http://www.hararetribune.com
By Services | AFP
Updated:
July 20, 2008 12:17
Zimbabwe, Harare--Parties in
Zimbabwe have reached consensus on
holding substantive crisis talks, a UN
representative said Sunday, while
sources said the agreement may be signed
within 24 hours.
The United Nations' special representative to
Zimbabwe, Haile
Menkerios, said the draft had been agreed to by President
Robert Mugabe and
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, which was "at least a
first step".
"There is a draft which we are informed the two
negotiating parties
have agreed to but the two principals, that is Mr Mugabe
and Mr Tsvangirai,
would have to sign," he told South African public
radio.
"It hasn't been signed yet, but once that is done, once you
clear the
way or the basis for the talks, then the actual talks
begin."
Sources within the ruling ZANU-PF and opposition Movement
for
Democratic Change say the agreement could be signed in the next few
days.
"We expect that there will be movement on the talks either
Monday and
at the latest Tuesday," a government source close to the talks
told AFP.
A senior MDC official said on Sunday: "We are expecting
that this
thing will be signed tomorrow."
The movement towards
fully-fledged negotiations came after a series of
meetings involving rival
parties, mediator South African President Thabo
Mbeki, Menkerios and African
Union commission chairman Jean Ping.
The memorandum of
understanding was to be signed last Wednesday, but
Tsvangirai backed out as
he pushed for other players to be brought into a
mediation process led by
Mbeki.
The MDC and Mugabe's ZANU-PF began preliminary talks last
week aimed
at establishing a framework for substantive
negotiations.
Mugabe won a one-man presidential run-off last month,
widely denounced
as a sham after Tsvangirai pulled out of the race due to a
wave of deadly
attacks on his supporters.
Yahoo News
Sun
Jul 20, 9:40 AM ET
ADDIS ABABA (AFP) - African Union commission chief
Jean Ping expressed his
hope Sunday that Zimbabwe's ruling party and the
opposition would sign a
deal within 24 hours to begin fully-fledged
talks.
Ping met President Robert Mugabe, opposition Movement for
Democratic Change
(MDC) chief Morgan Tsvangirai and a separate MDC faction
on Saturday to prop
up efforts to solve the country's political crisis, an
AU commission
spokesman told AFP.
"He (Ping) is hopeful that a
memorundum of understanding, which will outline
the talks agenda and ground
rules, will be signed tomorrow (Monday) with the
MDC being part of it.
Tsvangirai has given assurance of this," said
Elghassim Wane.
The
memorandum of understanding was to be signed last Wednesday, but
Tsvangirai
backed out as he pushed for other players to be brought into a
mediation
process led by South African President Thabo Mbeki.
The MDC and Mugabe's
ZANU-PF began preliminary talks last week aimed at
establishing a framework
for substantive negotiations.
"Progress is definitely being made towards
a resolution of the crisis in
Zimbabwe...," an AU official said on condition
of anonymity.
Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga on Sunday told the BBC
that Tsvangirai
was willing to meet Mugabe in South Africa.
"He told
me that his team will be going to Pretoria for these preliminary
talks.
Depending on how they progress, he's ready and willing to meet with
Mr
Mugabe out there in Pretoria."
Zimbabwe's political crisis deepened last
month when Mugabe defied
international calls to postpone a presidential
run-off marred by widespread
violence, and was predictably re-elected by a
landslide.
Reuters
Sun 20 Jul
2008, 12:26 GMT
By Stella Mapenzauswa
JOHANNESBURG, July 20
(Reuters) - Zimbabwe's opposition MDC will not sign an
accord leading to
talks on ending the political crisis until mediator Thabo
Mbeki, South
Africa's president, has addressed some concerns, a party
spokesman said on
Sunday.
Sources in the Movement for Democratic Change said on Saturday
that MDC
leader Morgan Tsvangirai might sign the document as early as Monday
so that
talks could begin on ending an impasse with President Robert
Mugabe's ruling
ZANU-PF.
Mugabe easily won re-election on June 27 in
a second-round poll from which
Tsvangirai pulled out, citing violence
against his supporters by ZANU-PF
militias.
On Sunday Tsvangirai's
spokesman, George Sibotshiwe, said the MDC leader
would not sign until
Mbeki, criticised for his failure to help end the
stand-off, ironed out
concerns with parts of the memorandum, which sets out
guidelines on
substantive negotiations.
