The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

Back to Index

Back to the Top
Back to Index

Washington Post
 
A bounty of food relief sits unused in Zimbabwe
Claim of bumper crop ties aid groups' hands
Image: Children getting food
Craig Timberg / The Washington Post
Children at the Deli Primary School in Umguza, Zimbabwe, line up for an enriched corn and soy porridge provided by the U.N. World Food Program.
By Craig Timberg
Updated: 12:50 a.m. ET July 20, 2004
 

BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe - Giant bags of cornmeal, labeled "USA" for the country that donated them, sit stacked 40 high in a U.N. warehouse on the outskirts of this city. Together with the cooking oil, beans and high-protein meal for porridge also stored here, there is enough to feed hundreds of thousands of people.

But there is no plan to do so.

President Robert Mugabe, the only ruler Zimbabwe has had in the 24 years since the end of white rule, has announced that a bumper harvest will produce more than enough food for the country this year, for the first time since 2000.

That means officials of the U.N. World Food Program, which like other aid groups operates only at government request, have little choice but to ignore the evidence around them -- the brown and withered fields, the beggars on the street, and the hungry faces in townships less than a mile from the warehouse, one of several the United Nations maintains in Zimbabwe.

So the World Food Program and other international aid groups here are in retreat. They are cutting staff, dismantling their distribution networks and wondering who, if anyone, will help Zimbabweans who have relied on U.N. feeding centers over the past three years. At the peak in 2003, the U.N. facilities fed more than 6.5 million people, more than half the nation's population of 12 million.

"We have to accept the government's forecasts of a bumper harvest," said Mike Huggins, a spokesman for U.N. feeding programs in southern Africa. "We only hope that people with no source of income will be able to access some of that surplus."

Few independent observers here believe there will be a surplus. In June, U.N. special envoy James Morris warned that as many as 5 million people in the country may need food aid in the coming year.

Mugabe's government has restricted information, shut down newspapers and criticized people who disagree with its pronouncements. In May, it suspended the crop estimate program conducted annually by the government in concert with U.N. officials.

Mugabe has attacked aid groups as a threat to his party and made clear his willingness to expel them if they defy his wishes. A cabinet minister last month told provincial governors they should not hesitate to tell groups that fail to coordinate their activities with the government "to pack their bags and go," according to the government-run Chronicle newspaper in Bulawayo.

Overgrown and untended
As aid groups scale back their operations, Zimbabweans are left increasingly vulnerable.

Craig Timberg / The Washington Post
There are 14 million metric tons of donated food in aWorld Food Program warehouse in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, including these bags of corn meal, the country's staple.

In Bulawayo, the nation's second-largest city, some residents eke out a living smuggling in goods from South Africa or Botswana to sell on street corners or in flea markets. Others stay with their parents, grandparents or cousins, one of whom might have a steady job.

In the townships and rural areas, where poverty is more severe, people are skipping meals to protect their stocks of cornmeal, which figures show have more than quintupled in price since April. Overall, the annual inflation rate is nearly 400 percent, according to government figures.

Cornmeal is central to life throughout the country. It is typically boiled into sadza, a stiff, sticky mush that often is eaten by hand. Prosperous Zimbabweans have sadza as a side dish with chicken or beef. But many poorer residents eat it at nearly every meal, often with no other food.

The corn harvest, once so bountiful that Zimbabwe exported food, has fallen sharply since 2000, the year Mugabe began violent land seizures of thousands of commercial farms owned by whites. Most of the white farmers have since fled the country, and the farms have been run by the government or doled out, generally to government cronies with little expertise in agriculture.

U.N. figures show Zimbabwe produced 2.1 million metric tons of corn in 2000, but less than 500,000 in 2002.

Yields improved to 800,000 last year, and some Zimbabweans say that better rains are making for a bigger harvest this year. Corn cobs almost fill the storage bins at some farms outside Bulawayo. But many other farms throughout the country appear overgrown and untended, the fields all but reclaimed by nature.

Official government estimates are that this year's corn harvest will be nearly triple the size of last year's, which would make it the best since 1996, when the country was still considered the breadbasket of southern Africa.

Mugabe told Britain's Sky News in May that those days were returning and the need for food aid had ended. "We are not hungry. It should go to hungrier people, hungrier countries than ourselves," Mugabe said. "Why foist this food upon us? We don't want to be choked. We have enough."

Political tactic
Controlling the food supply has long been used as a political tactic by Mugabe's party, according to observers and human rights activists, who say that as elections approach, the governing party rewards supporters with 50-kilogram, or about 110-pound, bags of cornmeal and withholds them from opponents.

Independent news reports indicate that Mugabe's camp is buying cornmeal from neighboring countries and storing it in warehouses ahead of national parliamentary elections in March.

As the election season nears, the Christian aid group World Vision also finds itself caught in the nation's political dynamics. World Vision announced two weeks ago that it was ending its general feeding program in Zimbabwe, which at its height delivered food to 1.5 million people a month.

"The government has made it clear to all agencies . . . that they do not expect a food aid operation," said Rudo Kwaramba, the top World Vision official in the country. "One has to be wise, if I may use that term, in the prevailing socioeconomic-political environment in Zimbabwe. You try the best that you can to maintain your operations."

Instead of feeding centers open to all hungry people, the United Nations and World Vision have shifted their focus to targeted programs at schools, orphanages and medical clinics.

The government has not yet sought to curtail those efforts, and if they continue, much of the food in the Bulawayo warehouse may be distributed over the course of coming months.

One recent morning at the Deli Primary School in Umguza, a rural area about 45 miles northwest of Bulawayo, students lined up with empty bowls in their hands. Awaiting them were steaming pots of an enriched corn and soy porridge, courtesy of the United Nations.

It was nearly 11 a.m., and for most of these children, it was their first meal of the day. They sat on brown grass, not far from dried cow dung left by cattle sharing the school's field, and scooped food into their mouths in the traditional way, with two fingers.

Through such targeted programs, the United Nations still hopes to provide food to 550,000 Zimbabweans next year.

But unless the government changes its mind, the United Nations does not intend to restart the general feeding centers that once fed 10 times that number.

