http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011 18:41
By
Paidamoyo Muzulu
MDC–M secretary-general and the man expected to take
over as party president
at its third congress which gets underway tomorrow,
Welshman Ncube, has
called for elections to be held in 2013 when they are
constitutionally due
because no meaningful electoral, media or security
reforms have been put in
place to date.
In an exclusive interview
with the Zimbabwe Independent at his Harare home
yesterday, Ncube said that
the holding of elections should follow the full
implementation of the Global
Political Agreement (GPA), which stipulates
that a new constitution must be
in place and calls for the establishment of
independent commissions and
electoral and media reforms that create a
conducive environment for holding
of free and fair polls.
“Clearly as things stand now in 2011 those
conditions do not exist,” he
said. “There is unanimity that those conditions
do not exist. It is
pointless to have them (elections) in 2011. Let’s use
2011 to implement
those things and have elections in 2012 but if not the
best thing to do is
to have the elections when they are due, that is in
2013,” Ncube said.
His statement is in sharp contrast to Zanu PF
which resolved at its December
2010 conference in Mutare to hold elections
this year.
Ncube said contrary to assertions that the inclusive
government ends after
two years, the GPA calls for a review of the working
of the government to
measure if it has created a conducive environment to
hold elections and the
result will determine if elections should be
held.
The secretary-general is on the brink of the party presidency
after securing
11 out of 12 of the party’s provincial nominations for the
post. Only
Masvingo failed to hold a provincial congress to make its
nomination.
Ncube will become the second president of the party since
its split from the
main MDC formation led by Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai in October 2005
over differences on whether or not to participate
in senatorial elections.
He will be taking over from Arthur Mutambara who is
not contesting the
presidency.
Mashonaland Central is the only
province that nominated Mutambara for a post
in the party’s national
executive, as secretary-general, the same position
Ncube currently
holds.
Ncube clearly believes his party will be within its remit to
recall
Mutambara from his government post as deputy prime
minister.
“People who were seconded to the inclusive government are
deployed by the
parties,” Ncube said. “In our case it’s the party that
decided who was
deployed from the deputy prime minister to the deputy
ministers. All of
these can be redeployed without exception, all of them,”
Ncube said.
Ncube said Zanu PF and President Robert Mugabe have no right to
veto any
nomination to the cabinet by the other partners in the inclusive
government.
“No party is given a veto over the nominees of the
other,” he said. “It is
against the spirit of the agreement for Zanu PF to
allege a veto for a
person qualified to be a minister. To arrogate
themselves a veto is wrong in
principle,” Ncube said.
He added
that the party’s standing committee would decide Mutambara’s fate
in
government.
As the new president of MDC, Ncube said he would continue
to fight for the
full implementation of the GPA and restore the economy by
pushing the
inclusive government to deliver.
“We will have to
ensure that the GPA is fully implemented with a new
constitution, electoral
reforms, governance reforms that will make sure that
the will of the people
is not distorted. This also includes developing the
economy. It is only a
truly free people, economically free who can exercise
free choice in
elections,” he said.
Ncube said they were not looking for coalition
partners in the next
elections.
“The most important thing is to
focus on the growth of our party and be
ready to fight an election on our
own. If in the process we get a broader
coalition that would be a bonus,”
Ncube said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011 18:31
Alfonce
Mbizwo
JUSTICE minister Patrick Chinamasa has proposed to dilute
police powers by
limiting their involvement in elections, tackling political
violence and
granting comprehensive powers to the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (Zec) to
administer the country’s voting
process.
A sixth draft Electoral Amendment Bill of 2010 by
Chinamasa, seen by the
Zimbabwe Independent, proposes to reduce the role of
the police in elections
to that of maintaining order at polling stations and
even then, under the
orders of the presiding officer.
The
intended electoral reforms would be part of the implementation of the
Global
Political Agreement (GPA) signed between President Robert Mugabe,
Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and his deputy Arthur Mutambara in
September
2008. The GPA gave birth to the inclusive government in February
2009.
The draft Bill was sent to Zanu PF, MDC-T and MDC-M
negotiators of the GPA
for their input before it is tabled before the
cabinet committee on
legislation. The reforms are meant to create a
conducive environment for
free and fair elections in line with Sadc’s
Mauritius guidelines on
democratic polls.
It is not clear when
Zimbabwe will hold fresh polls with Mugabe and Zanu PF
insisting elections
should be held by June, while the MDC-T says they can
only be held after
democratic reforms have been undertaken and the GPA fully
consummated.
“Police shall have the sole function of maintaining
order and preventing
contraventions of the law so that voters may freely
cast their votes” and
“shall not interfere with the electoral processes at a
polling station,”
reads the proposed Bill.
They are also barred
from entering a polling station unless called upon for
assistance or to cast
their votes. The police Commissioner-General would
have to appoint special
police liaison officers and special investigation
committees in provincial
centres to expeditiously deal with cases of
politically-motivated violence
or intimidation in each province.
The Bill proposes that such special
liaison officers would be senior police
officers who would work closely with
the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission
(ZHRC) and a multi-party liaison
committee during the election period.
Incidences of violence would be
probed by a ZHRC-appointed special
investigations committee, which would
include the special liaison officer,
two representatives of political
parties and a ZHRC commissioner.
Magistrates and prosecutors would be
designated to handle cases of political
violence and would be expected to
give priority to such cases. Those
convicted of electoral violence could be
banned from being registered as
voters for five years.
The Bill
proposes to give Zec powers to accredit both local and foreign
observers,
monitor media election coverage and conduct voter education.
Zec would be
empowered to establish an Observer Accreditation Committee that
would be
charged with the responsibility of accrediting individuals
representing
foreign countries or international and local organisations who
have applied
to be accepted as observers or invited by Zec.
The Bill also proposes
to give Zec more responsibility on voter education
and bans foreign
organisations from providing any voter education, while
local organisations
have to have their material vetted by the commission.
Such
organisations would also be required to disclose their sources of
funding.
The commission could ban materials it deems “offensive”,
“misleading”, or
likely to “prevent a substantial number of voters from
making any informed
political choice in an election.”
The Bill proposes that political
parties and candidates be held accountable
for the behaviour of their
members in the run-up to and during elections.
The country’s last four
elections in 2000, 2002, 2005 and 2008 were marred
by violence and claimed
scores of lives and left many more people maimed or
disabled.
“Every office bearer of a political party that is
contesting an election and
every candidate and election agent shall take
appropriate measures to
prevent politically-motivated violence and any
electoral malpractices,” read
the proposed Bill.
The parties
shall “take effective steps to discipline all members of the
party who
engage in politically-motivated violence or who commit any
electoral
malpractice before, during and after the election period.”
Chinamasa
has proposed that a presidential run-off should be held not less
than 21
days and not more than 63 days after the last.
Parties would be banned from
campaigning or advertising at least 24 hours
before
elections.
Among other provisions, the Bill proposes that public
broadcasters afford
free access to political parties and independent
candidates contesting in
the elections. It recommends a “fair and balanced
allocation of time between
each political party and independent candidate”
and that “each political
party and independent candidate is allowed a
reasonable opportunity to
present a case through the broadcasting service
concerned.”
While the broadcast and print media would not be obliged
to air or publish
any political adverts, they have to offer same terms and
conditions to all
parties “without discrimination.”
There are
proposals for illiterate or handicapped voters who would be
allowed to seek
the assistance of another registered voter to assist in
casting their vote
in the presence of two electoral officers, an observer or
employees of
Zec.
New amendments include proposals to penalise the so-called
“purported
publication of results prior to official
announcement”.
“No office bearer or member of a political party shall
purport to declare
and announce the results of any election before it has
been declared
officially by an electoral officer,” the Bill
reads.
Anyone found breaching this clause would be guilty of an
offence and may be
fined or imprisoned for up to six months.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011
17:55
Nqobile Bhebhe
THIS year promises to be interesting as
different parties gear up for a
hectic political calendar which will see the
two MDC formations holding
their second congresses since they split in 2004
and the drafting of a new
constitution, followed by a
referendum.
Debate on the next elections will also intensify as the
three parties are
divided on when they should be held and whether they
should be harmonised or
just presidential polls.
Also to be seen
is whether the government of national unity (GNU) would be
extended to 2012
or President Robert Mugabe will have his way — that is
elections this
year.
While there is no possibility of any leadership renewal in the
Morgan
Tsvangirai-led MDC, MDC-M is likely to change its name to MDC-N when
its
secretary-general Welshman Ncube takes over the reins of power from
outgoing
party president Arthur Mutambara.
Zimbabweans are also
waiting to see whether Ncube, the law professor, will
elbow out the robotics
professor Mutambara from the deputy premier’s
position.
MDC-M
says it would usher in a rare breed of democracy in Zimbabwe’s
politics by
having a smooth leadership transition, something that is
unprecedented in
the country where there is no talk of leadership renewal in
Zanu PF and
MDC-T, both of which believe that Mugabe and Tsvangirai are the
faces of
their parties and there is no one else suitable to take over from
them.
The smaller MDC formation is holding its elective congress
tomorrow and
incumbent leader Mutambara has pulled out of the race after
most of the
provinces nominated Ncube.
