Catherine Philp in Harare
Witnesses to the incident said that
two of the Europeans, one of whom was carrying a digital camera, intercepted
Mugabe upon leaving the conference room and they engaged him in discussions. Suddenly, the source added, one of the
Europeans raised his voice without any perceptible reason, while the other one
kept filming quietly. The President’s bodyguard, at this stage, intervened, trying to
repel the European, who had come closer to his boss, but he was ignored by the
European, who kept heckling the Zimbabwean president, forcing him to retrace his
steps back into the conference room. It was at this point that a third European emerged and he in turn
heckled Mugabe, who resigned to fate before the intervention of an Egyptian
security guard who came in between the trio. Following the Egyptian security guard’s intervention, the
Zimbabwean President joined others in the room while the three Europeans quietly
returned to their place, the source said. Panapress .
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe Monday had a heated exchange
with three Europeans, whose identity or profession were not disclosed, as they
accosted him on his way out of the plenary session of the on-going African Union
heads of state summit.
Ben Freeth was hit on the back of his head with a
rifle butt and then with sticks, causing a wound that nearly cost him an
eye
July 1, 2008
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
30 June 2008
Zimbabwean opposition
officials said Monday that deadly political violence
against members of the
Movement for Democratic Change had continued
following the run-off election
Friday in which President Robert Mugabe
claimed victory and was inaugurated
on Sunday.
The opposition sources said a woman was murdered Sunday in
Buhera South
constituency of Manicaland province torture at a ruling party
militia camp
at Mutiusinazita. In the community of Headlands, Manicaland,
MDC sources
said militia murdered four members last week.
In Mazowe,
Mashonaland Central, parliamentarian-elect Shepherd Mushonga said
opposition
members have been unable to bury three members killed last week
as militia
are controlling movement in the area. He said two of those
murdered were
forced to drink poison as their families looked on.
In Mashonaland
Central, sources said Bindura lawyer Ernest Jena, who
represented detained
opposition activists, was abducted from his offices
last Tuesday and was
still missing.
Information Officer Luke Tamborinyoka of the Movement for
Democratic Change
party of former presidential candidate Morgan Tsvangirai
told reporter Jonga
Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe 5,000
opposition members are
unaccounted for.
The Citizen, SA
Published: 30/06/2008 21:07:29
GAYNOR NOYCE
JOHANNESBURG - Robert
Mugabe plotted his "win or war" campaign long before
the March election, say
two members of the Southern African Development
Community observer
mission.
Dianne Kohler-Barnard and Manie van Dyk, both of the Democratic
Alliance,
said Friday's sham run-off election bore the fruit of his
atrocious
campaign.
Both documented accounts of the atrocities
which were meted out by Mugabe's
Zanu-PF militias on Zimbabweans to ensure
victory.
One shopkeeper told of how the MDC had been driven out of Zaka
in
Mashonaland and made to flee for their lives after watching a man being
held
down while Zanu-PF militia cut off his feet, and then his hands. The
man
bled to death.
"The aim was to drive the Movement for Democratic
Change out of the
province. The voting station I observed showed just two
MDC votes, which
means they succeeded," said Van Dyk.
Polling
stations in Manikaland province were manned by the losing Zanu-PF
candidates
from the March election instead of the highly respected teachers.
MDC
chairman of Manikaland, Patrick Chitaka, told them that half of the MDC
polling agents had been killed or arrested.
He also said at Zanu-PF
rallies, MDC supporters were forced to join Zanu-PF
and beat their own
members, some of them to death.
DA leader Helen Zille today appealed
to the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
to have Mugabe tried for crimes
against humanity.
Total Catholic
Monday, 30 June 2008 22:07
Several Catholic priests have been assaulted
by supporters of Zimbabwe's
ruling party and at least one house belonging to
the Church has been burned
down, a Jesuit spokesman said.
St
Anthony's mission house in Zaka, in the Masvingo Diocese, was home
to a few
priests before it was destroyed in the violence that preceded the
country's
June 27 runoff presidential election, said Jesuit Father Oscar
Wermter, who
runs the order's Zimbabwean communications office in the
capital of
Harare.
Many priests in rural areas as well as at least one in
Harare have
been assaulted in the crackdown against the opposition to
President Robert
Mugabe, Fr Wermter said today.
"Very serious
threats" also have been made against priests and other
Church workers, he
said.
Some parishioners have been "put under pressure to attend
ruling party
rallies instead of Mass on Sundays," Fr Wermter said, noting
that "the
pressure differs from place to place."
The
Zimbabwean Jesuits' June newsletter reported that the priests who
have been
threatened "cannot operate freely" and a few "had to be removed
temporarily
from their posts for their own safety."
Some priests "cannot go to
remote outstations, or outstation lay
leaders tell them not to come because
of the instability," the newsletter
said.
An unknown number of
Church members have been killed, seriously
injured or forced to flee, while
others have had their homes destroyed,
according to the report. The Catholic
Development Commission, which runs
food programmes in the country, and other
Church groups "are trying to give
assistance to displaced persons,
regardless of whether they are members of
the Church or not," the newsletter
said.
"Sadly, there are some active Catholics, not only among the
victims,
but also on the side of the perpetrators of these crimes against
humanity,"
the Jesuit publication added.
Independent, UK
By Daniel Howden in Harare
Tuesday, 1 July
2008
As Robert Mugabe sought recognition from African leaders
yesterday, his
police have been arresting the "dangerous" opposition agents
that Mr Mugabe
accuses of fomenting violence in the country.
Mrs
Chigoro is one of them. She is considered such a threat she is being
kept
under armed police guard at a Harare hospital.
Seventy years old, her
injuries are so horrific she can no longer lie on her
back or walk
unassisted.
She can only huddle in a claw-like shape. The appalling
chemical burns that
have removed her lips and melted her right cheek come
from an industrial
weedkiller she was forced to drink. The widow can eat no
solids and survives
with the aid of a saline drip.
Her crime was to
survive the death squads that have roamed the rural areas
of this bankrupt
and terrified country. The police, armed with AK-47s, have
been stationed on
her ward to stop her from telling her story.
Gibb Chigoro, her son, had
known that he was at risk. He was the first
Movement for Democratic Change
candidate to win a council seat in the ruling
party stronghold of
Mashonaland Central. After the first round win, he had
watched the militia,
police and army let loose on opposition supporters,
with scores killed,
thousands beaten and 200,000 displaced.
The chaos arrived at the Chigoro
house on Friday, 20 June, one week before
the run-off election.
An
armed mob of some 250, led by the son of the defeated Zanu-PF councillor,
Robson Dhlamini, approached the house demanding to see the MDC man. Inside
was Mrs Chigoro, two of her sons, a daughter and two
grandchildren.
Gibb armed himself with a pistol before going outside.
After threats, shots
were fired by both sides until the councillor was hit
in the shoulder and
the calf. Once on the floor, they set upon him with iron
bars, his mother
recalled, breaking his arms and legs. The rest of the
family received the
same treatment. Her other son, Hamilton, was shot in the
leg before his arm
and face were smashed with the bars.
The old woman
was not spared. "They hit me on my back and ribs. As they beat
me, they said
to me: 'Did you think you could get away with betraying your
country? You,
old woman did you think you'd get away with this?' I saw them
shoot my son
again before I fainted."
When she came to, she found that the brutally
beaten family had been dragged
to a clearing in the village.
In a
ritual humiliation that has been repeated throughout Zimbabwe, Gibb was
forced to renounce his party and insult the MDC leader. Then they called for
volunteers from the village to execute him. She did not recognise the man
that pulled the trigger.
Murder complete, they were put back on the
pick-up - one of the hundreds of
new Mahandra vehicles with no number plates
that have been purchased by the
bankrupt state and issued to the death
squads.
Another stop was made to shoot dead Hama Madamombe, a well known
local MDC
supporter, and abduct his brother.
The surviving family was
transported to the Tetra farm about 30 miles away,
one of the thousands of
commercial farms seized by the Mugabe regime. It now
belongs to the
notoriously violent Chigwada brothers, Effluence and Shami,
who have set up
one of the Zanu torture camps there.
By the time they arrived at the
camp, it was dark. The beatings that had
begun mid-morning started again. No
one remembers how long they went on.
But when their torturers grew tired
they brought out the bottles of
Paraquat - a Chinese-manufactured herbicide,
used to kill weeds.
It has become a weapon of choice in Zimbabwe's
political terror campaign and
the militia have been instructed to dip their
sticks in it before beating
victims.
The four terrified survivors
were then forced to drink it. Mrs Chigoro
remembers her son, Hamilton,
telling her not to swallow the burning liquid.
A doctor described the
effects of Paraquat: "It's absorbed through the skin,
the heart rate plunges
and it attacks the nervous system. It acts on skin in
a similar way to
ammonia."