"The government will want to be the one giving out food," said John Makumbe, a political science professor at the University of Zimbabwe in the capital, Harare. "You have your party card, you get your food. You don't get your party card . . . you don't get your food."

 © 2004 The Washington Post Company
 
Back to the Top
Back to Index

New Zimbabwe

Top cop Chihuri named in car-theft racket

By Staff Reporter
Last updated: 07/20/2004 09:58:56
ZIMBABWE'S chief of police, Commissioner Augustine Chihuri was nearly jailed
10 years ago over a car-theft racket, according to new sensational claims by
a former police officer.

Leo Chikomba told Zimbabwe's indepedent SW Radio Africa that Zimbabwe's top
cop corruptly authorised the release of two stolen vehicles that had been
impounded by police in Southerton, Harare.

He got away on a technicality after the presiding Judge noted that he had
duped the then Police Commissioner Henry Mukurazhizha into signing the
release papers.

After his freedom he went on a purge of officers who had investigated him
and succeeded into hounding them from the force. Last month Chihuri fired
the chief staff officer in charge of internal investigations, senior
assistant commissioner Ngonidzashe Gambiza.

"Gambiza's crime was that he stumbled upon damning information implicating
Chihuri in a car theft racket," SW Radio reported.

Chikomba said if Gambiza was to challenge his dismissal in court he would
win the case and expose Chihuri as one of he most corrupt Commissioners in
Zimbabwe.

Back to the Top
Back to Index

Zimbabwe Government Plans Mass Rigging of Elections
 
By Godfrey Karoro
 
Rusape, Zimbabwe, July 19, 2004 - Rusape is known in Zimbabwe for the wrong reasons. The small agricultural town has become the center of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) when it comes to innovative ways of keeping President Robert Mugabe's autocratic government in power.
 
Following the dismal showing of Zanu-PF in the 2000 parliamentary and 2002 presidential elections in the country's major cities, Rusape, located 170 kms east of the capital Harare on the high way to the eastern border city of Mutare, initiated the idea of banning opposition politics and declaring it a one-party area.
 
In this respect, all residents of Rusape and those passing through the area are expected to carry with them Zanu-PF party membership cards. Already in rural Rusape, chiefs and headmen are required to ensure that everyone has a party card, which costs 1,000 Zimbabwe dollars (less than 20 US cents), a sum most rural people cannot afford to part with in this hostile economic climate.
 
The town and its environs were also the first to ban all independent newspapers from being sold there. Only government-owned and run newspapers - full of propaganda praise worshipping the ruling party and its leadership -- are allowed to circulate in the town. Two years ago, former editor of the banned 'Daily News' Geoffrey Nyarota, incensed by the ban of his paper, approached Didymus Mutasa to enquire why the 'Daily News' papers were being burnt or torn, while newspaper vendors found with the publication were thoroughly beaten.
 
Mutasa, a veteran politician and a member of parliament representing one of the constituencies in the area, is believed to be behind all the political problems in the town and has thus been nicknamed 'the Rusape War Lord'. He is currently the minister in charge of corruption in the president's office.
 
According to Nyarota, who is now based in the United States, Mutasa pleaded ignorance that independent papers were not allowed, but conceded that if the people of Rusape did not want the papers there was nothing he could do about it.
 
Nyarota took the bull by the horns and spent the whole day in Rusape selling the paper himself. But that was only for that day. Come the following day the youths were at it once again burning the 'Daily News' and terrorizing vendors found with the paper.
 
Only this month, a traveler on his way to the eastern highlands, a tourist Mecca renowned for its cool weather, rugged terrain carpeted with thousands of hectares of exotic and indigenous fauna and flora in national parks, received a rude awakening when he was roughed up a bit for bringing the 'Financial Gazette' and the 'Independent' weekly newspaper into the no-go town.
 
Thugs from the youth wing of the Zanu-PF party make sporadic forays into people's homes and go on the rampage beating up all suspected opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) supporters and officials. Reports say the worst escapades of the unruly youths include throwing bodies of opposition cadres into the Rusape River.
 
"Next year's parliamentary elections will not be a walk in the park," a youth leader in the town said innocently. "Unlike during the 2000 elections, this time we will make sure that there is no one from the opposition who will be allowed to stay in this town. We are going to apply the tactics used during the liberation war. Those from the opposition will be severely dealt with and we will not allow relatives to bury the victims before they explain their relationship and which side they are on."
 
The youth leader, who is unemployed and spends his time spying on residents of Vengere township, revealed that the ruling party in Rusape had already received from Zanu-PF headquarters in Harare eight Landrover trucks and "a lot of money" to be used during the campaign period.
 
"We have already started mobilizing all the youth so that they remain vigilant. President (Robert) Mugabe has already told the youth that they should be at the forefront of the election campaign. This election will be against (British Prime Minister Tony) Blair," he said parroting Mugabe's words during the youth congress held in early July.
 
"We must teach the MDC a lesson across the whole country that Zimbabwe will never be a colony again. Go and Work. If we lose the elections, I will expect you in the youth league to be answerable," Mugabe exhorted the youths who gathered at the University of Zimbabwe campus for the national congress.
 
"We are fighting Blair. It is an anti-Blair election and we must win it and demonstrate to him that Zimbabwe shall never be a colony. This will be the anti-Blair elections to seal the ruling Zanu-PF party's victory over the British prime minister and his local puppets - the MDC."
 
Taking a cue from Rusape, other small towns across the country are also adopting the same weird and primitive tactics of intimidating opposition supporters, banning independent newspapers from circulating in their areas and preparing the youths to take center-stage during the run-up to the 2005 parliamentary elections.
 
The ruling party on its part has not been idle, but has come up with ingenious though incredulous methods of making sure that Zanu-PF, in power since independence from Britain in 1980 after a protracted liberation war, will win, if not all the 120 seats in parliament, but at least achieve a two-thirds majority to legally allow it to change the country's constitution at will and strengthen its iron grip on power.
 
The Mugabe regime has decided to renovate the controversial youth training camps used to produce cadres indoctrinated enough to work -- mind, body and spirit -- for Zanu-PF especially during the forthcoming elections. The cash-strapped government will spend an unbudgeted 500 million Zimbabwe dollars (approximately 10,000 US dollars) in order to train more than 6,000 youths before the March 2005 vote. These would be deployed to strengthen the ruling party's electoral machinery.
 