While Zanu PF says the
succession debate is not an issue and it was up to
Mugabe to decide when he
wants to step down, MDC-T’s national council
resolved that Tsvangirai should
not be challenged at the congress scheduled
for May 10. Now Tsvangirai is
expected to remain at the helm of his party
after that resolution and after
the MDC-T constitution was amended outside a
congress to remove the two
five-year term limits.
Last week, speaking to the Zimbabwe
Independent in his personal capacity,
MDC-M Bulawayo province spokesperson
Edwin Ndlovu said 2011 presents a rare
opportunity for Zimbabweans to
realise that MDC-M stood by democracy
tenets.
“As a member of
the so-called smaller faction of MDC, I expect to see a
phenomenal change in
Zimbabwe’s political landscape. After our January
congress, in which we
expect Professor Welshman Ncube to be elected leader,
Zimbabweans would
experience real democracy,” said Ndlovu.
He said it would be an
opportunity for other political parties, Zanu PF and
MDC, to learn “the
transference of political power in a democratic manner”.
“What would
happen would be unprecedented, a smooth power transfer would be
demonstrated
and all Zimbabweans who believe in democracy should join us,”
said
Ndlovu.
But Zapu spokesperson Methuseli Moyo expects “a hectic
year as the political
calendar would be congested” though saying it was
difficult to predict how
it would pan out.
The
constitution-making process is set to be concluded by September,
followed by
a referendum and then elections.
“Generally, 2011 is shaping up to be
a hectic year. The Global Political
Agreement (GPA) tenure is drawing to an
end, which naturally would tend to
heighten political tension with political
parties campaigning for
elections,” said Moyo.
However, he was
quick to say that political activities should not interrupt
agricultural
activities. In the past, most of the violence and intimidation
occurred in
the rural areas in the run-up to elections and immediately
after.
“However, with talk of a referendum to pave way for
elections that could be
held in September, this should not disrupt farming
activities as most people
in rural areas depend on subsistence
farming.
“We feel elections, practically, should be in 2012 but Zimbabwe
politics is
unpredictable and Mugabe could call and set election dates
anytime,” said
Moyo.
Brilliant Mhlanga, a media scholar at the University
of Westminster in the
United Kingdom, said 2011 should for Matabeleland
region be a year of making
very important decisions and taking stock of all
that has happened.
Looking back at 2010, he lamented the “sad
occurrences where three late
Matabeleland gallant sons” were denied heroes
status.
Despite calls from the region and beyond to have the Ndebele
paramount Chief
Khayisa Ndiweni, former MDC-M deputy leader Gibson Sibanda,
and Akim Ndlovu
(one of the commanders of Zipra) conferred with national
heroes status,
President Mugabe’s Zanu PF turned a deaf
ear.
Ndiweni (97) died in August in his sleep at his home in
Ntabazinduna, about
30 km from Bulawayo. He became chief in 1939 and was one
of the longest
serving traditional leaders in the country.
He was
buried at his homestead.
Mhlanga said: “2011 should also be a year of
generational renewal for us,
re-aligning of ethos and political engagement;
especially with the young
generation clearly taking a stand in politics and
political positions while
at the same time aligning with those of the
generation of liberators and
freedom fighters.”
“For instance,
despite the loss of our loved ones, they also provided us
with an
opportunity to begin to ask whether we need to have our heroes
interred at
Heroes Acre in Harare? Second, it was a fateful challenge for us
to imagine
why we do not have our own national shrine?”
Another major highlight
in the region was the erecting of late
Vice-President Joshua Nkomo’s
statue.
A North Korean-made three metre statue “honouring” Nkomo
described as
“small and pitiful” was erected in the middle of the night in
Bulawayo at
the intersection of Main Street and 8th Avenue.
Weeks
later, co-Home Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi commissioned and
decommissioned
the statue, saying “the family objected”.
Another statue planned for
Harare at Karigamombe Centre in Harare also
sparked
controversy.
Karigamombe — which means felling a bull — smacked of
Zanu PF triumphalism
over the late Vice-President’s Zapu party whose symbol
was a bull.
Nkomo’s son, Sibangilizwe upped the battle by calling for his
father’s
remains to be exhumed from Heroes’ Acre in Harare for reburial at
his family’s
home village.
Sibangilizwe claimed that in his final
days, Nkomo complained bitterly about
the direction the country was
taking.
“My father said he had tried to mould him (Mugabe) into a
proper leader but
he feared that his efforts were to no avail,” he said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011
17:45
Paidamoyo Muzulu
THE Institute for Justice and
Reconciliation (IJR) has said that for
national healing to take place in
Zimbabwe, there should be a truth and
reconciliation commission that has
powers to bring perpetrators of violence
during the 2008 elections to
book.
The report titled “National Healing and Reconciliation
in Zimbabwe:
Challenges and Opportunities” was produced by Pamela
Machakanja.
The IJR contributes to the building of fair, democratic
and inclusive
societies in Africa before, during and after political
transition.
The IJR report argued that true reconciliation could not
occur when the
truths about past wrongs are not told.
It said
truth-telling encouraged the verification of past repressive actions
and
incidents by individuals and government.
“The paper further argues
that it is only after truth-seeking initiatives
have taken place, that
willingness to seek justice based on people’s
understandings of what
happened to them can be achieved. Thus, it is
important that the state takes
concrete policy actions to demonstrate a
break with the past and build a
future based on respect for human rights and
rule of law,” the report
said.
In pursuit of reconciliation and peace, the three feuding
political parties
signed a Global Political Agreement on September 15 2008
that among other
things called for national
healing.
Consequently, the National Healing and Reconciliation Organ
was set up,
co-chaired by three ministers from parties to the
agreement.
The report argued that the Zimbabwean situation raised a number of
questions
on how justice could be served while at the same time promoting
reconciliation.
“The Zimbabwean case highlights the importance of
critically examining the
relevance of instituting transitional justice
systems with a view to making
informed choices about achieving a balance
between comprehensive processes
of restorative justice and retributive
justice systems,” said the report.
Machakanja in the report argued
that whatever form of transitional justice
was chosen, there was need for a
clear and credible account of the past
involving acknowledgement for past
violations as a process of facilitating
individual and national healing and
reconciliation.
The report also cited 12 conditions necessary for
successful reconciliation
and national healing. Among them were legislative
reforms, political will,
transformative and restorative justice and civil
society engagement.
“The National Healing and Reconciliation
Commission would have to be secured
by a bill passed through Parliament and
enacted into an act of law. Such an
act would allow the commission the
discretion to: establish the time periods
to be covered by the Commission’s
investigations; determine the nature of
human rights abuses to be
investigated; determine the social and economic
effects of the abuses
including recommending preventive and health promoting
approaches,
assessment, counselling, healing programmes and community
interventions,”
the report said.
It further argued that the quality and credibility
of the work of the
Commission and the legitimacy of its outcomes would
largely depend on how
independent it is and the calibre of the
Commissioners.
The political will to promote genuine reconciliation
was paramount, the
report said. Raking past atrocities and human rights
abuses is an
excruciating exercise. If badly managed, the exercise could
backfire, and
further widen the chasm in an already politically-fractured
nation, noted
the report.
It said a successful national healing and
reconciliation process required
meaningful engagement of civil society and
the public at large.
“This is because a process aimed at responding
to people’s needs must
necessarily involve the people affected by the
conflict, especially at
grassroots level. In this context, civil society
organisations can play a
vital role in monitoring the implementation of the
reconciliation and
healing processes,” the report said.
It
concluded by saying restorative justice was an option that could be
pursued
and the country should also be concerned about moving forward and
creating
real peace among its citizens.
“Whilst retributive and restorative
justice systems have their merits and
demerits, there has to be a proper
consideration with a view to moving the
country forward amidst the specific
circumstances in which it finds itself,”
read the
report.
“Zimbabwe needs to realise that national rebuilding and the
creation of
functional democratic institutions and systems cannot take place
if the
population remains deeply divided along political lines and human
relations
are plagued with fear, mistrust and suspicion.
“If fear
and human insecurity are burdens of the past, then these create
obstacles to
the envisioned goal of reconciliation, national healing, social
cohesion and
nation building,” it concluded.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011
17:42
Nqobile Bhebhe
LIMITED revenue inflows to Treasury has
forced government to extend a
recruitment freeze on civil servants only
limiting itself to critical
workers, a cabinet minister has
said.
Public Service minister Eliphas Mukonoweshuro told the
Zimbabwe Independent
on Tuesday that only critical technical public workers
across all ministries
would be employed.
Early last year,
Treasury froze all new public service appointments citing
lack of money to
foot the wage bill.
“We expect the freeze to continue this year due
to limited revenue inflows
to the Treasury. However, this does not translate
to mean a complete ban.
Workers in education and Health ministry’s other
departments would be
recruited”, said
Mukonoweshuro.
Mukonoweshuro said government was struggling to raise
salaries for the
current workforce and would not put a time frame for a
resumption of full
scale recruitment.
“Until such a time when we
have significant revenue inflows that would
allow us to pay regionally
competitive salaries we will not start mass
recruitment to fill all vacant
posts,” he said.
When government resolved to impose a freeze last
year it cited lack of
fiscal space to fork out salaries to an estimated 200
000 employees who were
gobbling almost 70% of total domestic budget and 18%
of Gross Domestic
Product.
Economists recommend that no more than
30% of the budget be channelled to
salaries as per World Bank
standards.