The message not to swallow failed to reach the brother of the
murdered MDC
supporter. He died in agony.
Miraculously the daughter,
Susan, was able - despite critical injuries - to
drag herself out of the
camp in the night and find a police station that was
willing to act on her
pleas and go to the farm to rescue her mother and
brother.
Their
ordeal did not end there. They were shadowed by their assailants from
the
camp and Susan was later arrested by police who have been ordered to
co-operate with the torturers.
Three armed police from Mashonaland
now stand guard over mother and son who
were transferred to a hospital in
Harare. Both face being rearrested if they
survive their
injuries.
Shepherd Mushonga is their local MP - one of only two MDC
winners in his
region - he has also been in hiding but has tried to document
their ordeal.
He said of the torturers: "Armed by the state, ordered by
the state, they're
getting away with murder. If the world does not learn of
what happened it
will happen again. This is the tip of the
iceberg."
"One of the reasons for the viciousness in this area was that
Zanu thought
it had total control until the March upset. We won and we have
paid the
consequences in broken bones. This is war against defenceless
families."
Mrs Chigoro said: "I have been through the liberation war but
I never
believed I would live through something like this. I never saw
anything like
what has happened to my family."
MONTREAL, June 30 /CNW Telbec/ - Reporters Without Borders today
condemned
the arrest of seven Zimbabwean and foreign journalists during the
run-off
presidential election that was a foregone conclusion on 27 June.
Three
of
them are still being held.
"In its negotiations with Robert Mugabe, the
African Union should remind
the outgoing head of state that journalism is not
a crime", the worldwide
press freedom organisation said.
Police
arrested British freelance photographer Richard Judson and
Zimbabwean
freelance journalists Regis Marisamhuka and Agrison Manyenge on
polling day
and they are still being held without charge at a Harare
police
station.
Tumaole Mohlaoli and Elelewani Ramphumedzi,
respectively journalist and
cameraman on privately-owned South African
television e.tv, were arrested on
the same day in the southern border town of
Beitbridge. They were freed
after
negotiations with South African police,
after spending one night in custody.
Freelance journalist Frank Chikowore
and cameraman Edgar Mwandiambira,
who were arrested close to the Mhofu
primary school in the Highfields
district
of Harare were released after
voting ended, also without charge. They were
first taken to Southerton police
station before being transferred to a
station
in Machipisa.
"In a
Zimbabwe that is mired in an unprecedented crisis, independent
witnesses are
seen as enemies of the presidential party", Reporters Without
Borders said.
"Arrests have become the rule and the Zimbabwean justice
system
is bogged
down in Kafkaesque political cases."
For further information:
Katherine Borlongan, Secretary General,
Reporters sans frontières Canada,
(514) 521-4111, rsfcanada@rsf.org,
www.rsfcanada.org
://www.mcclatchydc.com
Posted on Monday, June 30, 2008
By Shashank Bengali |
McClatchy Newspapers
HARARE, Zimbabwe - Ngoni Bothwell Naite never told his
family that he'd
become an activist. During Zimbabwe's bloody election
season, when Naite
volunteered to guard the home of an opposition politician
who'd been
targeted for kidnapping, his mother assumed that he was staying
with
friends.
She learned the truth one morning last month, when her
27-year-old son's
body was found dumped beside a cluster of shops after a
government militia
raided the politician's home. There was a fist-deep gash
in his forehead,
his front teeth had been knocked out, a bullet pierced his
right armpit and,
she learned later, his genitals had been mutilated, as if
smashed repeatedly
with a hammer.
Naite's mother, her head bowed,
said she understood why her youngest son had
kept his political life a
secret. "In this country, in this election,"
Emilia Dzvairo said, "I would
not have let him do it."
Zimbabwe's election may be over - President
Robert Mugabe claimed victory
Sunday and was immediately sworn in for
another five-year term - but the
human toll of one of the most brutal
political campaigns in recent memory is
still being calculated. Opposition
leaders and pro-democracy activists think
that government militias killed
scores of people and abducted perhaps
hundreds of others as Mugabe decimated
a popular opposition party and
extended his 28-year rule over this crumbling
southern African nation.
This wasn't an election, Mugabe's critics said;
it was a war. And many in
Zimbabwe see it as evidence that hardliners and
military leaders have
reasserted control over the all-powerful ruling party,
known as ZANU-PF.
These extremists, analysts and former party officials
said, include veterans
of Zimbabwe's liberation struggle and men who led the
massacres of tens of
thousands of political opponents in the 1980s. In some
of the nastier
pre-election tactics - beatings, torching of homes, forcing
people into
"re-education camps" and demanding oaths of allegiance to
ZANU-PF - many
Zimbabweans saw shades of past campaigns of
oppression.
At a summit of African leaders in Egypt on Monday, South
Africa, the
regional power, called on Mugabe to start talks with opposition
leader
Morgan Tsvangirai on forming a unity government. But with extremists
calling
the shots, experts said, Mugabe is unlikely to negotiate seriously
with
Tsvangirai and probably would select a hardliner to succeed
himself.
"The hardliners convinced him to ... win this election by
whatever means,"
said Tiseke Kasambala, a senior researcher at the advocacy
group Human
Rights Watch. "He let the army and the security forces do what
they do best,
which is spread fear and terror throughout the
country."
Despite plunging Zimbabwe into economic ruin - hyperinflation
and serious
food shortages have forced a third of the population to flee the
country -
the 84-year-old president appears emboldened. Zimbabwe's
state-owned Herald
newspaper said that Mugabe "was prepared to face any of
his (African)
counterparts disparaging Zimbabwe's electoral conduct because
some of their
countries had worse" election records.
If extremists
remain in control, "repression will continue, restrictions on
freedom of
assembly will continue and economically Zimbabwe will get worse,"
Kasambala
said.
Experts think that Mugabe briefly considered stepping down after
Tsvangirai
won a plurality of votes in a first-round election in March.
Several ZANU-PF
moderates - some of whom had quietly backed the failed
candidacy of a third
candidate, former party official Simba Makoni -
reportedly urged Mugabe to
form a transitional government with
Tsvangirai.
That was when the party's powerful security chiefs stepped
in, a former
Mugabe aide said.
Led by Emmerson Mnangagwa, a
government minister who's been implicated in
military abuses of civilians in
the Matabeleland province in the mid-1980s,
these men convinced Mugabe not
to cede power. The security chiefs are known
to detest Tsvangirai - who
didn't participate in the independence struggle -
and may have feared
prosecution on war crimes charges.
"The freedom fighters emerged and
decided there's no way we can give up this
country to someone like
Tsvangirai," said the former Mugabe aide, who's
split with ZANU-PF and who
spoke on the condition of anonymity out of safety
concerns. "So then it
became about victory at any cost."
"Robert Mugabe is their passport to
immunity," said John Makumbe, a leading
political analyst in Harare. "They
need to stay in power."
Mnangagwa took over Mugabe's campaign for last
Friday's runoff, which
resembled a military operation more than anything
else. The International
Crisis Group, a research center, wrote in a recent
report that the military,
youth militia and so-called war veterans - who
claim to be former liberation
fighters but often are simply young government
mercenaries - were deployed
across the country to "intimidate (opposition
supporters) to vote for
ZANU-PF" and dismantle the opposition by "by
targeting party leaders and
midlevel activists across the
country."
The incident that killed Naite, the opposition activist, and
three others
was typical.
On June 17 in Chitungwiza, a bedroom
community outside the capital, Harare,
Naite was among a small group holding
a vigil at the home of a local
opposition official. According to witnesses,
a group of young men chanting
ZANU-PF slogans tried to storm the house but
Naite and others fought back,
driving the attackers away.
Shortly
afterward, the ZANU-PF supporters returned with a mob of more than
100
militiamen. They were armed with guns and, according to a report in a
pro-opposition newspaper, accompanied by "four unmarked double-cab trucks, a
mini-bus owned by a known soldier and a Mercedes-Benz sedan belonging to a
local policeman."
"Our boys were just overpowered," said Martin
Magaya, an opposition official
in Chitungwiza. "This was purely a military
operation. You cannot call it
anything else."
Kasambala, the Human
Rights Watch researcher, said that military leaders now
might move to
consolidate power and sideline the moderates who counseled
Mugabe to step
aside. In a sign that ZANU-PF officials were rallying behind
Mugabe, Joyce
Mujuru, one of the country's two vice presidents, who's widely
thought to
have backed Makoni's independent presidential bid, lavished
praise on Mugabe
at his inauguration Sunday.
"The victory we are celebrating today, your
excellency, put to shame our
detractors who do not wish well for our
country," Mujuru said, according to
The Washington Post.
http://www.portagedailygraphic.com
Editorial
Posted 5 hours ago
Vicious dictator takes
power in sham election, and even Mandela is
quietZimbabweans can only
despair after the sham runoff election preceded by
Robert Mugabe's
government terrorizing supporters of the opposition party.