"I think in principle the decision is to sign
the document. We are committed
to the dialogue process," Sibotshiwe told
Reuters.
"Our executive and council have already gone through the
document and have
raised their concerns with the facilitator ... the onus is
on the
facilitator to ensure that those things are sorted out in order for
the
signing to happen within the required time."
Asked whether a
signing was likely on Monday, Sibotshiwe replied "I cannot
answer that.
(Mukoni) Ratshitanga, the spokesperson for President Mbeki, is
the only
person who can respond to that."
Ratshitanga said he was not aware of any
plans for Mbeki to travel to
Zimbabwe "any time soon" and declined to
comment on what concerns the MDC
had raised.
ECONOMIC
CRISIS
The MDC has refused to recognise Mugabe's overwhelming victory in
the
controversial June 27 vote.
The stalemate has dented hopes of
halting an economic crisis in Zimbabwe
widely blamed on the policies of
Mugabe, in power since independence from
Britain in 1980.
The
meltdown has shown itself in record inflation of well above 2 million
percent, chronic shortages of basic food and other commodities, and
extremely high unemployment.
Mugabe blames the crisis on economic
sabotage by Western enemies he says
have supported the MDC as revenge for
the government's seizure of
white-owned farms for blacks.
Critics say
Mbeki's mediation efforts have made no progress because his soft
diplomacy
is slanted in Mugabe's favour.
Tsvangirai won Zimbabwe's first-round
presidential vote in March. Official
figures showed he did not get the
absolute majority needed to avoid a
second-round election, but the MDC
insists its leader won outright the first
time.
On Sunday Kenyan
Prime Minister Raila Odinga said he expected the MDC and
ZANU-PF to sign an
agreement this week for talks to take place in South
Africa which he hoped
would lead to a safe exit from power for Mugabe.
"Robert Mugabe is an
embarrassment to the African continent," Odinga told
BBC television. "He
lost an election and refused to move on." (Additional
reporting by Cris
Chinaka in Harare; Paul Majendie in London; Editing by Tim
Pearce)
July 19, 2008
By John Robertson
AS increasingly inappropriate and unhelpful business conditions have evolved
from the severely corrupted election process and as the authorities became
increasingly contemptuous of the needs of suppliers and their customers, we in
the business sector have had to become extremely defensive and shrewd to
survive.
Many stayed the course by remaining a jump or two ahead of the
political challenges, others were obliged to take a conciliatory route to remain
in operation, but very nearly all surviving companies have suffered severe
shrinkage. Very few now have the stamina to withstand yet more abuse.
However, the severely flawed electoral process has thrust upon Zimbabwe’s long-suffering population a result that seems certain to , impose even more damaging conditions. As the ruling party’s blatantly displayed posture proved conclusively during the election re-run, its claimed right is to demand obedience from the whole population, the business sector included.
In this regard, the business sector has always been seen as a particularly irritating problem, but as compliance has been more successfully pressed from Zimbabwean companies, the ruling party has convinced itself that it is the extent of foreign ownership of local companies that constitutes a threat to its absolute power.
This has already generated legislation designed to ensure that indigenous Zimbabweans will gain controlling interests in every company, but the higher-profile companies should now be considering pre-emptive measures to deflect what might happen next.
In response to the almost universal rejection of the election results, proposals from abroad are claiming that economic sanctions must be imposed to ensure that foreign-owned companies cannot support the Mugabe regime. Although such ideas might be well-intentioned, they are unlikely to prompt any change in political direction. More seriously, the party could all too easily turn them into political capital for use against the whole business sector.
As business activity is already severely inhibited and very few companies are profitable, these sanctions proposals, however vague or oblique, could become threats to any susceptible company’s financial survival. But whether or not any given business is on the edge, the ruling party is likely to respond to this threat of real sanctions by imposing on them even more controls, or possibly by nationalising those companies of more strategic importance.
From the business standpoint, the argument is clear: such sanctions will damage the interests of the affected companies’ employees and clients, most of whom are Zimbabweans who do not deserve to be caught in the crossfire of clumsily directed penalties, and they will prejudice each company’s equally blameless shareholders, whether they are Zimbabwean or foreign.