The training camps, according to insiders, would also be used as militia bases and house the youth wing during the campaign, which is expected to be violent following Mugabe's utterances at the youth congress.
 
The Mugabe regime is also accused of planning to use food as a political weapon, following claims that the southern African country has enough food to feed all its people, despite facts on the ground indicating a serious shortage of the staple cereal maize following poor harvests across the country.
 
According to the South African Grain Information Service, Zimbabwe has imported more than 168,000 tonnes of maize from the United States, Argentine and South Africa and more than 50,000 tonnes of wheat, despite claims that the country will produce a record 2.4 million tones of cereals, enough to feed the 11 million people and livestock.
 
International donor agencies, like the World Food Programme, have warned that the country will harvest less than 900,000 tonnes and that about 2.3 million Zimbabweans will face starvation if they do not get supplementary food rations.
 
Observers, however, argue that Mugabe is portraying a bumper harvest in order to keep out donors who will give all needy people food aid as opposed to the government, which will use its party structures to distribute food to Zanu-PF members only. Such a scenario would force opposition members to go begging in exchange for a Zanu-PF vote.
 
"They have a plan to starve people to death for political ends, to get everyone aligned to their party at all costs," Catholic Archbishop of Bulawayo Pius Ncube pointed out. During the presidential elections in 2002, the government tried in vain to thwart efforts by donor countries and agencies to distribute food to all and sundry, using Zanu-PF youths on several instances to raid food distribution centers.
 
The Mugabe regime has also threatened to ban all civic organizations operating in the country, unless they tow the Zanu-PF line. The government has accused local and international NGOs, lawyers and media practitioners of siding with the MDC and stealthily and covertly campaigning for the opposition party while performing their humanitarian chores across the country.
 
According to observers, the craftiest method to ensure Zanu-PF wins the March poll are the cosmetic changes made by Mugabe to the electoral system. The 80-year-old president approved sweeping electoral reforms, albeit because of massive pressure from erstwhile comrades-in-arms from the region. These include the introduction of an independent electoral commission, voting over one day instead of two, the use of transparent ballot boxes in place of wooden ones and the counting of votes at polling centers.
 
The reforms are supposed to comply with Southern African Development Community (SADC) Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections draft which encourages SADC member-states to establish impartial, all-inclusive, competent and accountable national electoral bodies staffed by qualified personnel, as well as competent legal entities including effective constitutional courts to arbitrate in the event of disputes arising from the conduct of elections.
 
The draft also urges member-states to safeguard human and civil liberties of all citizens, including freedom of movement, assembly, association, expression and campaigning. Further, SADC states are encouraged to take necessary measures and precautions to prevent the perpetration of fraud, rigging, or any other illegal practices throughout the whole electoral process.
 
However, Mugabe has taken steps to legitimize the 2005 elections by circumventing the guidelines where it suits him. Firstly, he has unashamedly banned election observers from any western country to monitor the plebiscite, in the hope that monitors from SADC, Africa and the third world might give the elections a thumbs up and declare them free and fair even if they are marred by violence and rigging. "We will not allow the erstwhile imperialists to judge our elections," he bellowed.
 
The ageing president has also given himself powers to appoint members of the 'independent' electoral commission, which might include the Registrar General, Tobaiwa Mudede, who has been accused of rigging previous elections in favour of Zanu-PF.
 
According to the official Herald newspaper, the proposed new Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) will be "independent of government" and replace the current supervisors, including the Registrar General and the Electoral Supervisory Commission (ESC). Mugabe will select five of the seven ZEC candidates proposed by parliament.
 
"I am sceptical about the changes. How independent can the new commission be when its chair is going to be appointed by the leader of a political party? In fact, the new commission will be less independent than some of its counterparts in the region," commented John Makumbe, a political analyst.
 
However, Zanu-PF head of information, Nathan Shamuyarira, explained that all candidates nominated to sit on the commission, including its chairperson, would be proposed by parliament and not by the president. "The entire electoral process will be handled by the new commission. We will have nothing to do with it."
 
Unconvinced, the MDC has described the reforms as a way of trying to fool the international community. The opposition party wants, as a basis for free and fair elections, the youth militias to be demobilised, draconian Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act and the Public Order and Security Act to be repealed. The opposition is also demanding that all radio and television channels to be made accessible to other voices and not be used as propaganda tools by the ruling party. In addition, the MDC wants the government to unban the 'Daily News', its sister paper 'Daily News on Sunday' and other media banned from operating from Zimbabwe such as the British Broadcasting Corporation.
 
"The Mugabe regime must not be allowed to get away with murder," an irate human rights lawyer here said. Mugabe just wants the world to endorse his vote rigging and perpetuate his grip on power. The playing field must be made even now to allow all political parties to campaign freely. Otherwise, the poll should be declared null and void even before it is held." (GK)
Back to the Top
Back to Index

Zim Online

SHAMUYARIRA ADMITS INTERNAL ZANU PF FEUDS
Tues 20 July 2004

      HARARE: ZANU PF secretary for information and publicity Nathan
Shamuyarira has conceded that there is infighting within the ruling party as
it prepares for its crunch five yearly congress in December. But he said
internal political feuding was not exclusive to ZANU PF. It was prevalent in
several other political organizations, including powerful western
governments.

      Shamuyarira had been asked to respond to information that serious
internal feuding in the ruling party was on the verge of tearing it apart.
Shamuyarira said this was not the case. The feuding would not be allowed to
destroy ZANU PF.

      ZANU PF insiders say the inner-party hostilities have intensified
greatly as factions vying to succeed President Robert Mugabe try to position
their candidates ahead of the December congress. They say the serious
infighting in some instances manifests itself in state media reports trying
to discredit potential contenders to Mugabe's throne.

      For instance, Special Affairs Minister John Nkomo has been subjected
to vitriolic attacks in the state media over the past few months. These
attacks are believed to be inspired by Information and Publicity Minister
Jonathan Moyo, who seems determined to derail Nkomo's ambitions to succeed
Mugabe.