In his budget statement Finance minister Tendai Biti
increased the salary
bill to US$1 billion from US$773 million, an increase
of about 30%. Taken
together with other employments costs such as pensions,
medical aid and
other allowances, the total salary bill will be US$1, 4
billion this year,
an increase of US$400 million from the 2010 outturn of
US$1 billion.
Economists say this figure was unsustainable.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011 17:16
Brian
Chitemba
THE long-running Zanu PF Bulawayo intra-party feud has turned
nasty after
the newly appointed provincial coordinator Callistus Ndlovu
escaped death in
an accident he claims was engineered by his political
rivals.
Ndlovu, a Zanu PF central committee member, replaced
former Information and
Publicity minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu as the Bulawayo
provincial coordinator
last month in what party insiders say was part of the
fierce factionalism
that is splitting the former ruling
party.
The former minister was ousted by a faction linked to Ndlovu
following
allegations that he failed to set up vibrant structures in the
city, which
has become an MDC-T stronghold in the last
decade.
Sources said Callistus Ndlovu is aligned to party hardliners
such as
Matabeleland South governor Angeline Masuku, politburo members
Joshua
Malinga and Tshinga Dube while Sikhanyiso Ndlovu is backed by
politburo
member Eunice Sandi-Moyo as well as beleaguered provincial
chairman Isaac
Dakamela.
Ndlovu, a NetOne board chairman, this
week confirmed the accident which
happened on December 24 on the outskirts
of Bulawayo, saying he suspected
foul play although he would not finger his
political rivals.
He escaped without injuries.
“I suspect
foul play although I cannot say who it is but some people must
have unlocked
the nuts on my hind wheel. However, there was no serious
accident, so I
have not reported the matter to the police,” he said.
“Some people
think my car was tampered with by our colleagues in the party
but I cannot
point at anyone, but definitely there was a case of foul
play.”
Sources said Ndlovu visited a social club in the city
centre where he parked
his vehicle for three hours and a Zanu PF official
known to be at
loggerheads with Ndlovu was also seen at the
club.
“We suspect that the party official who got in the club briefly
was somehow
linked with tampering with Ndlovu’s vehicle because he is also
linked to the
fighting factions within the party,” said a Zanu PF
insider.
Ndlovu, a former industry and technology minister, is
resurrecting his
career in politics after falling from grace in 1989
following his
implication in the Willowgate motor scandal.
The
former ruling party has been rocked by serious divisions stemming from
unilateral suspensions of members and defiance of party directives.
Last
month, Zanu PF national commissar and Minister of Media, Information
and
Publicity Webster Shamu stepped in to try and bring the warring factions
together. Shamu held various meetings in a bid to bring sanity to the
province where Zanu PF has never won a single parliamentary seat in the past
10 years.
Zanu PF continues losing support in Bulawayo where the
party failed to win a
seat in the March 2008 elections. The country’s second
largest city as well
as Matabeleland North and South have become MDC
strongholds with both
formations of the party enjoying strong support in the
region.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011 17:13
Bernard
Mpofu
CONTROVERSIAL property mogul Frank Buyanga, accused of fraudulently
seizing
about 500 immovable properties in Harare through an opaque loan
scheme,
reportedly has close links with South African President Jacob Zuma
and
controversial African National Congress (ANC) bigwig Fana
Hlongwane.
Buyanga, who was the director of Hamilton Property
Holdings before his
resignation last week was according to sources in both
Zimbabwe and South
Africa part of Zuma’s entourage when the president toured
Russia and China
last year.
The sources said the mogul was using
his political links to spread his
business tentacles across southern
Africa.
The flashy businessman was accused in August last year of
cheating 500
homeowners out of their properties through a loan scheme where
the borrower
would sign an agreement of sale and repay the principal loan
and interest
within three months.
But some of the people who
accused Buyanga of seizing their properties later
made a U-turn, saying they
had instead sold their houses and stands to the
property mogul.
A
settlement agreement was later hammered out between Buyanga and the
complainants’ lawyers for them to repay the businessman and retain their
properties by the end of last year. The pact was not honoured and Buyanga is
reportedly working on evicting the people.
Reports show Buyanga
has business interests in the UK, Zimbabwe, Zambia and
Malawi. The
operations have different names and partners.
A source said besides
being close to Zuma, the opulent Buyanga was working
on several business
projects with Hlongwane, who until November was under an
arms probe in South
Africa.
The businessman has been photographed in the company of Zuma,
top government
and ANC officials and South African businesspeople on tour in
Russia and
China last year.
According to the sources, he wines
and dines with Hlongwane in Johannesburg’s
best
restaurants.
“Buyanga is highly connected in the ANC and is currently
working on some
business projects with Hlongwane,” one of the sources said.
“He has a good
public relations disposition, which saw him being part of
Zuma’s entourage.”
Efforts to get comment from Zuma’s office this
week on the nature of
relations between the president and Buyanga were
fruitless. Questions that
were sent to Zuma’s private secretary Desley
Sithole were not responded to
at the time of going to
press.
Hlongwane had since 2006 been under probe by Britain’s Serious
Fraud Office
(SFO) in connection with alleged kickbacks in South Africa’s
multibillion-rand arms deal. His name has become synonymous with a
high-flying lifestyle in Johannesburg’s northern suburbs and he also goes by
the name “Styles” because of his taste for the finer things in
life.
Buyanga is also linked to another controversial property mogul
Nicholas Van
Hoogstraten, who is reportedly close to President Robert
Mugabe.
International media reports claim that Buyanga was fronting
Hoogstraten, but
the UK-born 31-year-old businessman last year vehemently
denied that.
“He (Hoogstraten) is not involved in the business. How can he be
involved in
a mere US$10-million to US$20-million business,” Buyanga said in
a rare
media interview with our sister newspaper, the Standard, in August
last
year.
In Zambia, Buyanga is in partnership with Zimbabwe
businessman Ian Haruperi
who is reportedly close to President Rupiah Banda.
Haruperi, Zimbabwean-born
South African businessman Mutumwa Mawere and
Buyanga were also part of Zuma’s
entourage to Russia in
August.
Haruperi’s social network page has several pictures of him,
Buyanga, Zuma
and other members of his entourage in Moscow.
Like
Hlongwane, Buyanga has a flashy lifestyle and owns a fleet of
state-of-the-art vehicles, among them a Rolls Royce, Mercedes Benz SUV,
Aston Martin, Bentley, Range Rover, Lamborghini and BMW.
Buyanga
declined to speak to the Zimbabwe Independent and referred questions
to his
lawyer, Wilson Manase of Manase & Manase legal practitioners.
“I have no
comment on his private life,” Manase said. “We don’t discuss his
private
life when we meet.”
On Buyanga’s bid to evict people who sold their
immovable properties to
Hamilton Property Holdings, Manase said only four
out of over 50 had managed
to repurchase the properties by
Wednesday.
“There is no criminal case against Frank. We are in the
process of reviewing
the various property purchases in line with the
agreement we had for their
former owners to repurchase them in six months so
that we put a closure on
this matter,” Manase said. “Those who answered the
call of repurchasing the
property will have their title deeds back, those
who did not will lose out.”
In a press statement last week, Hamilton
Property Holdings said Buyanga had
resigned and that it was going ahead to
evict occupants.
The company said although various individuals and
companies who sold their
properties to Hamilton Property Holdings, its
subsidiaries or Buyanga made
reports to the police alleging the properties
were fraudulently acquired,
the Attorney-General’s Office had advised the
company’s lawyers there was no
evidence to lay criminal charges against the
company.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011
17:11
Chris Muronzi
A LAWYER barred by the High Court from
representing state mining group —
Zimbabwe Minerals Development Corporation
(ZMDC) and Marange Resources —
Farai Mutamangira — was paid close to US$1
million for a case another legal
firm handled despite concerns of “apparent
conflict” of interest, former
ZMDC CEO Dominic Mubayiwa claimed in court
papers.
In an affidavit deposed with the High Court last year, former
ZMDC boss
Mubayiwa says Mutamangira and his law firm were paid US$950 000
for a case
involving African Consolidated Resources which was handled by
Sawyer&
Mkushi.
Sawyer & Mkushi represented ZMDC in its
battle to wrest a diamond claim ACR
claims rights to.
ACR, the
London stock exchange listed mining junior, was kicked out of
Chiadzwa
diamond fields in 2006, but is still legally fighting to reclaim
its rights
to the concession.
Mubayiwa deposed the affidavit challenging his
dismissal from employment in
October last year. He claims the disciplinary
committee was not duly
constituted adding the hearing had been full of
malice, bias and “absence of
an environment conducive to a fair
hearing”.
He claimed that ZMDC chairman Goodwills Masimirembwa
“wanted to cause” him
to change the company’s lawyers from Sawyer &
Mkushi legal practitioners to
Gula Ndebele & Partners or Hogwe &
Partners without board approval.
“On 20th July 2010, Masimirembwa
wanted to cause me to change the ZMDC’s
corporate lawyers from Sawyer &
Mkushi Legal Practitioners to Gula Ndebele &
Partners and/or Hogwe &
Partners Legal Practitioners. Alternatively
Masimirembwa wanted the
Corporation to engage Mutamangira and Associates
while Hogwe & Partners
Legal Practitioners could be appointed as MMCZ
lawyers where he again served
as board member,” reads Mubayiwa’s affidavit.