Getting to the core of the matter, it seems that it is the absence of acceptable alternatives that has brought economic sanctions back into the debate, even though all virtually agree they will have little effect on the intended target, Zimbabwe’s ruling party rather than Zimbabwe’s general population. If that is the fact, then much more effort has to be put into formulating the needed alternatives.
While the business sector works on, or waits for a breakthrough, it remains with the pressing challenges of finding ways to fend off sanctions. Exemptions for some companies might be won by preparing detailed accounts of activities that prove sanctions would be inappropriate. Whether or not a specific company succeeds, its directors would also be able to use such documents to argue that they have tried hard to remain in business, that their commitment to Zimbabwe cannot be questioned and that in no way were they in support of sanctions.
Similar exercises can be carried out to persuade local officials that further interference in the company’s affairs from any source, local or foreign, will cause unhelpful repercussions. Existing evidence can be used to show that skills shortages will be worsened, efficiency will decline, employment and training will fall, deliveries of goods to local and export markets will drop, competitive edges previously enjoyed will dissipate rapidly and shrinking tax revenues from profits, employment and customs duty will aggravate the government’s difficulties as well as those suffered by companies.
If, despite these problems, government decides it can continue imposing controls, but keep any business afloat by making it dependent upon subsidies, low-cost loans or other less obvious forms of patronage, the authorities should be advised that they will be guaranteeing the continuation of high inflation.
The reasons why some effort will have to be put into spelling out all these issues is that, having regained its dubious ascendancy after its humiliating performance in the parliamentary as well as the presidential elections, Zanu PF can be expected to put considerable effort into consolidating its authority to prevent the re-occurrence of any such challenge. As pressures mount from the many countries that have declared the elections illegitimate, the party is likely to increase its campaign to suppress all possible sources of internal dissent.
Far from readily accepting the need to change unpopular or damaging policies, the party appears determined to renew its efforts to enforce them and to suppress dissent and dissenters by every means possible. However, the problems are certain to become more severe because not one of the policy choices is making a helpful difference.
Scarcities of foreign earnings stem from the loss of exports after the
closure of the commercial farming sector, but this policy decision is still
being defended. It and its many secondary effects continue to impact on
manufacturing, commerce and the financial services sector, and because of
government’s efforts to impose controls on exchange rate movements, the did
considerable damage to mining and tourism as well.
It was falling capacity to
service debts, not sanctions, that disqualified the country from access to
credit and it was increasingly restrictive business conditions, not sanctions,
which brought investment inflows almost to an end.
The sum total of all these meant that thousands of skilled people left the country to find more secure work. The problems experienced in the disabled productive and service sectors were soon being mirrored in the declining deliveries of service from the power, water and communications infrastructure as well as the social services led by health and education.
All of these made the country even less attractive to investors, and because they led directly to the shortages of goods, jobs and foreign exchange, and to the damage to social services and the formerly efficient infrastructure, all of these issues that need to be carefully described to employees to prevent their being misled by Zanu PF propaganda.
With Zanu PF now hoping that the elections are out of the way, it appears to have nothing to offer that will have any prospect of alleviating any of these profound difficulties. No support will be forthcoming before a legitimate government has been elected and shown an eagerness to accept reasonable policies. Meanwhile, the ruling party might be expected to try repackaging its image and rearranging its personalities in an effort to give the appearance of having made at least some of the needed changes.
A possible early development could be an announcement that Robert Mugabe is to retire and his appointed – not elected – successor will approve extensive policy revisions after claiming to have held extensive consultations with businesses, foreign governments, international development agencies and all other concerned bodies.
However, its first efforts seem likely to be to extract from all local entities the compliance and obedience it believes it was due, but did not receive during these past elections. Many of these are certain to impact upon business, as producers and retailers will be the most suitable target for accusations of economic sabotage and exploitation of the masses through rising prices.
The businesses that best survive what might become the most unpleasant onslaught yet will be those that are best prepared with detailed production and procurement costings and that have fully supportive workforces whose understanding of the challenges prevents them from making unfair accusations against their employers.
Those companies that are well prepared will have written evidence of every advice of price changes, every application for foreign exchange to purchase capital goods or raw materials, every response to supply or pricing queries, whether from other businesses or government, and comprehensive details of labour costings, welfare commitments and interactions with labour unions.
In circumstances such as those that now confront the Zimbabwean business sector, most of the private sector will find itself on the defensive most of the time, mainly because government will be trying to deflect blame from itself. But some caution will have to be exercised in the efforts to prove to clients and staff, to suppliers and shareholders, where the blame really lies.