      Nkomo has been trying to force Moyo, as well as other multiple farm
owners, to relinquish extra farms - but to no avail. Some of the farms have
been registered in the names of relatives. Moyo denied owning more than one
farm in a Herald report last week, saying the other farm  in question in
Hwange had been withdrawn from his ownership a long time ago. He then said
the farm  had been allocated to his cousin, Mrs Jackie Mayers.

      He did not explain why the same farm had been allocated to a close
relative of his after being repossessed from him, despite
      there being thousands of other Zimbabweans in need of land.  Moyo is
known to be good friends with Agriculture Minister Joseph Made, who was
responsible for allocating previously white owned farms.

      Because of his differences with Nkomo over land, Moyo is said to have
vowed he would do all he could to sabotage Nkomo's potential ascension to
the throne. Other senior party officials like Shamuyarira himself and
Speaker of Parliament Emmerson Mnangagwa have also come under heavy attack
from state media controlled by Moyo. It is believed Moyo is trying to
promote a candidate from his own camp, which comprises Made and Justice
Minister Patrick Chinamasa.

      Insiders say Moyo also wants to promote himself as a potential
candidate for succession, but add that there is "no place under the sun" for
Moyo to be President of Zimbabwe. In fact his political career could be over
as soon as Mugabe is out of power.

      The vicious infighting between Nkomo and Moyo also came to the fore
when Nkomo indirectly accused Moyo of trying to "destroy ZANU PF from
within" after having failed to do so from outside in a recent press
interview.

      Another highly influential ZANU PF official, Solomon Mujuru, is at the
same time said to be fighting hard to ensure Mnangagwa is completely
excluded from the succession bid. Mnangagwa himself is doing all he can to
secure the necessary support
      from the provinces. A new vice president to replace the late Joshua
Nkomo will be elected at the December Congress. Whoever is elected to the
position is seen as Mugabe's likely successor.

      Shamuyarira conceded that there was some infighting but played down
its crisis potential. "The little fights are happening but they do not
necessarily mean we are tearing the party apart. It is necessary to have
those. It is healthy. The infighting demonstrates that there is democracy in
Zanu  PF, which should not be a serious problem to anyone," Shamuyarira
      told Zim Online.

      He said ZANU PF politicians could not be expected to agree on
everything because they had different backgrounds. "There are ambitious peop
le within our party who also have their agendas......," said Shamuyarira.
Zim Online

Back to the Top
Back to Index

Zim Online

Britain  tightens  visa requirements for Zimbabweans
Tues 20 July 2004

      THE British Embassy in Harare has tightened its visa requirements for
all Zimbabweans intending to travel to the United Kingdom. People are no
longer allowed to queue outside its mission to apply for visas. All
prospective travelers now have to either use a facility known as the "drop
box" or the services of the local Fedex offices.

      According to the embassy,  you can use the "drop box" if you "are aged
60 or over and are visiting your mother, father, sister, brother, son, or
daughter in the UK or you are the holder of a valid UK work permit or spouse
or child of a work permit holder and you are applying to join them."

      Hardest hit by the new requirements are all those who have not
traveled to Britain over the last two years or who have not visited any
Schengen country during the same period. If you have not visited Britain or
any Schengen country in the last two years, then you cannot use the "drop
box" but a courier service called fedex.

      Schengen countries include Holland, France, Germany, Luxembourg,
Spain, Greece, Portugal, Sweden and Belgium.

      Other countries which one needs to have traveled to in order to be
able to use the "drop box" include USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand or
Switzerland, and  proof has to be shown of the actual visit to those
countries. There are an estimated 1 100 000 Zimbabweans living in the United
Kingdom, with the bulk of them suspected to be illegal immigrants.

      Despite the cold winter weather numbers of prospective travelers to
the UK having been sleeping directly opposite the embassy building in Samora
Machel Avenue. To beat the long queues, others have resorted to hiring
street kids as
      placeholders for their space.

      According to embassy officials, those able to use the "drop box" also
include Zimbabwean government employees on official business, members of a
diplomatic mission  accredited in Zimbabwe, diplomats in the Zimbabwean
foreign service, or members of airline crews on routes which pass through
the UK. Also allowed to use the facility are returning residents who have
      evidence of their current status in the UK.

      Excluded are those who have been denied a visa before in the UK or
denied entry into any country, or those who failed to "comply with your
conditions of entry or been refused an extension of stay." Zim Online
Back to the Top
Back to Index

Zim Online

Widespread starvation in Matabeleland despite bumber harvest claims
Tues 20 July 2004

      NKAYI - At a time when the Zimbabwe government is trying to convince
the whole world that it has surplus food to last till the next agricultural
season, thousands of villagers are facing starvation in Nkayi. Tshanke, an
area 60 kilometers north of Nkayi center, has about ten thousand villagers
who are already starving. Some families are reported to be going without
food for days.

      Abednico Bhebhe, the Member of Parliament for the constituency,  told
Zim Online that many villagers are close to death because of malnutrition.
The situation has been worsened by the lack of water in the area. The only
borehole available is at a local school. But school authorities have had to
lock it up to preserve water for  teachers and children.

      "The situation is set to worsen as the dam is likely to go dry before
August," said Bhebhe. Patricia Masuku (42) from Tshanke recalls with
nostalgia the days when rains would fill rivers to the brim, nourishing her
crops, and when she and her family would collect a rich harvest from their
fields of maize in the area, the staple diet for her and her children.

      "This place was awash with maize and that stream over there was full
of water," she said, gazing at the drought stricken land that surrounds her
today. "It was once a rich pasture for our livestock to graze, but
persistent drought which has kept coming back to this area for the past four
years has destroyed everything. We are now virtual beggars surviving on the
grace of God and well wishers," she said, clearing her throat.

      Masuku's words reflect the feelings of households across Tshanke. This
was once a maize growing heartland but is now among the areas worst hit by
hunger expected to render more than 5 million Zimbabweans dependent on food
aid his year, according to UN officials. The severity of the drought is
revealed starkly at Tshangani River, formerly a huge water body that lies 20
kilometers south of Nkayi center. The river has dried up leaving an empty
expanse of sandy soils.