The vicious
megalomaniac has effectively devastated his country, which is
now an
economic basket case. Brutality, torture and murder are hallmarks of
his
regime and millions of Zimbabweans have fled the country.
The stench of
international hypocrisy pervades the wretched state of
affairs. The UN
Security Council finally issued a statement expressing
concern about
election campaign violence, but even that was watered down at
the behest of
South Africa, Russia and China. Other countries outside Africa
have taken
only token action claiming unctuously that the solution should
rest in the
hands of Africans.
But apart from some minor huffing and puffing, the
Africans can't or won't
act. In the latter category, we find South Africa's
role particularly
shameful.
That country's president, Thabo Mbeki, is
fully in thrall of Mugabe,
seemingly incapable of criticizing a former
liberationist comrade. Mbeki and
his African National Congress reject using
South Africa's crucial economic
leverage to pressure Mugabe and oppose
meaningful international sanctions.
They've forgotten if the world had not
used sanctions, the apartheid regime
would still be in power.
Sadly,
Nelson Mandela's silence has been deafening. The former South African
president made his first public comments about Mugabe only last week, noting
merely "the tragic failure of leadership" in Zimbabwe.
This is the
same Mandela who, not shy about giving forth on faraway
problems, excoriated
President George W. Bush over Iraq in January 2003.
"What I am condemning is
. a president who has no foresight, who cannot
think properly, is now
wanting to plunge the world into a holocaust."
Mandela said then.
But
the tyrant next door perpetrating horrendous atrocities on fellow
Africans
merits merely a "tragic failure of leadership."
Obviously, there's still
reason to cry the beloved country and its
continent.
Ed Feuer is a
Sun Media editor from Winnipeg.
OpEdNews.com
June 30, 2008 at 13:51:13
by Skeeter
Sanders
http://www.opednews.com
The
Time Is Long Overdue for the World to Recognize the Fact That Zimbabwe's
Rogue President, After 28 Years in Power, Is Not Just Another Thug Dictator:
He's Also a Racist Who Hates White People and Anyone Else -- Even Fellow
Africans -- He Thinks Acts as Their 'Puppets'
By Skeeter
Sanders
Zimbabwe's rogue president, Robert Mugabe, has
finally exposed himself as
being what many in the West and even in the rest
of Africa have feared the
worst about him. Not only is he a power-hungry
dictator determined to stay
in power at any cost, but he's also a blatant
racist -- every bit as
contemptuous of white people as the former apartheid
regime in South Africa
was of blacks.
Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe
since independence in 1980, came out of the
dictator's closet on Sunday when
-- true to his vow that the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
would never govern in his lifetime --
he was sworn in for a sixth term as
president, two days after a one-man
runoff election denounced by African
observers and much of the world as a
sham caused by violence and
intimidation by his ruling party against his
opponents.
The
rapidly-convened ceremony was staged barely an hour after the country's
electoral commission declared he won a total of 2,150,269 votes against
233,000 for opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, who boycotted the runoff
but whose name still appeared on ballot papers.
Turnout was announced
at 42.37 percent -- a steep plunge from the more than
78 percent turnout in
the March 29 general election that saw Tsvangirai's
MDC take control of the
Zimbawean parliament from Mugabe's ZANU-PF party and
Tsvangirai coming out
on top in the presidential vote over Mugabe, but
failing to avoid a
runoff.
More than 131,400 ballot papers were rejected in the highly
controversial
runoff, giving Mugabe more than 85 percent of the votes
cast.
Results Draw Outrage From Rest of Africa, World. . .
The
results were flatly rejected as illegitimate by observers from the
14-nation
Southern African Development Community (SADC), who, in an
uncharacteristically sharp rebuke, said the election "did not represent the
will of the people."
"The pre-election phase was characterized by
politically-motivated violence,
intimidation and displacements," Angolan
Sports Minister Jose Marcos
Barrica, the head of the 400-strong team of
observers, said in a statement.
It is indeed noteworthy that not a single
African head of state attended
Mugabe's swearing-in ceremony, in sharp
contrast to his previous election
victories. Mugabe -- who later flew to
Egypt to attend an African Union
summit in the Red Sea port of Sharm
al-Sheik -- could for the first time
face a cool, if not hostile, reception
from other African leaders.
As this edition of The 'Skeeter Bites Report
was being posted early Monday
morning, the summit's opening session --
closed to journalists -- had just
begun and the Zimbabwean crisis was to
feature high on the agenda.
Prime Minister Raila Odinga of Kenya, among
Mugabe's most vocal critics on
the continent -- whose own rise to power
earlier this year came about as a
result of a power-sharing compromise with
President Mwai Kibaki that ended
weeks of violence following a disputed
presidential election -- called on
the African Union to send troops into
Zimbabwe and labeled Mugabe "a shame
to Africa."
New York-based Human
Rights Watch said on Sunday the African Union will lose
credibility if it
fails to isolate Mugabe. "African states should impose
sanctions against
Robert Mugabe and his illegitimate government in Zimbabwe
after the sham
presidential runoff," the organization said in a statement.
In
Washington, President Bush said Saturday the United States was working on
ways to further punish Mugabe and his allies. That could mean steps against
his government as well as additional restrictions on the travel and
financial activities of Mugabe supporters.
Bush also said he wants
the United Nations Security Council to impose an
arms embargo on Zimbabwe as
well as travel bans on Zimbabwean government
officials. The U.S. plans to
introduce a resolution in the council this
coming week, but China -- which
has veto power -- declined to either support
it or oppose it.
For
their part, Russia, which also has veto power, and South Africa, which
doesn't, have said the situation is an internal matter.
. . .And
Embarrassment for South Africa's Lame-Duck President Mbeki
President
Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, the regionally-appointed mediator for
Zimbabwe,
has worked for a negotiated solution in the country but has seen
his own
stature sink rapidly as he faced calls by Tsvangirai for him to be
removed
from his mediation post over his policy of quiet diplomacy --
ironically,
the very same policy that in the 1980s brought discredit to the
United
States in its dealings with South Africa's former apartheid regime.
At
his swearing-in ceremony, Mugabe lavished praise on Mbeki -- a deeply
unpopular "lame duck" who has less than a year remaining in his tenure as
president of South Africa and who already has lost control of his own ruling
African National Congress party -- with Mugabe saying Zimbabwe was "indebted
to his [Mbeki's] untiring efforts to promote harmony and
peace."
Meanwhile, Mbeki's predecessor, Nelson Mandela, in a stunning
indictment of
his old friend Mugabe, lamented at what he called " the tragic
failure of
leadership in our neighboring Zimbabwe." Speaking Wednesday in
London at a
lavish dinner celebrating his 90th birthday, Mandela's comment
was as much a
slap at Mbeki's quiet diplomacy as it was about Mugabe's
dictatorship.
It's Time to Say It: Zimbabwe Is Ruled By a Racist
Dictator
Mugabe had declared opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai a puppet
of former
colonial power Britain and of wealthy whites. In a comment that
can only be
interpreted as a racist diatribe, Mugabe vowed that Zimbabwe
"shall not
again come under the rule and control of the white man, direct or
indirect.
Never, ever"-- even vowing to plunge the country into an all-out
civil war
to stay in power had he lost Friday's run-off
election.
Yes, this blogger -- an African-American -- is saying it openly
and clearly:
Robert Mugabe is a racist. A black racist. Whereas other
African
freedom-fighters against European colonial rule and later
white-minority
rule in South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe were seeking
self-determination
for the black African peoples in those three countries,
Mugabe was -- and
remains -- driven by something else: A deep-seeded hatred
of whites and of
anyone else he perceived as aiding and abetting whites,
such as Tsvangirai.
In that regard, Mugabe -- who in recent years has
even sported a moustache
eerily reminiscent of Adolf Hitler's -- has more in
common with the racist
white-minority regimes of Ian Smith in the former
Rhodesia that Mugabe's
Zimbabwe African National Union-Popular Front ousted
from power in 1980 and
of P.W. Botha in South Africa. Mugabe is as
contemptuous of white people as
Smith and Botha were of blacks.
It is
Mugabe's racist tunnel vision that colors everything he and his regime
does
and lies at the heart of his defiance of world opinion -- especially of
the
West. That Mugabe's attitude is shaped by his hatred toward whites has
been
made over and over again in his 28 years in power.
He has frequently
portrayed Tsvangirai as a puppet of former colonial power
Britain and
wealthy whites, thousands of whom lost their land when he
launched a
controversial program of farm expropriations at the turn of the
decade.
"Once again we want to make it clear to the British and
Americans that we
are no one's subjects and will never be," said
Mugabe."This country shall
not again come under the rule and control of the
white man, direct or
indirect. Never, ever. The British rule has gone, gone
forever. The white
man is gone, never, ever will this country be ruled by a
white man again."