The ruling party’s recent behaviour has recently invited and received many adverse international reactions, some of which have gathered momentum because of the sheer absurdity and the arrogant defence of unworkable ideas that can now be seen to have served only to make a few people prosperous at the expense of millions of people who have been plunged into poverty
The business sector’s efforts to deflect sanctions must capitalise on this change by making more serious efforts to press for alternatives now that external Ministries of Foreign Affairs are under pressure to show that their countries are becoming more than just passive critics.
Perhaps the strongest argument is that the business sector should not be expected to shoulder the full weight of costly, but largely ineffective economic sanctions when the problems relate to human rights and political legitimacy. The distinctly legal and political dimensions of the issues call for legal and political answers, and these should not be permitted to threaten the livelihoods of employees or employers.
However, this approach calls for the establishment of powerful and universally supported legal institutions that can successfully challenge the conduct of any government and bring to account any individuals who can be shown to have disregarded the rights of their own citizens.
Zimbabwe is not alone in suffering from the fact that certain people can abuse their power without running the risk of becoming answerable to anyone. It is this fact that has to change, and the business sectors of any affected country should not be forced to carry the burden of damaging sanctions for lack of the needed legal procedures that could overcome the real problems.
Hopefully, protests couched in these terms will help vulnerable companies in Zimbabwe to avoid even more ominous threats. As the country moves into the third quarter of the year, it remains trapped in rapidly deteriorating business conditions that are likely to translate into very much more serious shortages of all basic requirements and an even more rapidly declining capacity to sustain production, distribution or employment levels.
As the repercussions of these worsening conditions are likely to lead to social unrest and to even more violent repression, it must be hoped that the challenges will receive urgent attention from those countries that can bring their influence to bear on those claiming the right to govern the country. And as sanctions will do nothing to alleviate the difficulties, every effort must be made to ensure that they are not imposed.
In the table shown (click graph to enlarge), an attempt has been made to illustrate the pace at which the momentum behind the current inflation rate will carry the country into totally unmanageable territory. The very much faster rate of decline in the Zimbabwe dollar exchange rate during June is allowed for and the assumption is that, with nothing to slow this down, a similar rate will be maintained through July.
However, the annual inflation forecasts for the next few months are shown to move up very sharply and this is because the price freeze imposed a year ago held the Consumer Price Index almost static for these months in 2007.
I have left in place my earlier assumption that increasingly desperate attempts will be made by the end of the third quarter, and this is in the belief that the rates of inflation will cause most economic activity to grind to a halt. Government might be expected to remove nine zeros from the currency before much longer, but that will not overcome any basic problems.
The only help that could make a quick difference would be a substantial foreign currency loan that would reduce the scarcity premium on hard currency purchases and lower the costs of imports, but the achievement of the falling monthly inflation figures shown will depend upon the adoption of much more penetrating policy changes and more generous assistance. By then, it will hopefully be fully deserved.
http://www.hararetribune.com
By Trymore Magomana | Harare
Tribune
magomana@hararetribune.com
Updated: July 20, 2008 14:02
Zimbabwe, Harare--The
illegitimate ZANU-PF government, led by Robert
Mugabe, is gearing up to take
over foreign owned firms in an operation
similar to the calamituous fast
track land reform programme.
As happened in the chaotic land reform
programme, it is widely
expected that ZANU-PF big wigs will be the main
beneficiaries of the firm
take-overs. The move is Mugabe's backlash against
foreign pressure on him to
stop violence in the country.
"We
will identify the potential partners and the companies that could
be taken
over," Paul Mangwana, the minister in charge of "economic
empowerment," told
AFP, citing a recent economic reform.
He said British investors
held stakes in at least 499 Zimbabwean
companies while 353 firms have
shareholders from other European countries. A
recent act came into force
aimed at "indigenisation" -- boosting local
ownership of
companies.
State media reported meanwhile that companies heeding a
call by world
powers for United Nations sanctions against President Robert
Mugabe's
government would be seized.
The Sunday News reported
that the government was auditing companies
owned or partly held by Western
shareholders, with a view to inviting other
foreign investors from
"friendly" countries to take a share in them.
This move aimed to
prevent investors from pulling out of these
companies after foreign powers
called for tougher sanctions against Mugabe's
government, the newspaper
said, in the wake of a disputed national election.