      To make matters worse, the desperate villagers have been cut off from
UN food aid due to insufficient international donations. As a result they
are now forced to eat wild fruits like kernels and edible roots to stave off
hunger. Bhebhe said other parts of Matabeleland North and South were also in
dire need of food handouts following successive droughts that ravaged the
      provinces, killing herds of livestock and crops.

      "About 60% of children in Matabeleland province are chronically
malnourished. The major problem is that the government will only talk to the
media without coming down to the really affected people and seeing for
themselves the dire poverty and utter hopelessness prevalent in the area."

      Bhebhe added: "What pains us most is that the government is saying
that there is food in abundance in the country, yet people are dying of
hunger. Instead of encouraging those who have surplus maize to keep it for
the future, the government is encouraging them to sell to the GMB (the
state-run Grain Marketing Board). Why? Because the same maize will be used
to buy votes from the desperate villagers in the coming parliamentary
elections." Zim Online

Back to the Top
Back to Index

Zim Online

State media journos "fed up" with Moyo
Tues 20 July 2004

      HARARE- JOURNALISTS in state run media say they are fed up with their
boss, Information Minister Jonathan Moyo.
      The accuse Moyo of "killing professionalism" by persistently standing
in the way of good stories.

      Journalists from both the country's sole broadcaster, The Zimbabwe
Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC), and  Zimbabwe Newspapers (Zimpapers), said
in interviews Moyo continues to block them from publishing stories deemed to
be against his friends or giving mileage to his foes.

      "He (Moyo) has literally imposed himself as the Editor-in-Chief of
both Newsnet and Zimpapers. He tells us what to broadcast and what not to,"
said a ZBC reporter,  who requested anonymity. She accused Moyo of making
several late phone calls into newsrooms ordering  the spiking of stories he
does not like. Apparently Moyo is given access to the daily diary of stories
at both ZBC and all titles published by Zimpapers.

      It is understodd that one Herald journalist was recently forced to
abandon a story she was doing about the dismissal of a top
      policeman by the Zimbabwe Republic Police at the behest of Moyo. The
story has since been published on Zim Online and repeated by the Sunday
Mirror.

      Journalists interviewed said Moyo instructed editors to use his
columns, written under pen names, unedited. "Little does he realise that his
columns are doing more harm than good....No wonder why our readership is
still not impressive even
      after the closure of The Daily News," said one journalist.

      Moyo writes propaganda columns in The Herald, its sister paper, The
Sunday Mail and The Sunday News using pen names like Nathaniel Manheru,
Lowani Ndlovu and Mzala Joe. The columns are full of hate language against
the MDC, British Prime Minister Tony Blair, United States President George
Bush and whites in general. Zim Online

Back to the Top
Back to Index

Zim Online

Executive Summary of Damning AU Report on Zimbabwe
Tues 20 July 2004

      INTRODUCTION

      Following widespread reports of human rights violations in Zimbabwe,
the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights (African Commission) at
its 29th Ordinary Session held in Tripoli from 23rd April to 7th may 2001
decided to undertake a fact-finding mission to the Republic of Zimbabwe from
24th to 28th June 2002.

      The state purpose of the Mission was to gather information on the
state of human rights in Zimbabwe. In order to do so, the Mission sought to
meet with representatives of the Government of the Republic of Zimbabwe,
law-enforcement agencies, the judiciary, political parties and with
organised civil society organisations especially those engaged in human
rights advocacy. The method of the fact-finding team was to listen and
observe the situation in the country from various angles, listen to
statements and testimony of the many actors in the country and conduct
dialogue with the government and other public agencies.

      FINDINGS

      1. The Mission observed that Zimbabwean society is highly polarized.
It is a divided society with deeply entrenched positions. The land question
is not in itself the cause of division. It appears that at heart is a
society in search of the means for change and divided about how best to
achieve change after two decades of dominance by a political party that
carried the hopes and aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe through the
liberation struggle into independence.
      2. There is no doubt that from the perspective of the fact-finding
team, the land question is critical and that Zimbabweans, sooner or later,
needed to address it. The team has consistently maintained that from a human
rights perspective, land reform has to be the prerogative of the government
of Zimbabwe. The Mission noted that Article 14 of the African Charter states
"The right to property shall be guaranteed. It may only be encroached upon
in the interest of public need or in the general interest of the community
and in accordance with the provisions of appropriate laws ". It appears to
the Mission that the Government of Zimbabwe has managed to bring this policy
matter under the legal and constitutional system of the country. It now
means that land reform and land distribution can now take place in a lawful
and orderly fashion.
      3. There was enough evidence placed before the Mission to suggest
that, at the very least during the period under review, human rights
violations occurred in Zimbabwe. The Mission was presented with testimony
from witnesses who were victims of political violence and others victims of
torture while in police custody. There was evidence that the system of
arbitrary arrests took place. Especially alarming was the arrest of the
President of the Law Society of Zimbabwe and journalists including Peta
Thorncroft, Geoffrey Nyarota, among many others, the arrests and torture of
opposition members of parliament and human rights lawyers like Gabriel
Shumba.
      4. There were allegations that the human rights violations that
occurred were in many instances at the hands of ZANU PF party activists. The
Mission is however not able to find definitively that this was part of an
orchestrated policy of the government of the Republic of Zimbabwe. There
were enough assurances from the Head of State, Cabinet Ministers and the
leadership of the ruling party that there has never been any plan or policy
of violence, disruption or any form of human rights violations, orchestrated
by the State. There was also an acknowledgement that excesses did occur. 5.
The Mission is prepared and able to rule, that the Government cannot wash
its hands from responsibility for all these happenings. It is evident that a
highly charged atmosphere has been prevailing, many land activists undertook
their illegal actions in the expectation that government was understanding
and that police would not act against them - many of them, the War Veterans,
purported to act as party veterans and activists. Some of the political
leaders denounced the opposition activists and expressed understanding for
some of the actions of ZANU PF loyalists. Government did not act soon enough
and firmly enough against those guilty of gross criminal acts. By its
statements and political rhetoric, and by its failure at critical moments to
uphold the rule of law, the government failed to chart a path that signalled
a commitment to the rule of law. 6. There has been a flurry of new
legislation and the revival of the old laws used under the Smith Rhodesian
regime to control, manipulate public opinion and that limited civil
liberties. Among these, the Mission's attention was drawn to the Public
Order and Security Act, 2002 and the Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act, 2002. These have been used to require registration of
journalists and for prosecution of journalists for publishing "false
information". All of these, of course, would have a "chilling effect" on
freedom of expression and introduce a cloud of fear in media circles. The
Private Voluntary Organisations Act has been revived to legislate for the
registration of NGOs and for the disclosure of their activities and funding
sources.
      7. There is no institution in Zimbabwe, except the Office of the
Attorney General, entrusted with the responsibility of oversight over
unlawful actions of the police, or to receive complaints against the police.
The Office of the Ombudsman is an independent institution whose mandate was
recently extended to include human rights protection and promotion. It was
evident to the Mission that the office was inadequately provided for such a
task and that the prevailing mindset especially of the Ombudsman herself was
not one which engendered the confidence of the public. The Office was only
about the time we visited, publishing an annual report five years after it
was due. The Ombudsman claimed that her office had not received any reports
of human rights violations. That did not surprise the Mission seeing that in
her press statement following our visit, and without undertaking any
investigations into allegations levelled against them, the Ombudsman was
defensive of allegations against the youth militia. If the Office of the
Ombudsman is to serve effectively as an office that carries the trust of the
public, it will have to be independent and the Ombudsman will have to earn
the trust of the public. Its mandate will have to be extended, its
independence guaranteed and accountability structures defined.
      8. The Mission was privileged to meet with the Chief Justice and the
President of the High Court. The Mission Team also met with the Attorney
General and Senior Officers in his office. The Mission was struck by the
observation that the judiciary had been tainted and even under the new
dispensation bears the distrust that comes from the prevailing political
conditions. The Mission was pleased to note that the Chief Justice was
conscious of the responsibility to rebuild public trust. In that regard, he
advised that a code of conduct for the judiciary was under consideration.
The Office of the Attorney General has an important role to play in the
defence and protection of human rights. In order to discharge that task
effectively, the Office of the Attorney General must be able to enforce its
orders and that the orders of the courts must be obeyed by the police and
ultimately that the profession judgement of the Attorney General must be
respected.
      9. The Mission noted with appreciation the dynamic and diverse civil
society formations in Zimbabwe. Civil society is very engaged in the
developmental issues in society and enjoys a critical relationship with
government. The Mission sincerely believes that civil society is essential
for the upholding of a responsible society and for holding government
accountable. A healthy though critical relationship between government and
civil society is essential for good governance and democracy.
      RECOMMENDATIONS