This blogger is not alone in branding Mugabe a racist.
Other black critics
of Mugabe have long accused him of having racist
attitude towards white
people. John Sentamu, a Ugandan-born Anglican
archbishop of York in Britain,
calls Mugabe "the worst kind of racist
dictator," for having "targeted the
whites for their apparent
riches."
Almost thirty years after ending white-minority rule in the
former Rhodesia,
Mugabe now accuses Britain of promoting white imperialism
and regularly
accuses opposition figures to his government of being allies
of white
imperialism.
Mugabe has even cited white European influence
as an excuse for his brutally
violent campaign against homosexuals in
Zimbabwe, accusing gay and lesbian
Zimbabweans of being "afflicted with a
white man's disease," arguing that
prior to the British colonization of the
former Rhodesia, Zimbabweans did
not engage in homosexual acts.
It's
Time to Treat Mugabe the Same as S. Africa's Old Apartheid Regime
There can
be no doubt by now that after 28 years in power, the 84-year-old
Mugabe
doesn't give a damn what anyone thinks about him -- not the
international
community, not his African neighbors, certainly not the
opposition MDC,
certainly not the majority of the Zimbabwean people -- who
are suffering not
only from brutal oppression from his dictatorship, but
also from the
near-total collapse of their country's economy -- nor even
reformers within
his own ZANU-PF party.
"Only God can remove me from office!" Mugabe
boldly declared at a ZANU-PF
campaign rally prior to Friday's
runoff.
Oh, really? At 84 years of age, Mugabe -- who, incidentally,
was raised a
Roman Catholic -- would be wise to avoid invoking God. The
Creator could
remove the dictator from the scene at any time and a lot
sooner than he
thinks. Just ask Tim Russert.
And even if God doesn't
remove Mugabe any time soon, the international
community could starve Mugabe
out by imposing a total international
economic, diplomatic, cultural and
sports boycott of Zimbabwe -- similar to
that imposed in the 1970s against
South Africa.
Imagine Zimbabwe's athletes banned from the Olympics, its
diplomats ordered
to go home, its products embargoed from foreign ports and
foreign goods
(other than vital food and medical supplies) embargoed from
exportto the
beleaguered country?
As far as this blogger is
concerned, there is little difference between the
Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe
and the former apartheid regime in South Africa.
The former is just as
brutally racist as the latter.
Just as it was a sustained international
economic boycott that eventually
brought an end to apartheid in South
Africa, the time is now past due for
the world to treat the Mugabe regime
the same way.
The Voice
Published: 29 June 2008
BY Trudy Simpson
A
ZIMBABWEAN church leader is calling on world leaders, the UN and the
African
Union to send in a peacekeeping force to end violence in Zimbabwe.
"The
situation there is very desperate and there is a need now for action.
We
definitely need a peacekeeping force in there," said Pastor Qobo Mayisa,
secretary of the Council of Zimbabwe Christian Leaders
UK.
Mayisi's parents and in-laws have been forced to flee their homes
because of
widespread intimidation and violence.
Thousands have
been injured and displaced in Zimbabwe, and more than 80
opposition
supporters killed.
"This hurts me as much as it hurts those on the
ground," said Mayisi. His
group held a rally on June 28 in London to pray
for Zimbabwe and discuss
solutions.
Mayisi added: "There has been
a lot of talk but it has not led to changes on
the ground. The pulling out
of the (Opposition) MDC means the death of
democracy in
Zimbabwe."
Leader of the Opposition Movement for Democratic Change,
Morgan Tsvangirai,
pulled out ahead of the June 27 run-off race against
Mugabe for the
presidency on June 22.
He said a free and fair
poll was impossible because of increasing violence
and intimidation from
police and others loyal to long-time president Robert
Mugabe, who is
determined to hold on to power.
Following Tsvangirai's withdrawal,
world leaders verbally challenged
Mugabe's legitimacy and threatened UN
action. Zimbabwe's African neighbours
also began consultations on the
crisis.
Mayisi said he wanted them to go beyond "issuing
statements."
He told The Voice: "What we need now is concrete
support. That means putting
pressure on South Africa and Zimbabwe's other
neighbours. We (also) need
someone in there to stop the violence."
Independent, UK
By Anne Penketh,
Diplomatic Editor
Tuesday, 1 July 2008
Africa's leaders have
failed publicly to condemn Robert Mugabe for stealing
Zimbabwe's
presidential election by proceeding with a run-off vote in which
he was sole
candidate at the height of an officially orchestrated
intimidation
campaign.
At a summit of the 53 member states of the African Union - in
which stable
democracies remain a minority - Mr Mugabe was praised as a
"hero" by the
veteran President of Gabon, Omar Bongo.
Although he was
not addressed as "Mr President" by fellow summiteers
gathered in the
Egyptian resort of Sharm el-Sheikh, the embattled Zimbabwean
leader was
comforted by speeches in which few spoke out about the political
violence in
his country. His most vocal opponent, President Levy Patrick
Mwanawasa of
Zambia, suffered a stroke and was rushed to hospital on the eve
of the
summit.
The summit host, President Hosni Mubarak, did not mention the
Zimbabwe
crisis directly in his opening speech. Raila Odinga, the Prime
Minister of
Kenya, was a lone voice sniping from the sidelines in Nairobi
where he
called for Zimbabwe to be suspended from the AU until "free and
fair"
elections can be held.
Conference sources said that while
African leaders were more outspoken in
private meetings, they declined to
criticise Mr Mugabe in public. President
Yoweri Museveni of Uganda was said
to have been "particularly unhelpful".
The summit is expected to wind up
today with a call for dialogue between Mr
Mugabe and the opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai, who has urged the AU to
deny the Zimbabwean President the
legitimacy he craves. The dialogue is
intended to produce a government of
national unity or a transition to fresh
elections.
The US and the EU
have branded the election a "sham". Britain fears that Mr
Mugabe will
control the transitional arrangements unless they are conducted
under the
supervision of Mr Tsvangirai, who came ahead of the 84-year-old
President in
the first round of voting on 29 March. Lord Malloch Brown, the
Foreign
Office minister for Africa, came away disappointed with his talks in
Sharm
el-Sheikh, after the UN deputy secretary general, Asha-Rose Migiro,
warned
the AU that it faced a "moment of truth".
Editorial
The Guardian,
Tuesday July 1,
2008
In his moving memoir of Zimbabwe's years of political and human
decline, the
journalist Peter Godwin describes a queue of poor people
waiting at the
supermarket to collect a few pennies for empty bottles they
have scavenged.
They watch sullenly as beneficiaries of the regime, coming
out of the other
door, load "their Pajeros and Range Rovers and Mercs with
mountains of
groceries".
It is a scene that vividly underlines the
distance and the difference
between those who suffer and those who plunder
in a divided society. That
distance has become even wider in the past few
months as the resort to
physical force, and sometimes to extremes of
horribly ingenious violence,
has become more frequent. Thus it is that the
problem which Zimbabwe faces
today is not whether Mugabe himself will
survive politically. He may, or he
may not, with the odds probably in favour
of an early departure. But much
more important is whether the regime's long
tail of one-party rule
apparatchiks, corrupted officials, compromised army
and police officers,
avaricious black marketeers, co-opted lawyers,
collaborationist clerics, and
vicious street-corner enforcers will remain
long after he is gone,
undermining the country's chances of making a new
start.
It is true that Zimbabwe needs an agreement on a transitional
government in
which members of the old regime will for a time share power
with the
opposition. That appears to be the only practical way forward, and
it was
the preferred solution of most members of the African Union, as they
deliberated in Sharm el-Sheikh yesterday.
But the danger lurking
behind the various proposals being canvassed is that
the wrong kind of deal
could end by consolidating some of the most repellent
elements in the regime
while absorbing and subordinating the opposition. The
fate of Joshua Nkomo's
Zapu is worth recalling. This may be less likely if
Mugabe goes, but his
departure would hardly guarantee that it will not
happen. Years of bad
government form habits, and create constituencies of
interest, that are hard
to change. They may even infect the opposition.
Both Robert Mugabe and
Morgan Tsvangirai want a deal. Tsvangirai, given all
that has happened, has
been almost embarrassingly deferential in his recent
remarks about the
Zanu-PF leader, but then both men are, in their different
ways, desperate.
The election campaign has been essentially about the terms
on which they
will talk. When they do, those with some influence over the
parties -
Zimbabwe's neighbours, the African Union - should be clear about
one thing
above all: Mugabeism without Mugabe would be the worst possible
outcome.
The Times, SA
Foreign Desk and SAPA
Published:Jul 01,
2008
SA
will confer with AU on endorsing Mugabe
President Thabo Mbeki yesterday
denied that he intends to recognise Robert
Mugabe as president of
Zimbabwe.