“I advised him against such
appointments as there was apparent conflict of
interest arising from each of
the appointments. Furthermore a change of
lawyers required a board
resolution which did not exist.”
Mubayiwa claims the advice “did not
go well” with Masimirembwa.
“Masimirembwa proceeded to appoint
Mutamangira & Associates the corporation
lawyers contrary to advice that
there could be apparent conflict of
interest. He caused the corporation and
its associate companies to pay
US$950 000 for services rendered in the
Africa Consolidated Resources
dispute with ZMDC when ZMDC was represented by
Sawyer & Mkushi and the
latter had been paid their fees,” he
averred.
This week, High Court judge Justice Susan Mavangira barred
Mutangmira and
his legal firm — Mutamangira and Associates — from
representing ZMDC and
Marange Resources.
The ruling came after an
urgent chamber application by George Chikumbirike,
who is representing Core
Mining, who objected to Mutamangira’s
representation of ZMDC and Marange
Resources arguing the lawyer was an
interested
party.
Chikumbirike said Mutamangira should not have appeared in
proceedings where
it was resolved to take over Core Mining without following
proper procedure
as a legal practitioner of ZMDC and Marange Resources, but
should have
appeared as their agent.
The basis for Chikumbirike’s
argument was that Mutamangira was “intimately
and emotionally” interested
in matters involving ZMDC and Marange Resources
and Core
Mining.
Chikumbirike also claimed Mutamangira was involved in
investigations into
Core Mining that resulted in the prosecution of its
shareholders.
He further submitted that Mutamangira & Associates ought
not to be allowed
to represent ZMDC and Marange Resources as the affidavit
they filed on
behalf of their clients were prepared and commissioned by
their law firm.
Chikumbirike further submitted that Mutamangira
and/or his firm should have
advised their clients accordingly and
consequently of the need for a
different firm to represent them as their
legal practitioners while they
would only act or appear as agents for the
said clients.
In his defence, Mutamangira said allegations made against him
were based on
speculation. He denied ever conducting investigations into the
operations of
Core Mining and ZMDC.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011
16:31
Brian Chitemba
SENIOR Zanu PF members are sharply divided
over the re-admission of
Tsholotsho North MP Jonathan Moyo into the party’s
politburo with stalwarts
from Matabeleland opposed to the political
scientist’s return to the top.
Politburo members told the Zimbabwe
Independent this week that senior
officials from Matabeleland were not happy
with Moyo’s return to the party’s
key decision-making body, the most
important organ outside congress.
The Zanu PF Matabeleland
bigwigs, sources said, view Moyo’s rise as a threat
to their
dominance.
Sources said President Robert Mugabe was the only one who
wanted Moyo back
in the politburo despite spirited bids by former PF-Zapu
gurus, including
Vice President John Nkomo, who are strongly opposed to the
former
Information and Publicity minister’s comeback.
Others
chagrined by Moyo’s re-admission into the politburo include
Vice-President
Joice Mujuru’s faction, while the former University of
Zimbabwe lecturer
enjoys the support of Defence minister Emmerson Mnangagwa
and Mines and
Mining Development minister Obert Mpofu, among others.
“We didn’t want him to
bounce back in the politburo because he cannot be
trusted,” said a top Zanu
PF politburo member.
“However, Mugabe’s voice prevailed, the
president believes he is capable of
turning around the fortunes of the
party.”
Zanu PF spokesman Rugare Gumbo on Wednesday said he could not
rule out
disgruntlement among politburo members because the appointment of
such
senior members were made by Mugabe, 86, in consultation with other
presidium
members.
“Obviously when there are such high profile
appointments, there is bound to
be complaints although I haven’t received
any,” he said. “But once the
president announces the appointment of a
politburo member, there is
virtually nothing we can do; we just accept
it.”
Mugabe dropped Moyo from the politburo and central committee at
the 2004
congress following the legislator’s decision to stand as an
independent
candidate in the 2005 parliamentary poll. Moyo was accused of
orchestrating
a Tsholotsho meeting dubbed the ‘Tsholotsho declaration” in
2004 that aimed
at changing Zanu PF’s leadership structure.
At
Zanu PF’s 2010 conference in Mutare, Mugabe personally announced Moyo’s
politburo comeback.
“He is back as he was working in the party,
he has talent and I am sure we
will be satisfied with his work,” Mugabe told
delegates at the December
conference.
But other politburo members
insisted that the return of Moyo had caused
divisions at the party’s
echelons of power. Sources said Moyo was also
likely to be appointed as
Media, Information and Publicity minister, taking
over from incumbent
Webster Shamu. Zanu PF officials said Shamu would
concentrate on party
business as Moyo takes charge of the ministry that
controls the
media.
“This is part of Mugabe’s wider plan of winning possible
mid-year
elections,” said the source. “The president is optimistic Moyo
will do
wonders to help him win the hearts of Zimbabweans who seem to be fed
up with
Zanu PF.”
Moyo is now linked to the post of Zanu PF
deputy commissar which is vacant
following the death of Ephraim Masawi last
year.
A former Zanu PF deputy secretary for information and
publicity, Moyo was
re-admitted into the party in 2009.
Moyo
declined to comment on those opposed to his re-admission to the
politburo.
“I cannot comment at the moment on that issue,” he
said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011 16:28
Leonard
Makombe
AN international minerals auditing firm, Alex Stewart
International (ASI),
is suing the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) for
US$34,99 million over unpaid
fees for services rendered between 2007 and
2009.
ASI, through its lawyers GN Mlotshwa & Co, in
summons lodged with the High
Court on December 16 last year also listed
Finance minister Tendai Biti as
second respondent because the central bank
falls under his ministry.
ASI, which is registered in the United
States and was contracted by RBZ in
2006 to audit the country’s mining
industry, has further threatened to lodge
another US$100 million lawsuit,
which would effectively cripple the central
bank which is already saddled
with debts.
In June last year RBZ was saved by the invocation of the
presidential powers
to gazette temporary regulations protecting the central
bank from having its
property attached by creditors as government had
assumed the debts. RBZ had
failed to pay local and foreign companies for
fertiliser, seed, tractors and
vehicle imports.
In its
declaration lodged with the High Court, ASI said it was claiming
US$34 995
200 for the auditing services in respect to the production and
export of
minerals from the country, a debt RBZ has acknowledged.
This figure
represents what RBZ owed as at the end of July last year and it
includes a
US$2 187 200 net interest for the period December 2008 to July
2010.
“Notwithstanding numerous negotiations and discussions
regarding payment of
the debt, no such payment has been forthcoming,” said
ASI in the
declaration. “This is in spite of the fact that first defendant
(RBZ) does
not and has never disputed its indebtedness to plaintiff
(ASI).”
In October last year, ASI’s lawyers issued a letter of demand
compelling the
central bank to pay the outstanding debt and it not
honoured.
“Notwithstanding such demand, first defendant has failed
and or neglected to
pay amounts due and payable to plaintiff,” said ASI in
the declaration.
“Indeed in a separate lawsuit, plaintiff intends to sue
first defendant for
damages in an additional amount of US$100 million for
breach of contract.”
The RBZ has failed to pay a number of debts
since the adoption of multiple
currencies and the institution of a
government of national unity, which has
seen Biti take over as Finance
Minister and the start of personal clashes
with RBZ governor Gideon
Gono.
Prior to the changes, RBZ was able to settle its debts with the
international auditing firm and at one time, in October 2008 Gono wrote a
letter of acknowledgement to ASI president Enrique Segura, where he
“recognised and very strongly recommended the services
provided”.
“Your company had accomplished very concrete results as
follows: RBZ knows
every month with accuracy the quality and quantity of all
minerals mined and
exported (RBZ is able to calculate effectible income
taxes and royalties,”
the governor wrote.
He added that ASI’s
audit work since June 2007 had enabled the central bank
to have accurate
data on financial statements of the mining companies “as we
are proceeding
with the auditing of every mine since its inception to today”.
ASI’s
work enabled RBZ to ascertain the cost of mine closures and the impact
on
the environment of mining activities.
Gono said by engaging the
auditing firm, they had managed to identify
through the ASI reports,
extensive losses at Fidelity Printers in the
processing of gold bullion,
taxes and penalties due by Zimplats, and Bindura’s
financial
distortions.
ASI reports exposed an absence of US$30 million in funds
which should have
been set aside by mining companies for environmental
remediation and a
general lack of observance for environmental
standards.
However, relations turned frosty in 2010 after the central
bank failed to
pay the auditing firm required fees.
Segura in May
last year wrote to Biti “as a last resort”, saying despite
having performed
the job for which they were hired, they had not been paid
their fees by
government.
“Mr Minister, we at Alex Stewart have been working very
hard for your
country, maintaining an infrastructure of 100 local employees
and more than
50 expatriates,” said Segura. “We have done this in the face
of opposition
from our own government which first refused to grant us
permission to work
in Zimbabwe due to its embargo.”
Segura said
they had hired lobbyists to convince the US government to allow
them to work
in Zimbabwe.
“We fought (for) our right to work in your country
because we believe in
your country’s cause and we understand all too clearly
the need to protect
the country’s non renewable resources against
exploitation by mining
companies to the detriment of national treasury and
the health and well
being of the people.”
