legal system. A wholesale positive
transformation of our system is doubtful unless some of our obstinate and
repression-obsessed politicians will repeal all unconstitutional and neo
fascist laws promulgated in the recent years. Further, our legal system
shall never be able to usher in real and substantial justice as long as the
institutions of the state mandated with the administration of justice are
impoverished. We must all look into the new year, with new hope and
unflinching confidence that before and after the elections, legality and
constitutionalism as universally defined will visit upon us. This
optimism must motivate first our politicians, and state officials within the
police, prison service, the courts and entire justice ministry to
acknowledge that a society with no equality will enjoy no everlasting
peace. Currently out justice Ministry and other indispensable arms of
the state are strangled by multiple operational problems whose solution only
lies in the government's change of attitude, more importantly by identifying
priority arrears. It is hoped that the Justice Ministry, which has
hitherto been kept at the periphery and regarded as irrelevant will get its
deserved recognition by receiving adequate funding. The capacity of the
courts to dispense justice efficiently and timeously can only recommence and
be sustained through various methods including but not limited to;
addressing the incessant brain drain among magistrates, judges and
representatives of the Attorney-General, through adequately remunerating all
professional, and non-professional staff as well as, adequately equipping
the courts with appropriate furniture, computers and stationery. It
is hoped that the year 2005 will witness the recognition of the
indispensability of magistrates as against the politically expedient
recognition of traditional leaders. Consequently it shall not only
be pleasing, but imperative that these valuable judicial officers be
allocated cellphones, vehicles and reasonable accommodation. It is
further hoped and prayed that the phylanthropism exercised by a host of
aspiring Members of Parliament will extend to giving our courts computers,
stationery, vehicles and other necessary material to ensure that our
community receive better service. lVote Muza is a lawyer with Gutu
& Chikowero Legal Practitioners. Email: gutulaw@mweb.co.zw, website: www.gutulaw.co.zw
By Staff
Reporter Last updated: 01/06/2005 10:05:31 ZIMBABWE'S controversial
Information Minister Jonathan Moyo is fighting his disqualification from
standing in Zanu PF primary polls to elect candidates to represent the party
in Parliamentary elections in March.
In a letter to Zanu PF's secretary
for the commissariat Elliot Manyika, Moyo said he had been unfairly
disqualified after Zanu PF ruled at the last minute that the Tsholotsho
seat, which Moyo was eyeing, had been reserved for women.
"If
Tsholotsho had been indeed reserved for women candidates only, this should
have been announced publicly and in advance to give all potential qualified
women in the party an equal opportunity to participate and to give men due
notice that they are excluded from participation. This was not done," Moyo
said in the letter seen by the State-run Chronicle newspaper.
Moyo's
latest attempts to win back the sole ticket to represent Zanu PF in the
elections puts to rest rumours that he had given up on politics or that he
had fled the country. He is currently on holiday with his family in
Kenya.
Zanu PF's Matabeleland North provincial coordinating committee
sat and decided on Tuesday that they wanted new women contestants for the
seat -- controversially picking-up the wife of Bulawayo governor anf former
Tsholotsho MP Cain Mathema, Moyo's political foe in the region.
The
original candidates who had submitted their CVs, and had them accepted,
Josephine Moyo and Similo Dube were disqualified for having attended a
controversial indaba in Tsholotsho at which Moyo is alleged to have plotted
a palace coup and tried to block the nomination of Joyce Mujuru to be the
country's first female Vice President.
Moyo was dropped from the Zanu
PF central committee and the politburo after the meeting. The recriminations
against those who attended were felt far and wide, with six provincial
chairman being suspended for five years each.
Moyo insists he meets all
the party's requirements -- being a member of its National Consultative wing
and a former central committee and politburo member.
He says in the
letter: "When you (Manyika) directed late last month that the DCCs should
start the process of officially selecting candidates, no instruction came
either from you or the Matabeleland North Coordinating Committee to say that
Tsholotsho had been reserved for women candidates only.
"...the two
women who ended-up submitting their CVs did so from the floor of the meeting
and apparently after they had been tipped to come prepared for the
eventuality, nothing could be more unfair."
Moyo gave notice that he
would be appealing to the Zanu PF national election directorate for a review
of the case.