A statement from Mbeki's office denied the claim as
African leaders met in
the Egyptian resort Sharm el-Sheikh for an African
Union summit that is
likely to be dominated by a heated debate on Zimbabwe
.
a.. Africa's leaders were said to be divided over whether to recognise
Mugabe as Zimbabwe's leader following a controversial presidential run-off
election that was boycotted by the leader of the Movement for Democratic
Change, Morgan Tsvangirai.
By late yesterday, AU leaders were still
locked in talks about Zimbabwe.
The run-off poll has been widely
condemned internationally as a sham. The AU's
own election observers said
the elections had not been free and fair, and
that view was backed by
observers from the Southern African Development
Community .
But some
of the AU's leaders backed Mugabe . Gabon's President Omar Bongo,
who has
been in office since 1967, endorsed Mugabe and said his one-man
election
race had given him a new mandate.
"He was elected, he took an oath and he
is here with us, so he is president
and we cannot ask him more ," Bongo
said.
But US assistant secretary of state for Africa, Jendayi Frazer, who
was also
in Egypt, said she believed AU leaders would slam Mugabe for
holding a
flawed election, the run-up to which left about 80 opposition
supporters
dead and scores homeless."
"I believe the tradition of the
AU summit is to reserve their strongest
criticism for closed-door sessions,
particularly at the heads-of-state
level," she said.
Denying reports
that Mbeki was planning to endorse Mugabe's "re-election",
the president's
office said the government would be guided by the decisions
of the AU
.
"The presidency wishes to emphasise that these reports do not emanate
from
statements made by any South African government official
.
"South Africa will consider the reports of the SADC and other observer
teams . and adopt a position together with other [AU] member states,"
Mbeki's
spokesman, Mukoni Ratshitanga, said.
The Times, SA
Published:Jul 01,
2008
There
are some in the AU who want a return to the dark days of the
OAU
EDITORIAL: When the African Union came into being in July 2002 there
was
much jubilation across the continent and
abroad.
To many, the AU's formation marked the
continent's break with an era during
which heads of state and one-party
states could trample on the democratic
rights of their citizens without fear
of being isolated or otherwise
punished by their sister countries. It was
the beginning of an age of hope,
in which each AU country would be expected
to abide by democratic
principles, such as holding regular, free and fair
elections.
Some AU members went a step further by signing-up for a "peer
review
mechanism" that opened them up to close and critical appraisal by
their
fellow member states.
It was an era in which AU leaders such as
President Thabo Mbeki could read
the riot act to the likes of Malawi's then
president, Bakili Muludzi, who
tried to change his country's constitution
and extend his stay in office.
Six years almost to the day since the AU
was launched at a glittering
ceremony in Durban, the organisation's
credibility and effectiveness are now
in serious doubt.
We have to
wonder if the AU is just another old boy's club whose main use,
like its
toothless predecessor, the Organisation of African Unity, is to
protect the
continent's political elite.
This doubt about the sincerity of the AU's
commitment to safeguarding and
promoting democracy throughout the continent
has lately been fuelled by its
failure to deal effectively with the
continuing crisis in Zimbabwe.
AU leaders were yesterday locked in a
summit in Egypt, where the Zimbabwean
crisis was discussed. Their actions
after this meeting will go a long way
towards winning back their citizens'
confidence in the AU. But, judging by
the comments of some of its leaders,
who have backed Robert Mugabe's
government, there are still many in the AU
who want to turn it back to the
dark days of the OAU.
Reuters
Mon 30 Jun
2008, 21:08 GMT
* AU leaders unlikely to punish Mugabe
* U.S.
pushing U.N. call for sanctions
By Cynthia Johnston
SHARM
EL-SHEIKH, Egypt, July 1 (Reuters) - African leaders are expected to
press
President Robert Mugabe on Tuesday to negotiate with Zimbabwe's
opposition
but are unlikely to punish his government for holding a
discredited
presidential election.
Mugabe, 84, was sworn in for a new five-year term
on Sunday after election
authorities announced he had won a landslide
victory in a one-candidate
presidential run-off ballot condemned as violent
and unfair by monitors.
Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai withdrew from
the vote.
Most African leaders have trod a fine line on Zimbabwe's
political crisis
with only a few criticising Mugabe, still seen by many in
Africa as a hero
of the anti-colonial struggle.
The possibility of
political violence in the aftermath of the election has
prompted the African
Union to consider the crisis at its summit this week in
the Egyptian resort
of Sharm el-Sheikh.
Mugabe is among the leaders attending the
meeting.
Jean Ping, chairman of the African Union Commission and Africa's
top
diplomat, told journalists on Monday that the Zimbabwe election would be
discussed on Tuesday.
A senior delegate, however, told Reuters the
leaders would err on the side
of caution. "They will dodge the bullet. They
won't expressly recognise him,
but they won't kick him out of the
session."
The summit appeared to be opposed to a U.S.-led push at the
United Nations
for strong sanctions against Mugabe's government, including
an arms embargo.
The United States and Britain have imposed financial and
travel sanctions
against the Zimbabwean leader and his top
officials.
Conference sources said countries from east and west Africa
wanted to take a
strong stand but Mugabe's southern African neighbours were
divided.
UNITY GOVERNMENT
Instead, they were moving toward a
consensus on the need for Mugabe and his
ruling ZANU-PF party to negotiate
with Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic
Change, possibly with the goal of
forming a unity government.
South Africa, which has mediated in talks
between the two sides, favours
such an arrangement which could be modelled
on the power-sharing deal that
ended post-election violence in Kenya earlier
this year.
Tsvangirai defeated Mugabe in the presidential vote on March
29 but failed
to win an absolute majority.
The MDC leader reluctantly
agreed to participate in the June 27 run-off but
pulled out less than a week
before because of violence in which he said
nearly 90 of his followers were
killed. He was arrested five times during
the campaign.
Monitors from
Zimbabwe's neighbours in the Southern African Development
Community (SADC)
and the Pan-African parliament said the vote was undermined
by the bloodshed
and did not reflect the will of the people.
Mugabe and Tsvangirai say
they are ready for African-sponsored talks,
although the animosity between
them and the issue of who would lead a unity
government may be
insurmountable obstacles to an agreement.
Tsvangirai called on the summit
leaders not to recognise Mugabe's
re-election.
Zimbabwe's electoral
commission said Mugabe won more than 85 percent of the
vote, almost doubling
his score in the first round. (For further stories on
Zimbabwe please click
[nL22313134]) (Additional reporting by Dan Wallis in
Sharm el-Sheikh, Gordon
Bell in Johannesburg; Louis Charbonneau at the
United Nations; Writing by
Paul Simao; Editing by Andrew Dobbie)
Zim Online
by Own Correspondent Tuesday 01 July
2008
JOHANNESBURG - The European Commission on
Monday denounced President
Robert Mugabe's weekend re-election in a
single-candidate poll as "an
exercise in power-grabbing" and urged the
African Union (AU) to act against
the Zimbabwean leader.
EU
Development Commissioner Louis Michel said in a statement that it
was
impossible to accept Mugabe's win given conditions in the run-up to the
election that were marked by widespread political violence and gross human
rights abuses against the opposition.
"This victory has simply
been an exercise in power-grabbing and is far
from the spirit of change and
renaissance currently seen across Africa,"
Michel said in a
staement.
Mugabe was the only candidate in the roundly condemned
June 27
election after opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai pulled out saying
political violence that he said had killed 86 of his supporters and
displaced 200 000 others made a free and fair vote impossible.
However Tsvangirai's name remained on ballot papers after electoral
authorities rejected his withdrawal saying he had been late in notifying
them of his decisiosn to quit.
"Once again, and together with
my European partners, I call upon the
competent African organisations -
notably the summit of the African Union to
find a political solution to this
crisis," Michel said, adding that any such
solution should reflect the will
of ordinary Zimbabweans expressed in
acceptable democratic
conditions.
Michel spoke as AU leaders began meeting in Egypt on
Monday while the
continental body's election observers denounced Mugabe's
re-election saying
it did not meet standards.
Diplomats said AU
leaders were pushing Mugabe to open negotiations
with the opposition and end
Zimbabwe from sliding deeper into economic and
political
meltdown.
In a speech after being sworn in on Sunday, Mugabe
appeared to extend
an olive branch to Tsvangirai saying he hoped dialogue
with the opposition
would resume "sooner rather than latter".
Political analysts believe Mugabe ignored calls by fellow African
leaders,
Western governments and the United Nations Security Council to call
off last
Friday's vote because he wanted an election victory to strengthen
his hand
in talks with Tsvangirai. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
by Own Correspondent Tuesday 01 July
2008
JOHANNESBURG - Canada has condemned Zimbabwe's one-man
run-off election and
asked Canadian companies to divest from the southern
African counrty in
solidarity with the suffering people of
Zimbabwe.