Segura said they were
appealing not only to the “Honourable Minister’s sense
of fairness but also
to your understanding of the work we have done and the
benefit that a
Mineral Production and Export Auditing Program such as ASI
can bring to the
country and people of Zimbabwe.”
It appears the appeal fell on deaf
ears and ASI instructed its lawyers to
write an order requesting the payment
of the amount due on October 14 2010.
At the time of going to print,
the RBZ and Biti were yet to respond to the
lawsuit.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011 16:25
Taurai
Mangudhla
CONFUSION reigns over the proposed holding of elections in the
first half of
this year after Zanu PF insisted that the polls should go
ahead despite
growing internal and external resistance.
A
report in the state-controlled Sunday Mail this week suggested that
elections were likely to be deferred to allow for the conclusion of the
constitution-making process and because of “intervening complications” in
the implementation of the Global Political Agreement
(GPA).
But Zanu PF national political commissar Webster Shamu
told the Zimbabwe
Independent on Tuesday that the position taken during the
Zanu PF annual
conference in Mutare last month had not
changed.
“The Zanu PF party position is that at the expiry of the
term of the global
political agreement with the two MDC formations on
September 15 2008 and the
inclusive government born therefrom on February 13
2009, the country must
hold harmonised elections without fail,” said Shamu
in a written response to
an inquiry by the Independent.
The
assertion by Shamu flies in the face of the position taken by the two
MDC
formations and the Sadc mediator, South African President Jacob Zuma,
who
argue that no elections should be held before the conclusion of the
stalled
constitution-making process and full implementation of electoral and
security sector reforms.
Sadc, the regional bloc which played an
instrumental role in the formation
of the GPA, added its voice last week
insisting on a clear roadmap before
another plebiscite.
MDC-T
spokesperson Nelson Chamisa said the constitution was not the solution
to
electoral problems in the country.
“We may have a new constitution
but people can still have an election that
is neither free nor fair,”
Chamisa said. “A new constitution is half, the
other half is to do with
cleaning the voters’ roll, removal of Zec (Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission)’s
secretariat, broadcasting reforms and election
monitoring reforms. We should
also agree on the nature of the election
keeping in mind that we have to
complete the presidential election that is
in dispute. We can’t have an
election with (Lovemore) Sekeremayi in Zec’s
office” he
added.
Sekeremayi is the Zec chief elections officer who was accused
alongside the
commission of holding on to the March 2008 presidential
election results for
over a month.
Chamisa said there was need
for “real” security sector reforms and an
elaborate election monitoring
mechanism to avoid violence.
“The villagers are still being terrorised, we
need to remove the
infrastructure of violence…we have appealed to Sadc, AU,
EU and the
international community to monitor elections six months before
and after the
election to avoid violence and intimidation,” said
Chamisa.
MDC-M secretary-general, Welshman Ncube, said it was unlikely that
elections
would be held anytime soon adding that Zanu PF was trying to
attract the
people’s attention on the wrong things.
“It’s a
flare, in a war situation people can throw a flare into the sky to
attract
their enemy’s attention,” said Ncube. “The idea is to catch your
enemy
unaware.”
Ncube said that the inclusive government should give
precedence to all the
agreements enshrined in the GPA over elections and
elections could only be
held after the fulfilment of all things agreed in
the pact.
“A new constitution is one of the many answers (to the
country’s problems),
but all the requirements of the GPA must be met,” said
Ncube. “We must have
a constitution whose outcome will not be contested
otherwise it will take us
back to 2008.”
Ncube has also said that
despite claims to the contrary, the GPA did not
have an expiry
period.
Analysts said there were reforms to be undertaken before the
country talked
of another election.
Midlands State University
(MSU) chairperson for the Media and Society
Studies Department Zvenyika
Mugari said there was need to “convincingly”
implement reforms before an
election to ensure that democratic standards are
met.
“For as
long as you cannot convince me that we have a conducive environment,
I don’t
see why we should call for elections,” said Mugari. “We shouldn’t
just hold
elections for the sake of having them. People should create an
environment
that makes the process legitimate where everyone is prepared to
accept the
outcome.”
Political analyst Ibbo Mandaza said the uncertainty within
Zanu PF could be
explained in terms of the internal demands within the party
and the
inclusive government as well as external pressure from the regional
community.
“Reality is dawning, the rhetoric is over, the reality
is setting in,” he
said. “There was a broad consensus against an election, I
know for sure that
(Jacob) Zuma (South African President) and Sadc are not
for an immediate
election, the three principals should agree on the election
bearing in mind
that the GPA is premised on a new constitution,” said
Mandaza.
Constitutional law expert and National Constitutional
Assembly leader
Lovemore Madhuku, however, dismissed the “climb-down” saying
Zanu PF would
continue to rally for an election this year.
“There
is no climb-down, remember Zanu PF said they will go for an election
with or
without the new constitution,” he said.
Madhuku’s assessment was that
Mugabe wanted to avoid coming under fire
during a Sadc troika meeting
expected before end of this month.
“Mugabe wants to cheat people
targeting Sadc so that he doesn’t have to
explain a lot of things in the
upcoming meeting,” said Madhuku.
Last week, Zuma’s International
Affairs advisor Lindiwe Zulu told the
Independent that the South African
president was drafting a roadmap to
Zimbabwe’s elections to be tabled at an
extraordinary meeting of the Sadc
Organ on Defence, Politics and Security
later this month.
The roadmap, Zulu said, would be tailored along the
lines of the regional
bloc’s Mauritius principles and guidelines governing
democratic elections to
ensure free and fair polls as and when they are held
to end the shaky
marriage of convenience between President Robert Mugabe and
his archrival
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011 18:11
By
Rashweat Mukundu
IN the last two weeks of December, readers of the
Zimbabwe Independent were
subjected to two lead stories by the weekly,
focused on the political
vicissitudes and likely fate of Vice President
Joice Mujuru.
In the mind of an average reader of the newspaper like
myself, the two
stories by Dumisani Muleya somewhat said the Mujuru “falling
political star”
is or was the main story to emerge from the sleepy Zanu PF
conference held
in Mutare.
Muleya’s sources say Mujuru has dented
her political career by plotting a
revolt against President Robert Mugabe
and clandestinely working with Mugabe’s
political rivals, the MDC, in the
person of Finance minister Tendai Biti.
This, we are told, resulted
in a massive backlash from Mugabe and Mujuru’s
opponents in the party, who
see her seeming ambition to succeed Mugabe as
getting out of hand. On the
other hand listening to Mugabe’s speech at the
conference and his subsequent
interview with ZBC’s Reuben Barwe, one gets a
feeling that the real story of
Zanu PF is not Mujuru, but Mugabe himself and
his loss of a moral mandate to
lead his party, his loss of capacity to bring
unity and his determination to
destroy Zanu PF and the country by calling
for another self-serving
election.
In the same scheme of things one wonders who is leading the
Mujuru onslaught
and how are these people, these sources Muleya talks of,
linked to Mugabe’s
determination to hold onto power and how are the same
elements linked to
schemes to hold this country in bondage and possibly
disrupt a soft
political landing for the Zimbabwe crisis in the post- Mugabe
era.
I argue that Mugabe was the big story to emerge from the
conference in his
failure to articulate anything new, his obvious tiredness
and refusal to
move away from the past and chart a new course for
Zimbabwe.
Mugabe demonstrated his failure to garner a moral mandate
to lead the party
by threatening those within Zanu PF who oppose him on
elections to stay at
home. Zanu PF’s spokesperson Rugare Gumbo had told the
Independent last
month that no one is prepared to challenge Mugabe. In this,
one can also
interpret that he is also not prepared to challenge Mugabe.
These
revelations exposed the internal workings and the pathetic state of
Zanu PF’s
democracy, if any, and the transition into a
“monarchy”.
President Mugabe confirmed Gumbo’s words by telling-off
those opposed to
elections in his party to go to hell. In this instance
Mugabe demonstrated
that he is leading a party that is no longer
comfortable, but in fear of
him. And that he no longer has a persuasive
vision to bring the party
together. This to me is the biggest story from the
Zanu PF conference and
the Mujuru falling star story is an attempt at
political diversion by the
isolated clique surrounding Mugabe, who want to
see him go on for personal
benefit.
This same grouping that
probably includes elements in the security forces
and the likes of the fired
and returned politburo member Jonathan Moyo, are
not prepared for
rapprochement amongst progressives in both Zanu PF and the
MDC parties, who
might in fact have a vision far beyond Mugabe, and also who
do not see
violence as the ultimate political arbiter — who in fact want to
see
Zimbabwe emerge from a post-Mugabe era united and able to address its
key
challenges in the political and economic arena.
The strategy of this
grouping is not only to support Mugabe as part of a
succession scheme but
also maintain the Zimbabwe populace in fear and awe of
political violence
that can be unleashed by the security agents, many of
them Zanu PF
commissars in uniform and some from the Tshololotsho grouping.
While
the progressives in Zanu PF see a political resolution to the Zimbabwe
crisis away from the barracks, Red Bricks (CIO HQ) and Police General
Headquarters (PGHQ), those opposed to them in the party have no other
strategy than to abuse security forces to their own ends. Could it be these
elements that are pushing for action on Mujuru as part of their strategy to
muddy the political scene and achieve their ends?