      In the light of the above findings, the African Commission offers the
following recommendations -:

      On National Dialogue and Reconciliation

      Further to the observations about the breakdown in trust between
government and some civil society organisations especially those engaged in
human rights advocacy, and noting the fact that Zimbabwe is a divided
society, and noting further, however, that there is insignificant
fundamental policy difference in relation to issues like land and national
identity, Zimbabwe needs assistance to withdraw from the precipice. The
country is in need of mediators and reconcilers who are dedicated to
promoting dialogue and better understanding. Religious organisations are
best placed to serve this function and the media needs to be freed from the
shackles of control to voice opinions and reflect societal beliefs freely.
      Creating an Environment Conducive to Democracy and Human Rights

      The African Commission believes that as a mark of goodwill, government
should abide by the judgements of the Supreme Court and repeal sections of
the Access to Information Act calculated to freeze the free expression of
public opinion. The Public Order Act must also be reviewed. Legislation that
inhibits public participation by NGOs in public education, human rights
counselling must be reviewed. The Private Voluntary Organisations Act should
be repealed.

      Independent National Institutions

      Government is urged to establish independent and credible national
institutions that monitor and prevent human rights violations, corruptions
and maladministration. The Office of the Ombudsman should be reviewed and
legislation which accords it the powers envisaged by the Paris Principles
adopted. An independent office to receive and investigate complaints against
the police should be considered unless the Ombudsman is given additional
powers to investigate complaints against the police. Also important is an
Independent Electoral Commission. Suspicions are rife that the Electoral
Supervisory Commission has been severely compromised. Legislation granting
it greater autonomy would add to its prestige and generate public
confidence.

      The Independence of the Judiciary

      The judiciary has been under pressure in recent times. It appears that
their conditions of service do not protect them from political pressure;
appointments to the bench could be done in such a way that they could be
insulated from the stigma of political patronage. Security at Magistrates'
and High Court should ensure the protection of presiding officers. The
independence of the judiciary should be assured in practice and judicial
orders must be obeyed. Government and the media have a responsibility to
ensure the high regards and esteem due to members of the judiciary by
refraining from political attacks or the use of inciting language against
magistrates and judges. A Code of Conduct for Judges could be adopted and
administered by the judges themselves. The African Commission commends to
the Government of the Republic of Zimbabwe for serious consideration and
application of the Principles and Guidelines on the Right to Fair Trial and
Legal Assistance in Africa adopted by the African Commission at its 33rd
Ordinary Session in Niamey, Niger in May 2003.

      A Professional Police Service

      Every effort must be made to avoid any further politicisation of the
police service. The police service must attract all Zimbabweans from
whatever political persuasion or none to give service to the country with
pride. The police should never be at the service of any political party but
must at all times seek to abide by the values of the Constitution and
enforce the law without fear or favour. Recruitment to the service,
conditions of service and in-service training must ensure the highest
standards of professionalism in the service. Equally, there should be an
independent mechanism for receiving complaints about police conduct.
Activities of units within the ZRP like the law and order unit which seems
to operate under political instructions and without accountability to the
ZRP command structures should be disbanded. There were also reports that
elements of the CIO were engaged in activities contrary to the international
practice of intelligence organisations. These should be brought under
control. The activities of the youth militia trained in the youth camps have
been brought to our attention. Reports suggest that these youth serve as
party militia engaged in political violence, The African Commission proposes
that these youth camps be closed down and training centres be established
under the ordinary education and employment system of the country. The
Africa Commission commends for study and implementation the Guidelines and
Measures for the Prohibition and Prevention of Torture, Cruel, Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment in Africa (otherwise know as the Robben
Island Guidelines) adopted by the African Commission at its 32nd Ordinary
Session held in Banjul, The Gambia in October 2002.
      The Media