In a statement released on Sunday, the day President Robert
Mugabe was
declared winner of the controversial election and sworn in for
another
five-year term, Canadian foreign affairs minister David Emerson
condemned
the manner in which Mugabe's government handled the June 27
election and
announced immediate measures designed to restrict its
relationship with
Harare.
"The government of Canada encourages
Canadian companies to voluntarily
divest from Zimbabwe, Emerson said and
added that the country would however
continue to provide humanitarian
assistance to Zimbabwe "through trusted
Canadian and international
partners".
Mugabe was the only candidate in the presidential run-off
election after
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai pulled out saying
political violence
that he said had killed 86 of his supporters and
displaced 200 000 others
made a free and fair vote
impossible.
However Tsvangirai's name remained on ballot papers after
electoral
authorities refused to accept his decision to withdraw a week ago
on the
grounds of violence against his supporters. He has taken refuge in
the Dutch
embassy since then.
The elections have received widespread
condemnation from African observers,
African governments and Western
countries who have called for the ongoing
African Union's annual meeting in
Egypt to act against Mugabe.
Emerson said, "Canada today condemned the
illegitimate and illegal actions
of the government of Robert Mugabe in the
conduct of Zimbabwe's June 27,
2008, election, and has rejected the results
of this election. As a result,
Canada will immediately put in place measures
designed to seriously restrict
its relationship with the government of
Zimbabwe."
The measures include restrictions on travel, work and study on
senior
Zimbabwean government, military and police officials and their
families;
exportation of military hardware to Zimbabwe; and a ban on any
aircraft
registered in Zimbabwe to land in, or to fly over,
Canada.
"The government of Zimbabwe's systematic use of violence and
intimidation
represents a grave violation of human rights and democratic
principles,"
said Emerson.
"The citizens of Zimbabwe have been denied
the opportunity to shape their
future through free and fair elections, and
they remain in constant danger
of intimidation, injury and loss of
life."
Zimbabwe, once a regional breadbasket, is in the grip of a severe
economic
crisis which critics blame on wrong polices by Mugabe such as his
haphazard
fast-track land reform exercise that displaced established white
commercial
farmers and replaced them with either incompetent or inadequately
funded
black farmers.
The economic crisis that the World Bank has
described as the worst in the
world outside a war zone is seen in the
world's highest inflation rate that
analysts estimate at more than 1 000 000
percent, severe shortages of food
and every basic survival commodity. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
by Lizwe Sebatha Tuesday 01 July
2008
BULAWAYO - A leading international human rights body has
urged the African
Union (AU) to impose punitive sanctions against President
Robert Mugabe's
government after the veteran leader's re-election in a
controversial
single-candidate election denounced by critics as a
sham.
The New York-based Human Rights Watch also called on the AU to
suspend
Zimbabwe after Mugabe ignored calls by African leaders, Western
governments
and the United Nations Security Council to postpone the June 27
presidential
run-off election.
Human Rights Watch Africa director
Georgette Gagnon said in a statement:
"African states should impose
sanctions against Robert Mugabe and his
illegitimate government in
Zimbabwe.
"The African Union should uphold its African Charter on
Democracy, Elections
and Governance, by declaring the run-off
unconstitutional as an illegal
means of maintaining power and suspending
Zimbabwe from the African Union.
"The African Union should also impose
punitive economic measures and other
sanctions against the perpetrators of
an unconstitutional change of
government including Mugabe and the members of
the Joint Operations Command
(a committee of securocrats that backs
Mugabe)."
An AU summit kicked off in Egypt on Monday as the continental
body's
election observers denounced Mugabe's re-election saying it did not
meet
standards.
Diplomats said AU leaders were pushing Mugabe to open
negotiations with the
opposition and end Zimbabwe from sliding deeper into
economic and political
meltdown.
South African Foreign Affairs
Minister Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma told AU
ministers that neither Mugabe's
ruling ZANU PF party nor opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for
Democratic Change party could on its own
pull back Zimbabwe from the
brink.
A negotiated settlement between the two protagonists was the best
way
forward said Zuma, a line repeated by Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles
Zenawi
who called for "some sort of negotiations between the
parties".
Mugabe was sworn in on Sunday after a landslide victory in an
election in
which he was sole candidate after Tsvangirai pulled out of the
contest.
Tsvangirai pulled out of the election because of political
violence that he
said had killed at least 86 of his supporters, displaced
200 000 others and
rendered a free and fair vote impossible.
However,
Tsvangirai's name remained on ballot papers after electoral
authorities
refused to accept his withdrawal saying he had been late in
notifying them
of his decision to quit.
Human Rights Watch urged the AU to ensure
members of Mugabe's government
accused of committing political violence were
brought to justice.
"Human Rights Watch calls on the African Union to
ensure that members of
Mugabe's government and security forces who are
implicated in serious human
rights violations are excluded from any
discussions about a possible
government of national unity and do not form
any pat of such a government,"
the group said.
Zimbabwe, once a
regional breadbasket, is in the grip of a severe economic
crisis which
critics blame on wrong polices by Mugabe such as his haphazard
fast-track
land reform exercise that displaced established white commercial
farmers and
replaced them with either incompetent or inadequately funded
black
farmers.
The economic crisis that the World Bank has described as the
worst in the
world outside a war zone is seen in the world's highest
inflation rate that
analysts estimate at more than 1 000 000 percent, severe
shortages of food
and every basic survival commodity. - ZimOnline
Reuters
Mon 30 Jun
2008, 18:55 GMT
By Louis Charbonneau
UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) -
The United States has prepared a draft text on
U.N. sanctions against
Zimbabwe that would ban arms sales and freeze assets
of specific individuals
and firms after last week's widely condemned
election.
But council
diplomats said it will be difficult to persuade South Africa,
Russia, China
and other U.N. Security Council members to accept a sanctions
resolution
against Zimbabwe.
The seven-page text, titled "Draft Elements for a
Chapter VII Sanctions
Resolution" and obtained in full by Reuters on Monday,
says the council
would not recognize Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's
June 27 re-election
and would impose an embargo on sales of arms or military
hardware to Harare.
It asks the council to freeze the assets of and ban
travel for anyone who
helped the government "undermine democratic processes"
or supported
politically motivated violence.
The legally binding
resolution would have the council "expressing deep
concern at the gross
irregularities during the June 27 run-off presidential
election (and) the
violence and intimidation perpetrated in the run-up to
the election that
made impossible the holding of free and fair elections."
It also has the
15-nation council "condemning the continued beating,
violence and torture of
civilians, sexual violence, and the displacement of
thousands of
Zimbabweans, many of whom have been driven to take refuge in
neighboring
countries."
The draft text condemns the "intimidation and violence
directed against
supporters of the opposition political party, as well as
the detention of
its leaders." It also demands that the government cooperate
with
"non-partisan investigations of the political violence" between March
and
June 2008.
U.S. Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad told reporters he
would probably circulate
the draft to the full council this
week.
DIVIDED SECURITY COUNCIL
The Security Council is deeply
divided on the issue of Zimbabwe and council
diplomats say that South
Africa, which opposes the idea of sanctions against
President Robert
Mugabe's government, has the backing of two powerful
veto-wielding council
members -- Russia and China.
Elected Security Council members Indonesia
and Vietnam, which usually prefer
to avoid intervening in what they see as
other countries' internal affairs,
also appear to be supporting the South
Africans, diplomats say.
Khalilzad said the "credibility of the council
is at stake" because of its
statement a week ago that condemned the violence
and restrictions on the
opposition because they made a free and fair
election impossible.
"We spoke loudly and clearly, made demands that were
ignored," he told
reporters. "If we do nothing, if there is no response,
what does that say
about the council?"
Mugabe went to an African
Union summit in Egypt on Monday after being
re-elected in a one-candidate
election that was condemned by regional
monitors and many world
leaders.
Envoys from Indonesia and Russia said they wanted the council to
wait and
see what the AU summit produced on Zimbabwe before considering any
action
the council could take. China's envoy told reporters Zimbabwe was an
"African problem."
Britain's U.N. Ambassador John Sawers acknowledged
it was not clear if the
Western members of the Security Council would be
able to persuade the full
council to adopt a sanctions resolution, but said
they would try.
"I hope that there will be a climate whereby sanctions
can be adopted by the
United Nations as well," he said. "That's what we'll
be working for."
The council will also be looking to see what comes out
of the AU summit,
Sawers said, adding that Britain would lobby the European
Union to tighten
its own sanctions against Zimbabwe.
Independent, UK
By
Thomas Ndlovu
Tuesday, 1 July 2008
There is growing
dissatisfaction in the ranks of Zimbabwe's opposition
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) over an apparent lack of a strategy by
the party
leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, for confronting the Mugabe regime.
Senior
party officials have said Mr Tsvangirai's leadership flaws and
"tactical
miscalculations" are in danger of giving Robert Mugabe a lifeline
and
prolonging the crisis. Senior MDC officials expressed disquiet over his
persistent failure to offer a clear direction.