It is
inconceivable that Mujuru would be so tactless as to bring placards
denouncing Mugabe to the Mutare conference with the intention of hijacking
the conference and chase Mugabe off. It is equally inconceivable that Mujuru
would be so tactless as to conspire with the MDCs so openly without noting
the consequences of such actions in a Zimbabwe teeming with CIOs, some who
even pretend to be street kids, kombi drivers and vendors.
In any
case what Zimbabwe needs now are political leaders who are principled
enough
to reach out to their political rivals in the process of mending our
decade-long crisis. We cannot continue with the scorched earth and zero sum
games of the likes of Mugabe and the few and isolated surrounding him. The
attacks of Mujuru should therefore be seen in the light of Zanu PF’s
succession politics, the question being who, by name, is behind the
attacks.
As Muleya wrote in a Candid Comment in the Independent last
month, Zanu PF’s
failure to address Mugabe’s succession is a major risk not
only to the party
but to the country as well. The risk in this is not Mugabe
in person, but
the plans by the elements surrounding him. And the same
elements attacking
Mujuru.
Progressives in Zanu PF and
Zimbabweans at large must not allow them to
prevail. They bear a deeply
foreboding message for all us in their lack of
respect for life, democracy,
decency and the desire of all to see Zimbabwe
rise again. They only think of
themselves.
Rashweat Mukundu is a Zimbabwe journalist and human rights
activist.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011 18:07
Leonard
Makombe
WHEN Arthur Mutambara, who had left local politics as a student
leader in
the 1990s, dramatically strutted back onto the political scene
some five
years ago, it was hard to envisage an even more ignoble exit from
the
political party he joined at the top.
Mutambara’s
re-entry into local politics was surprising if unexpected as his
only foray
into politics was placing an advert supporting Morgan Tsvangirai’s
fight
against Zanu PF hegemony. By his own admission, Mutambara will not
stand as
the presidential candidate for the party he suffixed with his
initials
(MDC-M) at its congress tomorrow. The man who made that chastisised
statement on New Year’s Eve was a far cry from the one who swaggered around
five years ago exuding the aura and buoyancy of a self-confident
professional.
It was inevitable that Mutambara would step down
after almost all the party
provinces nominated secretary-general Welshman
Ncube as the next MDC-M
president.
After leading one of the very
first post-Independence student protests at
the University of Zimbabwe in
late 1980s and 1990, Mutambara acquired an
almost mythical status among
Zimbabweans and in the absence of viable
opposition political parties was
regarded as a symbol of resistance to the
corruption and dictatorship
manifesting itself in Zanu PF.
As president of the UZ Students
Representative Council (SRC), Mutambara led
demonstrations at the campus,
causing the closure of the university and the
subsequent arrest of the
student leaders together with Tsvangirai, then
Secretary-General of the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions.
After almost 15 years in the political
wilderness, having left the country
as a Rhodes Scholar and earning various
qualifications including a doctorate
in robotics and mechatronics — a very
unfamiliar field — Mutambara was a
surprise choice to head the splinter
group of the MDC.
His return to active politics, a jump from being a
top businessman as he was
the chief executive officer and managing director
of the African Technology
and Business Institute, split public
opinion.
On one side there were people who felt that Mutambara was
being used by
Ncube, who had led a party rebellion against Tsvangirai which
resulted in a
split of the party in October 2005.
Ncube, this
school of thought argued, wanted a national leader for his
regional project
as most of the politicians who broke away were from the
southern part of the
country.
Those who differed argued that Mutambara was justified to
join this group
and would bring in a lot of political capital given that he
was among the
very first people to stand up against President Robert
Mugabe.
Others credit former MDC-M founder member, Job Sikhala with
bringing
Mutambara into the MDC-M fold.Sikhala, who has since abandoned the
splinter
group to found his own MDC 99 party, says he played no part in
scouting for
a leader for the party which saw them approaching up to seven
business
personalities and politicians in the country and in
exile.
“Mutambara was brought in by Ncube,” said
Sikhala.
Ncube was the kingmaker about five years ago but now wants
the crown after
the dust stirred by the split five years ago has
settled.
Mutambara had an easy victory against Gift Chimanikire who had stood
as a
candidate for the presidency of the party and thereafter benefited from
the
winds of change that swept across the country.
Despite losing
in the March 2008 elections, Mutambara heavily benefited from
the
inconclusive nature of the results. With his party winning 10 House of
Assembly seats out of 210 and managing six senatorial seats out of 60,
Mutambara’s MDC held the balance in both houses and was duly rewarded with a
deputy prime minister’s post as well as three full
ministries.
When Mutambara was sworn in as Deputy Prime Minister in
February 11, 2009
with that infamous pause between “So help me...” and
…“God,” it appeared his
star was on the ascendancy. His peers in the UZ’s
SRC who ventured into
politics, Edgar Mbwembwe was just a member of the
House of Assembly and
Munyaradzi Gwisai had been fired as an MP six years
earlier.
Mutambara, who had served as an academic, research scientist
and management
consultant in the United States and South Africa, appeared
suited for the
newly recreated post of DPM.
Despite his
ascendency, Mutambara was always vulnerable mainly because he
had failed to
win an election, a fate that befell most of the party’s
leadership. He faced
a rebellion early on as MDC-M Members of the House of
Assembly defied an
order to vote Paul Themba Nyathi as House Speaker.
A failure to stamp his
authority on the party led many to suspect that
Mutambara was a mere
figurehead with Ncube as the puppet master.
Mutambara’s views were in
some instances at variance with the party’s
position and this cost him the
leadership of the party. There were cases
where Mutambara was said to side
with Mugabe and this further alienated him
from the party leadership, not to
mention the grassroots.
Dhewa Mavhinga, the coordinator of Crisis in
Zimbabwe Coalition’s South
African office, said Mutambara’s comments too
often swung widely from the
party position.
“For instance,
praising Mugabe as a hero one minute and berating him in the
next was so
inconsistent and that became part of his legacy and may have
harmed his
party.”
He, however, pointed out that Mutambara’s decision not to
contest party
leadership was sensible and likely to win him respect and
support in the
long run.
Political analyst Trevor Maisiri said
the downfall of Mutambara was a
progressive rollout of a plan which could
have been hatched when the MDC
split.
“Ncube could not rise immediately
then. He would have been seen as
power-hungry thus had to look for a
stop-gap measure,” said Maisiri. Media
reports have suggested that Mutambara
was likely to inherit Ncube’s position
as Industry minister, a position
which means he would now be required to
balance between his own position and
that of the party.
Should he retain his lofty position in government
due to some technicality,
the axe of recall will forever be hanging above
his political head, drawing
parallels to the fate of former South African
President Thabo Mbeki who was
booted out of office after he lost the
leadership of the party to Jacob
Zuma.
While the ouster of
Mutambara has been couched in the language of leadership
renewal, a UZ
political science professor, Eldred Masunungure, said the
changes were mere
elite recycling.
“If Mutambara is replaced by Ncube then there is not
much (leadership
renewal) because Ncube was in the leadership (as secretary
general),” said
Masunungure.
Mutambara, who put a brave face on
the eve of the New Year saying he would
bounce back as “head of state”, is
likely to make an abrupt exit into the
political wilderness unless or until
someone else picks him up and dusts him
down for another
office.
“Politics being usually unpredictable, he (Mutambara) might
eventually
resurrect politically,” said political analyst, Jack Zaba. “But
the chances
of him having a political resurrection within the MDC-M
formation are highly
unlikely. It is increasingly becoming clear that if he
decides to get back
into politics, he might as well need to migrate to a
different political
formation like the MDC-T or even Zanu PF to seek refuge
and exorcism of his
political ghosts.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06
January 2011 18:01
WE were interested to read tributes to Nevison
Nyashanu who was declared a
national hero by Zanu PF and buried at the
national shrine on Sunday. This
provided a platform for John Nkomo to make
some extravagant claims about
lost blood and true
revolutionaries.
But Nyashanu hasn’t always been a hero.
Nkomo acknowledged that Nyashanu was
“arrested, detained and tortured”, but
he suggested this was all the work of
the Smith regime. In fact Nyashanu was
also a victim of arrest and torture
by the Zanu PF regime.
In the
mid-1980s he was detained at Chakari police camp near Kadoma and
badly
beaten. His offence was to have remained in touch with former Zipra
cadres.
The CIO officer in charge at Kadoma was Ernest Tekere, according to
published reports.
When Judith Todd visited Nyashanu at Chakari
she noted his head was swollen
as a result of the assaults, according to her
account, Through the Darkness.
A Life in Zimbabwe. In the brief time
available she asked Nyashanu about his
swollen head.
He had time
to say just two words before his interrogators returned:
“Tekere.
Truncheon.”
Nkomo omitted much interesting detail in his graveside
speech. Before his
abduction and disappearance Nyashanu had stood for Harare
Central against
Bernard Chidzero in the 1985 poll.
He told Todd
during her visit to Chakari he had three detectives working on
him full time
preparing treason charges. What a nice irony given the
sentiments expressed
about Morgan Tsvangirai in Mutare!
So much to say but the Sunday Mail
declined to say any of it! That’s what
happens when the press is suborned by
a political party.
What were the circumstances for instance in which
Nyashanu lost his job at
the Public Service Commission?
NewsDay
carried a front-page picture on Monday of a sparsely attended
ceremony.