      A robust and critical media is essential for democracy. The government
has expressed outrage at some unethical practices by journalists, and the
Access to Information Act was passed in order to deal with some of these
practices. The Media and Ethics Commission that has been established could
do a great deal to advance journalistic practices, and assist with the
professionalisation of media practitioners. The Media and Ethics Commission
suffers from the mistrust on the part of those with whom it is intended to
work. The Zimbabwe Union of Journalists could have a consultative status in
the Media and Ethics Commission. Efforts should be made to create a climate
conducive to freedom of expression in Zimbabwe. The POSA and Access to
Information Act should be amended to meet international standards for
freedom of expression. Any legislation that requires registration of
journalists, or any mechanism that regulates access to broadcast media by an
authority that is not independent and accountable to the public, creates a
system of control and political patronage. The Africa Commission commends
the consideration and applications of the Declaration on The Principles of
Freedom of Expression in Africa adopted by the 32nd Ordinary Session of the
African Commission in Banjul, October 2002.

      Reporting Obligations to the African Commission

      The African Commission notes that the Republic of Zimbabwe now has
three overdue reports in order to fulfil its obligations in terms of Article
62 of the Africa Charter. Article 1 of the Africa Charter states that State
Parties to the Charter shall "recognise the rights, duties and freedoms
enshrined in the Charter and shall undertake to adopt legislative or other
measures to give effect to them." Article 62 of the Africa Charter provides
that each State Party shall undertake to submit every two years "a report on
the legislative or other measures taken, with a view to giving effect to the
rights and freedoms recognised and guaranteed by the present Charter." The
African Commission therefore reminds the Government of the Republic of
Zimbabwe of this obligation and urges the government to take urgent steps to
meet its reporting obligations. More pertinently, the African Commission
hereby invites the Government of the Republic of Zimbabwe to report on the
extent to which these recommendations have been considered and implemented.
ENDS
Back to the Top
Back to Index

The Scotsman

No escape for alleged mercenaries in Zimbabwe

JANE FIELDS IN HARARE

THE road to Chikurubi maximum security prison on the outskirts of the
Zimbabwean capital Harare is pot-holed and lined with straggling eucalyptus
trees. To the left are yellowed fields, to the right the rundown, brown
concrete housing blocks of the paramilitary police.

It was not the route Simon Mann intended to take one sunny day back in
March. As he and 69 other alleged mercenaries are set to begin their trial
here tomorrow on arms and immigration charges, they will be hoping that the
next time they travel down the track it will not be on their way to
Equatorial Guinea, whose government they are accused of plotting to oust.

Mann, an old Etonian, former member of the SAS and a businessman with links
to Pretoria-based mercenary outfit, Executive Outcomes, had intended to be
in and out of Zimbabwe as quickly as possible.

There was the small matter of a £100,000 weapons consignment to take
delivery of from the state-owned Zimbabwe Defence Industries (ZDI). Then he
had planned to slip out to Harare International Airport to meet the Boeing
727-100 cargo plane his company Logo Logistics had bought in South Africa a
few days earlier.

Waiting for him on the plane were more than 60 men, most of them Namibians,
Angolans and South Africans. Many were down-at-heel ex-members of 32-Buffalo
Battalion, an apartheid-era mercenary force. Mann and his associates had, so
they claim, contracted them to guard diamond mines in the rebel-ridden
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They had been promised a salary of more
than £3,000 a month.

But Mann's plans went wrong and, instead of a smooth take-off, Zimbabwean
military police stormed the Boeing. Home affairs minister Kembo Mohadi
announced triumphantly that a plane-load of "mercenaries of various
nationalities" had been captured.

For a day or so after their arrest it was not clear whether the men had
intended to attack the Zimbabwean regime and the government announced that
the army had been put on full alert.

But then, 1,920 miles north of Zimbabwe, the government of Equatorial Guinea
announced it had captured an "advance party" of 15 mercenaries. One of the
detainees, Nicholas du Toit - who also has ties to Executive Outcomes -
appeared on state television in Malabo to confess to a plot to oust
President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo and install exiled opposition leader
Severo Moto.

In a secret location in Zimbabwe, the 70 men signed confessions admitting
their involvement. Their lawyers say they were tortured first.

It was the start of a new dawn in relations between Zimbabwe and Equatorial
Guinea, a tiny West African state whose status as Africa's third biggest oil
producer will, analysts say, prove useful in eventually securing the
extradition of the suspects from fuel-starved Zimbabwe. It was also the
beginning of a nightmare for the men, by now held behind the
razor-wire-topped walls of Chikurubi.

The detainees - at least two of whom have provided security to British
Department for International Development staff operating in Iraq - are
sticking to the guarding diamond mines story. One said he had never heard of
Equatorial Guinea.

The Boeing's pilot, South African Jaap Steyl, testified that all he had
signed up to was a short flight to Bujumbura in the DRC during a two-week
holiday from his regular job - flying an Indian MP between his international
brewery concerns.

The men's families are distraught. Several have taken out a short-term lease
on a house in Harare and attend court hearings together, packed lunches in
hand. Shortly after the men's capture, a few made a half-hearted attempt to
claim their relatives were bounty-hunters out to capture deposed Liberian
president Charles Taylor and claim a $2 million (£1.07 million) reward from
the United States. Those claims have since been dropped. Attempts are being
made to force the South African government to apply for the men's
extradition back home.

One court has already rejected the case: the Zimbabwean authorities agreed
to put off the trial from yesterday to tomorrow to allow an appeal to be
heard. "They asked for the case to be postponed and we did not object to
that because they were open about it,'' state prosecutor Lawrence Phiri
said.

But there is no evidence Harare plans to go soft on the men. Foreign
minister Stan Mudenge has threatened them with the death penalty, although
state prosecutors have only charged them with offences under firearms,
aviation, security and immigration laws, which carry a fine or a five-year
jail term.

That is unlikely to be the end of the story. It emerged yesterday that the
president of Equatorial Guinea is seeking damages in a separate action at
London's High Court against the men.