"We haven't got a
clear road map to end the Mugabe dictatorship other than
just crying to
regional leaders for their intervention," said one official.
"In the
rough and tumble of African politics, nothing has ever been achieved
by
being a cry baby," said another associate of Mr Tsvangirai. "You ought to
get your act together and do what we all know needs to be done in this
continent to achieve power ... You confront your rival head on," the
associate added.
Since pulling out of the presidential run-off, Mr
Tsvangirai has been moving
in and out of the Dutch embassy to address the
press, but without offering a
clear direction to his supporters over his
party's next course of action.
The decision to boycott the presidential
run-off was taken without
consultation, some officials revealed.
"In
all probability, we would have all supported the decision to boycott the
poll if he had consulted us ... What we would have insisted on, however,
would have been a clear strategy about what to do next after the boycott. As
things stand now, there is no clarity on the way forward other than crying
for [the South African President, Thabo] Mbeki's ever-elusive help," said a
leader of one civic group.
"Even the decision to seek refuge in the
Dutch embassy itself exemplifies
his unwise thinking, since this will only
strengthen the perception created
by Mugabe that Morgan is in cahoots with
Western powers," a party official
said.
Internal critics of Mr
Tsvangirai, a former trade unionist, say they are
unwilling to speak out for
fear of being sidelined. Several of those
contacted by The Independent
complained the party's decision-making
processes did not allow for open
debate.
Mr Tsvangirai has been criticised by Zimbabwean bloggers for
pulling out of
the run-off election: "You [Tsvangirai] are slowly letting
the people of
Zimbabwe down. You should not be the one under pressure, that
is for Mugabe.
But you are falling into his trap and playing his game," a
blogger called
Chinja wrote on www.sokwanele.com.
One party official
said: "He [Mr Tsvangirai] ought to inspire his supporters
to take to the
streets [in civil disobedience]. His problem is that he is
too cautious. The
masses are on his side, but they will only do so if he
leads them into that
kind of action. They will not take to the streets if
they know their leader
is in Dutch comfort."
Politicsweb
Mangosuthu Buthelezi
MP
01 July 2008
Article by the Inkatha Freedom Party leader June
30 2008
My dear friends and fellow South Africans,
Mr Robert
Mugabe's inauguration in Harare yesterday, if it was not deadly
serious,
would go down in history as the most deranged piece of political
satire
ever.
As the IFP participants in the previous observer missions to
monitor
elections in Zimbabwe did in the past, every observer mission,
including
those of SADC and the PAP, have rejected the result of this
fraudulent
election. In no way at all did it reflect the will of the people.
The IFP
supports the calls from SADC and the Pan African Parliament observer
missions that conditions be put in place for the holding of a free and fair
run-off as soon as possible. This should be made clear to Mr Mugabe in no
uncertain terms when he arrives in Egypt today.
An IFP member of
parliament, Suzanne Vos, has reported to me that she
personally witnessed
appalling intimidation and violence in the various
provinces of Zimbabwe
where she had been assigned to observe not only the
Presidential run-off but
various Parliamentary by-elections. The crimes
committed by the Zanu-PF
thugs can only be classified in the same category
as Stalin's bloodthirsty
crazed lieutenants in the former Soviet Union for
their
wickedness.
Ms Vos visited homes where elderly people (in one case a
retired teacher and
his wife) had been brutally assaulted because the
husband was a supporter of
the MDC.
On another occasion she witnessed
a truck loaded with ZANU PF thugs openly
assault MDC supporters after they
had left a meeting held on the private
property of an MDC Councillor. Even
though two of the thugs present were
identified as being the sons of a
former ZANU PF Senator (who had also been
identified as being among the
assailants in the attack on the retired
teacher and his wife a few days
previously) no arrests were made even though
Ms Vos reported her eye-witness
accounts to the police.
After the closing of the polls, Ms Vos was
situated alone at a polling
station at a rural school where the MDC had
requested the presence of PAP
observers. Other members in her team in that
area had spread out to cover
the counting as much as possible. During the
day, while visiting 18 polling
stations in that Ward, MDC party agents had
pleaded with the PAP observers
to "protect" them as they feared being
murdered on their way home. Several
showed Ms Vos bruises on their bodies
inflicted in previous "beatings" by
persons they said were "War
Veterans".
Minutes before the ballot boxes were to be opened a group of
men silently
entered the polling station blocking the door and forming a
menacing line in
front of the election officials (who consisted of the
principal of the
school and various teachers). Their presence was clearly
unlawful and
alarming.
Showing considerable courage, Ms Vos said the
chief electoral officer
exorted the men to leave and quoted electoral law as
to who was allowed to
be in the polling station during counting. He then
pointed to the presence
of the Pan African Parliament observer. The men then
slowly left.
Ms Vos was told the men were "War Veterans" and "Green
Bombers" who had been
terrorising residents in the area.
Voters were
told that "Operation Red Finger" meant they had to vote (and
show the red
dye mark indicating they had done so) and then report to the
home of a local
"War Veteran" nearby not only showing that they had voted
but they also had
to write down the serial number on their ballot paper on
their
hands.
Ms Vos personally took the terrified MDC party agents away from
the polling
station to a place where they said they would hide - an area in
which the
burned out houses of MDC supporters were scattered throughout the
township.
The party agents told Ms Vos they had not been able to sleep in
their homes
for many weeks. The same stories of intimidation and destruction
of property
were repeated to PAP observers throughout the country and is
reflected in
the PAP Observer Mission's interim report.
Ms Vos also
reported that she had to personally intervene with the
commanding officer of
the police service in one area when MDC supporters
trying to hold a rally
were threatened with the riot police - even though
they had obtained a High
Court order permitting them to hold the rally.
The previous day, in the
same area, Ms Vos had attended a rally held by
President Robert Mugabe where
he told the audience that "a ball point pen
cannot compete with a bazooka...
the MDC will never rule this country..."
Ms Vos observed hate speech in
the State-controlled media against the
leadership of the MDC and open
reporting of the war rhetoric which formed a
golden thread throughout the
speeches of President Mugabe. Together with her
PAP colleagues she said she
was "simply shattered" by the suffering of the
people of Zimbabwe. Their
dignity in the midst of their plight was
awe-inspiring. Ms Vos said she was
not once approached by beggars - when
citizens saw her PAP Observer Mission
jacket they whispered: "Help us, we
are suffering... please help us" time
and time again.
She has described to me how people are starving. The
currency has been
rendered literally worthless. Citizens now describe their
days starting from
zero... 0 0 1 means no breakfast, no lunch, a little food
at dinner. 1 0 0
means some breakfast and no lunch or dinner.
But
even as this appalling tragedy plays out, the entire Mugabe phenomenon,
cemented in stereotypes as it is, is baffling for many. Some in our ruling
party - but thankfully not many now - and outside lead us to believe that
the fiercest opposition to the Mugabe regime comes from the West, its
alleged stooges in the Movement for Democratic Change and the dispossessed
white farmers.
Today, I fear, few black South Africans would still
not acknowledge that the
main victims of the regime's misrule have
increasingly been ordinary black
Zimbabweans, Shona and Ndebele, urban and
rural, even when an estimated
three million of those same black Zimbabweans
live in exile among us. But
should we be surprised?
As our Northern
neighbour slipped further into chaos in the late 1990s - and
I will not add
to the countless accounts of the litany of misrule and
disasters that have
befallen this, former, African jewel - Mr Mugabe's
tottering government has
been buoyed by considerable populist support of the
rawest kind.
Mr
Mugabe continues to cannily justify his authoritarian misrule within a
discourse of redress for colonial injustice and imperialism. These
sentiments have resonated across Africa; large swathes of which feel
marginalised by the global economy and its mighty supranational institutions
and remain wedded to the Marxist narrative of the liberation struggle. When
Zimbabwe rebuilds and heals, as she will one day, we dare not ignore this
very real anger.
I watched Mr Mugabe's rousing welcome from many
African delegates at the
World Development Summit in Johannesburg in 2002 -
the same conference at
which he launched a scathing attack on Tony Blair and
Britain's colonial
past.
Two years later, at President Mbeki's
inauguration, he received an equally
rapturous welcome from many Africans as
he stood, immaculately tailored and
ramrod straight, in the hot autumn
sunshine.
On one occasion, I said that something had to be done about
Zimbabwe, at a
SADC meeting in Angola. This was after President Bush called
on SADC to take
a decisive position. Not one minister agreed with me in
public, but several
came up to me at teatime to express their private
agreement.
But let us not paint this as an exclusively black-on-black
error. The former
National Party government and human rights activists of
all colours took a
long time before they started criticising Mr Mugabe.