A pity really given his contribution to the
country.
Tekere, under whom Nyashanu suffered at Chakari, popped up
again in the Pius
Ncube case, more alert readers may recall. His clandestine
home movies
proved of value to the ruling party. He denies any connection to
the CIO.
Other facets of a state-run press are columnists whose
incontinence runs
beyond editorial control. Tafataona Mahoso provided a good
example of this
last Sunday when, having run out of Cold War leftists to
quote, he quoted
himself at length.
In the process he took a pot
shot at CZI boss Joseph Kanyekanye who he
described as “a nice and clever
man” — a kiss of death coming from Mahoso
who many would say is
neither.
CZI members, Tafataona claimed, support the MDC-T but favour
a delay in
elections because they fear that a popular vote will politically
bury Morgan
Tsvangirai and the MDC-T, the very same way it buried Abel
Muzorewa in 1980.
“This faction of the so-called business community
is going around trying to
intimidate voters,” Mahoso claimed, “saying that
early elections will bring
violence, food shortages, fuel shortages and cash
shortages similar to those
the country suffered in the period after the 2005
elections and up to the
beginning of 2009.”
How is this reality a
form of intimidation and how does it compare with the
sort of intimidation
those affiliated to Mahoso’s gang are currently
engaging in?
By the
way, we recall Muzorewa getting three seats in 1980. Tsvangirai’s
party won
99 in 2008. Any analysis of voting patterns will show Zanu PF
losing ground
in every post-2000 election with the brief exception of 2005.
And why can’t
Mahoso wake up to the fact that Mugabe lost the 2008 election
because of
persistent misrule, not some external conspiracy. There was
indeed a
landslide, as Mahoso suggests, and Mugabe lay firmly underneath
it.
As for sanctions, Mahoso and those who think like him had better
wise up to
the fact that so long as Zanu PF behaves like a rogue party it
will be
impossible for people like Kanyekanye to get them lifted, however
hard they
may try. Can you imagine going out on a limb from your own
constituency only
to be savaged by a frothing Sunday Mail columnist lying in
wait!
Before we leave the subject of frothing columnists, a New
Year’s wish for
Reason Wafawarova. Could he please tell us why he doesn’t
want to come and
live in the homeland he claims he will die for. Do we not
have a
contradiction here?
Congratulations to the Herald for its
sensible comments on passports.
Bringing in retired civil servants would go
some way to shifting the
backlog. And of course once an applicant’s
citizenship has been confirmed it
should not be necessary to go through the
same process every time a new
passport is needed.
What also needs
to be said is that passports should have many more pages
than is currently
the case. With so many countries requiring visas from
Zimbabweans travelling
abroad, a new passport fills up very quickly.
Meanwhile,
Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede must stop dragging his heels on
South
Africa’s offer of a security printing press which we gather can print
4 000
passports an hour. If that will help move the queues, so be it. Why is
it
Zanu PF officials like to make life as difficult as possible for the
public
they are supposed to serve? The whole system is currently down
because of an
electrical fault and therefore there won’t be any renewals,
Mudede told a
press conference on Monday exactly when the public wanted to
hear some good
news from him. “I want to assure the nation that our experts
are on the
ground.”
What are they doing “on the ground”? We need them fixing the
problem and we
need Mudede to graciously accept South Africa’s offer of a
security printer.
By the way, was it generally known that the
country’s central data base was
at KGV1 barracks?
Then there are
the new number plates. Who thought up the plan to withdraw
the old ones? And
who is making money from this exercise?
Muckraker was rather surprised by
Joyce Mujuru’s remarks to Sadc ambassadors
to Brazil. She was in Brazil for
the inauguration of that country’s new
president. At a dinner hosted by
Zimbabwe’s ambassador to Brasilia, Thomas
Bvuma, and attended by Sadc
diplomats, she thanked Sadc for their support in
the face of Western
pressure.
It is rather surprising that the vice-president should use
Brazilian soil to
make a partisan speech in which Southern African envoys
were encouraged to
salute Zimbabwe’s “brave stance” against sanctions. We
wonder what EU
ambassadors will say to their Brazilian
hosts?
Namibia duly complied without it seems attempting to reflect
the wishes of
the Zimbabwean people. It is not in the interests of Namibia
to ignore
democratic change in Zimbabwe because of misplaced solidarity with
an
unpopular regime in Harare.
On a similar topic, when will
President Mugabe be making his visit to Bishop
Crespo in Ecuador? We look
forward to that event announced in September. We
would hate to think that
the media was misled by official pronouncements.
Muckraker enjoyed a
letter to the editor of the Herald recently claiming
that President Mugabe
was being “demonised” because of his “solid stance” on
land and
sovereignty.
“We say to those who do not see the good that Cde Mugabe
continues to do for
his people, ‘Go to hell’.” The writer went on to wish
the president a
prosperous New Year!
As far as dubious letters to the
editor go, the Herald takes pride of place.
The indelible footprint of
Munhumutapa Building on the “letters” is evident
to even the most
undiscerning of readers.
On Tuesday we were (mis)treated to one such
letter entitled “Nyashanu a true
hero”.
“Those who thought that
the no-nonsense attitude was only a preserve of
President Mugabe,” the
letter read, “were amazed when Vice-President Nkomo
reiterated that the land
reform would not be reversed, illegal sanctions had
to be removed and that
Zimbabwe would not entertain outsiders meddling in
its
affairs.”
From a reader??
In the sms section there was yet
another one: “We have no words for you
Commander of the Defence Forces and
first secretary of Zanu PF. You are just
good.”
Oh please spare
us your in-house material and publish real feedback from
readers!
The
BBC reported last week that a group of Internet hackers code-named
“Anonymous” had blocked the official government website and the Ministry of
Finance site in protest at Grace Mugabe’s lawsuit against The
Standard.
Mugabe sued the paper for publishing a WikiLeaks report
implicating her in
diamond pillaging. Reuters reported that the government
web portal
www.gta.gov.zw was
unreachable last Thursday while the Finance ministry’s
site www.zimtreasury.gov.zw displayed a
message saying it was under
maintenance.
“We are targeting Mugabe
and his Zanu PF regime who have outlawed the free
press and threaten to sue
anyone publishing WikiLeaks, Anonymous activists
said.
Muckraker
tried to navigate through the websites and observed that on Monday
the
treasury information portal was still down. The government website
meanwhile
insists on calling archived material “achieved”. No marks there.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011 18:03
Eric
Bloch
ALMOST a century ago, in 1912, it was first proposed that
Zambezi water
should be piped to Matabeleland in general, and Bulawayo in
particular. The
then Administrator of Southern Rhodesia reputedly rejected
the proposal,
stating that the estimated £6 000 was far beyond the
country’s means.
When the project was again mooted, 20 years
later, Prime Minister Godfrey
Huggins (subsequently to become Lord Malvern)
is said to have similarly
rejected it, the then anticipated cost being £60
000, considered to be more
than the country could
afford.
Another two decades went by, and in the 1950s the
Prime Minister, Edgar
Whitehead, was reported to have said the project, at
an anticipated cost of
£600 000, could not be justified. A very similar
stance was apparently
taken a few years later by Sir Roy Welensky, Prime
Minister of the
Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland.
When the
country attained Independence pressures to harness some of the
immense
Zambezi water flows for Matabeleland’s benefit intensified. Over
the
preceding 80 years the City of Bulawayo had grown exponentially, to a
population in excess of a million. Rural area growth and development had
also progressed, including a diverse range of mining activities and
agricultural operations extending from livestock ranching to communal
farming, and much else. Concurrently, there had been significant tourism
sector development.
All were critically dependant upon
adequate and reliable water supplies, and
this was especially so of the city
of Bulawayo due not only to its growth,
but also due to substantial changes
in climatic conditions and rainfall
patterns. All of the city’s dams were
located south-east of the city for
that region had had a bountiful water
catchment area. But the climatic
changes resulted in consistently lesser
rainfall in that area, with marked
intensification of rainfall to the north
of the city where no significant
dams had been
established.
Progressively, from the late 1950s, pressure from the
Matabeleland
population in general, and from the citizens and civic leaders
of Bulawayo
in particular, intensified for a Zambezi water project to be
implemented.
However, all representations to government fell upon deaf ears,
including
those of the government of independent Zimbabwe, which in 1984
again
cavalierly dismissed the proposals.
In desperation, an
informal body of concerned citizens established a
committee for the
Matabeleland-Zambezi Water Project (MZWP), seeking to
pursue the combined
endeavours of a pressure group, of sourcing of funding,
and general pursuit
of transforming the project from a vision to a reality.
Progressively it
became more and more forceful and effective, to such an
extent that, in the
early 1990s, government enforced the committee’s
dissolution and the
establishment (under the then aegis of the Minister of
Home Affairs and the
Minister of Water) of the Matabeleland Zambezi Water
Trust
(MZWT).
In 1993, at the instance of the Trust and with begrudging
governmental
support, a comprehensive and authoritative project study was
carried out by
an expert Swedish company which identified the overwhelming
beneficial
characteristics of implementing the project. The substance of
the expert
opinion was that, as a first phase, a dam should be constructed
at the
confluence of the Gwayi and Shangani Rivers (and would be Zimbabwe’s
second
largest conservancy of water), concurrently with the installation of
a
pipeline from the dam to Bulawayo. That pipeline would include several
pumping stations to raise the water from the dam to the watershed at Lupane,
whereafter the water would flow southwards by gravity.