There is also mounting evidence that Mr Mugabe's regime will send the men to
Equatorial Guinea, before or even after they have served sentence here.
Zimbabwe has recently added Equatorial Guinea - whose human rights record is
no prettier than Zimbabwe's - to the list of countries with which it has
extradition treaties. Preparations for extradition are said to be well
advanced.

Interest in the case in Harare has waned. "The attitude is - so what, it's
an occupational hazard," said one diplomat. "I don't think anybody cares.
This matter is for the embassies involved. It's a tough reality, but I think
they're on their own."
Back to the Top
Back to Index

The Telegraph

Sudan is getting away with murder
By Mark Steyn
(Filed: 20/07/2004)

'Where are the Kiplings of today to rouse public opinion?" my anguished
colleagues on the Leader page asked yesterday apropos Sudan. "Do we
humanitarians care less about Darfur than our imperialist ancestors would
have done?" The answer to that second one is: yes. John Mann, the
Presbyterian minister of Pollak in Glasgow, fancies himself as a fine
humanitarian, but, as his interview with Scotland on Sunday made plain, his
priorities lie elsewhere.

For the umpteenth time, he denounced the "unnecessary, unjust war" in Iraq
and said that, if he were Tony Blair, "I don't know how I could live with
myself".

If I'd ipso facto supported the continuation in office of a psychopathic
dictator, I don't know how I could live with myself. But each to his own.

The point is that today's humanitarians are too busy for Sudan. Ask Barbra
Streisand and she'd say, "Sudan Hussein? Bush lied!!!" As for Kipling, if he
were around today, he'd be tied up with the big Not In Our Name march with
fellow versifiers Harold Pinter and Andrew Motion. Or possibly he'd be
preening with Ashley Judd and Rupert Everett and other experts at the big
world Aids conference in Bangkok, and getting his photo taken next to an
effigy of George W Bush smeared with blood. America spends more money
combating Aids than the rest of the world combined, but why let some petty
number-crunching spoil your fun?

Darling Rupert denounced Bush's Aids plan for Africa as "extremely
frightening" because of its "judgmental attitude" toward sex. Kofi Annan was
also critical of Bush's initiative, mainly because all those billions of
dollars are being spent directly by America in Africa, rather than being
sluiced through the UN.

Now that the Oil-for-Fraud programme has come to an end, many UN bureaucrats
are at a loose end and would have been only too happy to bring their
experience and efficiency to bear on Bush's pathetically pitifully footling
judgmental $15 billion. Once the UN's administration fee had been deducted,
there could easily have been enough left over to buy 20 thousand bucks'
worth of condoms, no doubt from a rubber factory co-owned by the husband of
an old mistress of Jacques Chirac's.

The Americans could probably make a difference in Sudan, too. The USAF could
target and bomb the Janjaweed as effectively as they did the Taliban. But
then John Mann and Harold Pinter and Rupert Everett would get their knickers
in a twist, and everyone from John Kerry to Polly Toynbee would complain
that it's "illegitimate" unless it's authorised by the UN. The problem is,
by the time you've gone through the UN, everyone's dead.

The UN system is broken beyond repair. In May, even as its proxies were
getting stuck into their ethnic cleansing in Darfur, Sudan was elected to a
three-year term on the UN Human Rights Commission. This isn't an aberration:
Zimbabwe is also a member. The very structure of the organisation, under
which countries vote in regional blocs, encourages such affronts to decency.

The Sudanese representative, by the way, immediately professed himself
concerned by human rights abuses at Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib.

The UN, as the Canadian columnist George Jonas put it, enables dictators to
punch above their weight. All that Elfatih Mohammed Ahmed Erwa, the Sudanese
government's man in New York, has to do is string things out long enough to
bog down the US call for sanctions in the Gauloise-filled rooms. "Let's not
be hasty," Erwa told the Los Angeles Times. And, fortunately, not being
hasty is something the UN is happy to do in its own leisurely way until
everyone is in the mass grave and the point is moot.

Today, British charities are launching a campaign to save Darfur, which they
describe as the "world's worst humanitarian crisis". If we were serious
about the plight of Sudan, we'd stop using that dully evasive word
"humanitarian". It's fine for a hurricane or a drought, but not a genocide.

The death and dislocation in Sudan is a political crisis every step up the
chain - from the blood-drenched militia to their patrons in Khartoum to
their buddies in the African Union to the schemers and cynics at the UN.
It's "multilateralism" that magnifies some nickel 'n' dime murder gangs into
a global player.

In W. F. Deedes's account yesterday, I was struck by this line: "Aid
agencies have found it difficult to get visas." That sentence encapsulates
everything that is wrong with the transnational approach. The UN confers on
its most dysfunctional members a surreal, post-modern sovereignty: a state
that claims it can't do anything about groups committing genocide across
huge tracts of its territory nevertheless expects the world to respect its
immigration paperwork as inviolable.

Why should the West's ability to help Darfur be dependent on the visa
section of the Sudanese embassy? The world would be a better place if the
UN, or the democratic members thereof, declared that thug states forfeit the
automatic deference to sovereignty. Since that won't happen, it would be
preferable if free nations had a forum of their own in which decisions could
be reached before every peasant has been hacked to death. The Coalition of
the Willing has a nice ring to it.

One day, historians will wonder why the most militarily advanced nations
could do nothing to halt men with machetes and a few rusting rifles. After
Kitchener's victory over the dervishes at Omdurman, Belloc wrote:

"Whatever happens/ We have got/ The Maxim gun/ and they have not."

We've tossed out the Maxim gun for daisycutters and cruise missiles. In
Darfur, meanwhile, the Janjaweed on their horses are no better armed than
the dervishes were. But we're powerless against them because we've
fetishised poseur-multilateralism as the only legitimate form of
intervention. Who needs a "Kipling of today" when the old one works
perfectly well:

"Take up the White Man's burden/ The savage wars of peace/ Fill full the
mouth of famine /And bid the sickness cease;/ And when your goal is nearest/
The end for others sought,/ Watch Sloth and heathen Folly/ Bring all your
hope to nought."

He didn't know the half of it. Today, we have devised a system of protean
"world government" that amplifies both the Sloth of the West and the heathen
Folly of the thug states. And, because of it, in Sudan as in Rwanda,
hundreds of thousands will die.

Back to the Top
Back to Index