World leaders were no
different which is why the Matabele massacres went
almost unnoticed, except,
of course, by the Matabele! Their spilled blood
still cries out! Our failure
to speak up for Mr Mugabe's victims has a long
history and may have
contributed to his sense of impunity.
And this
is it. This is where we all, on this side of the Limpopo River,
have
blundered. This is where lies our, South African, complicity in the
failure
of Mr Mugabe's regime. We have let the situation in Zimbabwe
deteriorate so
fast and so far without as much as a word of concern. Yet,
all along, those
who march to the drum of freedom have celebrated human
rights, promoted
reconciliation, and respected the rule of law and the
political
opposition.
Given these obvious double standards in my own country, as an
African, I
feel I am obliged to take some of the blame for Mr Mugabe's
belief, fostered
by many ordinary Africans across our continent that he is
right to hang on -
a truly tragic conflict of loyalty.
Yet for all
its past neglect - and the wild cheers for Mr Mugabe -Africa's
stand on
human rights is changing and those who once seemed beyond the reach
of
justice may find that public statements of support from fellow leaders
will
evaporate once they step down or are forced from power.
Accountability is
on the march and better late than never. Let us hope it
comes soon to
Zimbabwe. Tonight, those of us who are believers in God or a
Higher Being,
should not only bow our knee and say a prayer for the
Zimbabwean people, we
should ask for forgiveness for allowing such an evil
to be perpetrated on
our borders.
God bless the people of Zimbabwe.
Yours
sincerely,
Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi MP
This article first appeared
in the Inkatha Freedom Party leader's weekly
online newsletter to the nation
June 30 2008
Nation sports writer CHARLES NYENDE was in Harare to cover the Kenya-Zimbabwe Football World Cup qualifier a week before the controversial presidential election run-off that saw President Mugabe sworn in for another term.
There was a roar of disapproval. Suddenly, in unison, the fans started raining from the jam-packed stadium tens of thousands of glossy, full-colour magazines extolling President Mugabe’s achievements. The campaign literature had been distributed at the gates to all entering the stadium. As the papers wafted down slowly in the swirling wind, some being blown onto the playing pitch, it was a spectacular show of what some of the people in Zimbabwe thought of their leader. Just not right I had arrived in Zimbabwe with the Kenya team a day before the match. The moment you enter Harare International Airport, you sense something is just not right. The airport is small and modern, glass and carpet. But it is eerily empty with little activity in the duty-free shops, the corridors and the lounges. The workers in the airport appear distracted. You feel some sort of sadness or fear, or both. Zimbabwe was facing a presidential election rerun with President Mugabe having vowed never to hand over power to his opposition challenger Tsvangirai who had won the first round but missed out on an absolute majority. The army, the police and ruling party militias were on the rampage against opposition supporters, with nearly a hundred having been killed and tens of thousands run out of their homes. Changing currency As I filled out the immigration entry form at the airport, I was struck by the requirement that I declare the foreign currency in my possession. In all my travels in Africa, Asia and Europe, this is the first time in ages I have come across such a requirement. Maybe it is because I am here with the Kenya national team against the home side, for, mercifully, I am not asked to show the foreign money as I clear with immigration. It does not amount to much anyway. The only bank changing currency into Zimbabwean dollars (Z$) at the airport indicates it is exchanging $1 for an astronomical Z$7.4 billion! I salivate at the prospect of becoming an instant billionaire, but opt to carry out my exchange in the city in the hope of a better deal. It is a decision I later regret. The black market rate in Zimbabwe is around $1 for Z$6 billion. Authorities, I am informed, have pushed the official rate higher than the street trade to attract much needed foreign currency. We hit the street and I am amazed at the infrastructure and aesthetics of Harare. The roads are wide and smooth. Buildings are spruce. There is plenty of space, parks and gardens. It is a well-planned city, such a contrast to the chaotic Nairobi! My taxi man, Bebe, informs me with pride that there are no slums in Harare. This is surely a result of the brutal government demolition of shantytowns in 2005. The drive from the airport to town takes about 20 minutes. In a normal bustling African city, it could have taken much longer. But not here. There is hardly any traffic, vehicular and human. The city appears deserted. Millions of Zimbabweans have fled to other countries because of the political situation. “Most people chose to stay indoors. The situation is not good. There can be violence at any time particularly in the densely populated areas,” Bebe tells me. There is little trading activity in the streets. Hawkers and roadside traders are scarce here. On a few streets, you come across green grocers selling vegetables and fruits. Business does not look brisk. Interestingly, the only itinerant trader you see with frequency is the mobile phone airtime seller for the three providers — Econet, Telecel and Net-One. It is mainly carried out by young men who brandish the cards like priceless items. Wireless telecommunication is one of the fastest growing industries in Africa. But in Harare, unlike Nairobi, Dar or Kampala, you will be hard-pressed to spot mobile phone shops. Getting a SIM card is near impossible despite the demand. One can hire or buy one on the black market for $100 (Z$600 billion, Sh6,200). Line congestion is common. At the hotel, I pay for my accommodation in US dollars. It is a requirement for foreigners to settle their hotel bills in foreign currency, a notice on the wall proclaims. At my first breakfast, I am served tea without milk, and not by choice. “Sorry, we could not get milk today. Maybe tomorrow,” the helpful waiter said as he served me another cup of strong tea nonchalantly. I am only entitled to two slices of bread. I have no complaints with the rest of my meals though. Ugali, called sadza, beef and chicken are available. Such a meal will set you back Z$40 billion at an average priced restaurant. You will not see a starving person in Harare but, ironically, food commodities are scarce. Shelves in shops are empty. Long queues for bread are common. The bread costs Z$2 billion. Foreign papers “Some people buy all the bread in the shop and then sell it at a higher price on the streets,” Bebe explains. I have no need to line up for bread, but I am forced to go to the black market for a newspaper. I fail to get the Z$200 million Herald, a government owned daily, at the news vendor. The security guard at my hotel manages to get it for me for Z$1 billion at the black market, five times more than the official price. The askari tells me that there is a scarcity of print paper and that foreign papers, mainly from South Africa, are in higher circulation than local ones. Indeed, it is easier to get the Mail and Guardian of South Africa than the Herald even though it is the Government mouth piece. Zimbabwe is reeling under hyper-inflation. On my first and second day, I was charged Z$10 billion per hour at the business centre in the hotel. On the third day, I was informed the rate had gone up to Z$30 billion per hour. There is a joke here that when you enter a Harare bar, you order several rounds of beer at ago to avoid suffering a price increase in between rounds. Jokes aside, night life in Harare is almost non-existent. Most restaurants close early to allow their workers go home safely. Night spots are sparsely patronised. A group of Kenyan visitors and I were the only revellers in one recommended town centre bar and restaurant. With a bottle of beer costing Z$16 billion, we could say we had drank billions at one sitting. Because of the high inflation, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe has kept on printing money in ever increasing denominations. The highest valued note is now Z$50 billion. Smaller denominations exist of Z$10 million, 100 million and 500 million. If you get change in Z$10 million, a bag will be handy to carry the stack. A close look at the bank notes shows although it is legal tender, it actually carries an expiry date. I came across some notes of Z$200,000 discarded in the streets. Little wonder. They were expired (May 2008) and their value was also worthless. At the current rates, the notes were the equivalent of Kenya cents 0.2! Every bank you pass by in the morning has long queues of people hoping to withdraw some money. The banks only allow a few billion Z$ to be withdrawn by people backed by Zanu-PF slogans. For a person who has been following the political campaigns in Zimbabwe, I was struck by the lack of a visible opposition presence. Campaign posters and billboards of Tsvangirai were completely absent. Little persuasion International media reports were heavy on the violence in Zimbabwe, but I never came across fighting. I had, however, been warned not to walk on the streets with a camera or venture outside town. I needed little persuasion. Occasionally, youth in Zanu-PF bandanas could be seen on the streets. Other images in the media showing Mugabe greeting ecstatic crowds at his campaign rallies pointed to a divided nation. My impressions were captured by words from one of the Zimbabwe football players who travelled to Nairobi for the first tie against Harambee Stars. “I was in Nairobi some years back. There is a lot of difference. You people have gone up. In Zimbabwe things have just been going down,” he said. | |||
i think these pictures and their story should be posted around the world. Mugabe has to go. I am astounded that no-one walked out in Cairo when he arrived. Even though he is still president I thought MDC won the parliament.
sheila peterson, Bridgetown, Barbados
This is the end of the Lancaster House agreements. In effect, Lord Carrington and US President Jimmy Carter put Mugabe in power.
The UK is as responsible for what has happened since in Zimbabwe as everyone in Europe claims the US is for what has happened in Iraq since we took Saddam out.
Jim, Memphis, USA
Can you imagine the furore if these elderly white people were black and the abnoxious black thugs white? We would have declared war by now! This way round there is not a mention of racism ( as usual) and the double standards make me sick.
Pedro Tam, London, UK