It was
envisaged that at a subsequent stage a pipeline, with pumping
stations,
would run from the Zambezi to the Gwayi-Shangani Dam to enable
topping-up of
the dam when required (which would not be frequent, as the dam’s
capacity
would meet four years’ consumption by Bulawayo and relevant rural
areas.
Moreover, it was assessed that the annual requirement of the city
was equal
to one and a half minutes’ peak flow over Victoria Falls!).
The Trust
vigorously sought to raise the required funding, but without
unequivocal and
total government support doing so was greater than any
Herculean task, and
that support was virtually non-existent. Despite
endless endeavours, the
Trust could not convert the concept into actuality.
The absence of access to
the necessary funding over the 16 years that have
elapsed since the project
study was completed was not due to lack of
recurrent, oft concerted, Trust
efforts.
It was due to, initially, only superficial backing by
the state,
progressively exacerbated by the state’s worsening bankruptcy,
rendering it
an internationally unacceptable borrower. Concurrently,
government’s
recurrent alienation of much of the Western world’s developed
countries
eliminated all prospects of developmental aid to fund the project,
in whole
or in part. Even sufficient funding for the first phase
construction of the
dam could not be raised.
Tragically, the
negativity in bringing the Matabeleland-Zambezi water scheme
into being has
also been constantly fuelled by the pronounced misconception
that the
project is naught but to provide the residents of Bulawayo with
water
supplies. This is pronouncedly at variance from fact, for the
implementation of the MZWP project would be of overwhelmingly great national
benefit.
In assuring the survival and growth of Bulawayo, and the
well-being of its
residents, the country’s second-largest city and
industrial base would be a
continuing, and increasing, contributor to the
national economy through
productivity, employment continuance and creation,
export revenue
generation, down-stream economic activity, fiscal
contribution and much
more.
At the same time, major fishing
industry operations can be established in
the Gwayi-Shangani Dam, as also
can diverse tourism operations. A properly
implemented Zambezi water
project would also immensely enhance agricultural
activity in Matabeleland
North, West, and South, and even parts of the
Midlands, and would be a major
facilitative contributor to further mining
sector
development.
All this would dramatically enhance the Zimbabwean
economy, be a trigger for
much employment creation and reduction of the vast
number of
poverty-stricken, suffering Zimbabweans. It would be catalytic of
critically-needed foreign exchange earnings, and would have major other
benefits for Zimbabwe.
Tragically, many continue to be
provincially parochial and tribalistic in
their attitudes instead of being
nationally patriotic, and allow those
attitudes to influence their views on
the project, and on who should bring
it into being. There are many in
Matabeleland who insist that the
conceptualisation, implementation, and
future management of Zambezi water
supplies to Matabeleland are the
exclusive prerogative of the residents of
Matabeleland, and that government
not only has no role to play, but also
should desist from any
involvement.
Others believe that government is, or should be, the
sole authority in
Zimbabwe of anything and everything, and that therefore it
is government’s
absolute right and duty to determine whether the project be
progressed or
not and if it is to be progressed, then that be done by
government.
The reality is that it matters not one iota who brings this
long-overdue,
life-saving and nationally beneficial concept into being.
What matters is
that it now be implemented expeditiously.
Almost
100 years of benefits for Zimbabwe and its people have pointlessly
and
myopically been squandered.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011
17:50
Leonard Makombe
WHEN writing about elections at a
time like this, one has to resist the pull
to compare what is happening in
Ivory Coast with what happened in Zimbabwe
in 2008 or Kenya the year before.
It is a very strong pull that can be
resisted, but only at the risk of
failing to address the problem of
elections in most of the countries in the
developing world in general and
Zimbabwe in
particular.
What has happened in Ivory Coast, Kenya and
Zimbabwe since 2007 gives
credence to the anarchist assertion that: “If
elections worked, they would
have banned them,” as the polls held in the
three countries have not been an
instrument for electing representatives
based on popular will.
Instead, elections were a farce, setting precedents
for the whole continent
which is likely to further slow down the
democratisation process which in
many cases was set in motion at the end of
the colonial period.
In Zimbabwe, given the institutional
complexity of representative systems,
it is logical that a water-tight
electoral system is put in place to avoid
situations where elections are
described as a “sham”, “not free and fair” or
“rigged”.
Electoral
reform is top of the “to do” list of the government of national
unity and
despite the confusion around when the next poll will be held, it
has to be
completed as soon as possible.
However, it is always good to
ascertain what is wrong with the current
electoral laws and see how they
could be improved.
Political parties have, including Zanu PF in 1980,
complained of the skewed
nature of the electoral framework, perceived as
open to fraud and in favour
of those administering them.
More
than three decades later, political parties continue to raise the same
issues, arguing that the electoral laws hinder the conduct of free and fair
elections, itself a vital process in a democracy.
Thus it should
have been refreshing to hear that the inclusive government,
through Justice
Minister, Patrick Chinamasa, plans to make wholesale changes
to the
contentious laws.
However, the freshness would be transient as a
cursory look at the proposed
amendments show that the security sector,
itself a candidate for reforms,
would continue to play a major role when the
country goes to vote.
Proposed amendments, in the spirit of
maintaining law and order, would see
the appointment of special police
liaison officers who should be senior
personnel.
Maintenance of
law and order, it has to be conceded, is paramount but what
worries anyone
who has been following the country’s elections is that the
police have
played a partisan role and should not be allowed to go on doing
so.
What makes this worse is that the senior officers would be
appointed by the
Commissioner-General, in this case Augustine Chihuri who
last year said
something like: “It made no sense to change governments
through a pen, by
casting ballots, which cost less than five
cents.”
The question therefore is what brief the Commissioner-General
would give to
the special liaison officers? In fact, giving the police a
special role,
when their hands are already dirty could spoil the whole
election process.
It is also important to note that the issue of
violence should be addressed
in advance and never in retrospect and as such,
amendments to the electoral
laws should be clear on the definition of
violence and the consequences to
perpetrators.
Electoral violence
runs like a thread in most African elections and the best
way is to have
enough deterrence, by having heavy penalties in place and not
giving
perpetrators of violence an incentive to beat up, maim or even kill
opponents.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 January 2011
17:48
IT’S a new year and the inclusive government turns two next
month.
As we enter 2011 it is our hope that this creature
called the inclusive
government focuses on development rather than
concentrating on bickering
over positions and power as has been the case in
2010.
We hope that the inclusive government will be focused
on urgent national
issues such as the adequate provision of electricity,
improving the welfare
of civil servants as well as revamping the education
system rather than
fighting for high sounding titles such as “Head of State
and Government”,
“Commander-In-Chief” and “Right Honourable”. These titles
do nothing to help
the ordinary man and woman in the street.
We
hope the year will bring about policy consistency within the fabric of
the
inclusive government. It was difficult to believe last year that cabinet
actually met almost every Tuesday to discuss government policy judging by
the contradictory statements blurted by various ministers on issues such as
indigenisation and civil servants’ wages. These kinds of inconsistencies
only increased scepticism over whether Zimbabwe is a conducive place for
investors.
It is also our fervent wish that we have a
people-orientated constitutional
process as soon as possible. This should
reflect the wishes of Zimbabweans
and not one based on partisan lines. Last
year, there were groups of people
who thoughtlessly regurgitated rehearsed
lines disguising them as the views
of that particular area for inclusion in
the constitution.
Some suggestions during the constitution-making
process bordered on the
bizarre such as proposing that journalists critical
of President Robert
Mugabe should be hanged. Others were intimidated and
barred from giving
their views with several incidents of violence with
facilitators of the
process in some cases running for dear life. This
seriously damaged the
credibility of the whole process.
It is
such kind of incidents that placed Zimbabwe in the 51st position out
of the
53 countries on the Mo Ibrahim Index of African Governance last year.
This
is despite the fact that the inclusive government had been in existence
for
over a year.
In 2011 we would like to see the outstanding issues of
the Global Political
Agreement (GPA) addressed and not again go round in
circles over positions
which were agreed to and signed by the three
principals, President Robert
Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and
Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara months ago. It is tragic that the
three principals cannot
implement an agreement they negotiated for close to
half a year. This
appears to be causing as much exasperation to President
Zuma as it does to
us.
We hope that the Organ on National
Healing, Reconciliation and Integration
is more effective in bringing about
a peaceful environment and end political
tensions that have ravaged the
country since 2000. It’s a crying shame that
one of the chairpersons of that
organ, Sekai Holland, last year said they
were operating on a vague mandate
without an enabling law and had no
guidance as to how to
operate.
Besides a few meetings and one or two jingles, this vital
organ has not
achieved anything of substance. This is evidenced by
increasing reports of
violence in various areas in the
country.
Finally and most importantly, we also hope that there is a
clear roadmap to
economic recovery before the inclusive government’s term
comes to an end. We
have seen calls from Mugabe for elections by June this
year, constitution or
no constitution. As we have always said this is a
recipe for disaster and
will drag the country back to the dark days of 2008
characterised by
violence and decay.
We call upon Sadc and the
African Union, as the guarantors of the GPA, to
ensure that the year 2011
heralds a process that will finally bring about a
free and fair election.
That’s as much in their interests as in ours.