"In the context
of growing Western hostility, the government is
planning to invite companies
from friendly countries to move in and take
over those companies that will
close down," the newspaper quoted a
government source as
saying.
"Gone are the days of political or generalised invitations
to
foreigners. We need to move a gear up and approach friendly countries
with
sector-specific or even enterprise-specific proposals," said the
source.
Investors from countries considered friendly, particularly
from the
Far East, would be lined up in a bid to boost the economic
stabilisation
process in the country, the report said.
The
indigenisation law aims to give native Zimbabweans at least 51
percent
ownership of the shares of public companies and other businesses,
the Sunday
Mail state newspaper reported in March.
"The indigenisation and
empowerment act became operational as of March
2008. The process of
indigenisation is not going to happen overnight. It's a
process which will
take a bit of time," Mangwana said.--Harare Tribune News.
Additional
reporting by AFP.
From Radio VOP, 20 July
Masvingo -
Zimbabwe Republic Police spokesperson, wayne Bvudzijena is now
reportedly
editing all violence related stories by the Herald, Radio VOP can
reveal. In
an announcement that shocked other news editors gathered in
Masvingo, The
Herald news editor, Isdore Guvamombe, who is also a former
freedom fighter,
openly told workshop participants that the ZRP had demanded
to see all
stories on violence and that they therefore, had to send them to
Bvudzijena
for clearance before publishing. Guvamombe said while Bvudzijena
could not
write copy like journalists, they just had to publish what he
would have
cleared. The news editor said this had been done for security
reasons,
probably explaining why MDC violence reports are never published by
the
paper. Guvamombe said he would continue sending copy to Bvudzijena every
day
and would only publish after the ZRP spokesman had cleared the violence
reports. Guvamombe said he did not expect any foul play in the write ups as
the ZRP was 'very professional'.
Reuters
Sun 20 Jul
2008, 9:32 GMT
LONDON (Reuters) - Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga said
on Sunday
Zimbabwe's main opposition was preparing to hold talks with
President Robert
Mugabe's party.
He said he expected the two sides to
sign an agreement this week for talks
to take place in South Africa and he
hoped they would lead to a safe exit
from power for Mugabe.
"Robert
Mugabe is an embarrassment to the African continent," Odinga told
BBC
television. "He lost an election and refused to move on."
"I am told
the parties have now agreed a framework for negotiation which I
am told will
be signed in South Africa this week," he added. "I am
encouraging this kind
of dialogue in the interests of the people of
Zimbabwe."
"I am told
these talks are going to take place in Pretoria and will be
chaired by
(South African) President (Thabo) Mbeki but supervised by the
African Union
and the United Nations representatives."
"If this happens then it is the
first step in giving Mr Mugabe a safe exit,"
he added.
Officials from
Zimbabwe's Movement for Democratic Change said on Saturday
that leader
Morgan Tsvangirai could sign an agreement as early as Monday to
start
substantive talks with Mugabe's ZANU-PF party.
The apparent breakthrough
came after Thabo Mbeki proposed forming a team
drawn from African regional
bodies and the United Nations to help him
mediate.
The Movement for
Democratic Change has refused to recognise Mugabe's victory
in a June 27
run-off vote held after Tsvangirai pulled out, citing violence
by ruling
party militia.
Tsvangirai won the first round of the presidential
election in March, but
fell short of the absolute majority needed to avoid
the second ballot.
(Additional reporting by Cris Chinaka in
Harare)
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
July 20, 2008
By Eddie Cross
I
must say that the past week has surprised me.
Mr. Thabo Mbeki came home
from his trip to the G8 summit in Japan in a
hurry. First he called for an
immediate resumption of the dialogue between
the MDC and Zanu-PF - suspended
after the debacle last year when Mugabe
simply put his foot down and said
that he would not implement the agreement
thrashed out over nine painstaking
months by the negotiating teams under Mr.
Mbeki's mediation. MDC was
reluctant to begin "talks" but eventually agreed
to resume "talks about
talks." These got under way on Friday last week and
after two days of
fruitless arguing, the talks were suspended and the
negotiators returned
home.
On Monday this week, the South Africans continued the dialogue and
although
we know little of what went on behind closed doors, we understand
that it
was a very rough session - almost physical at times. The result was a
draft
"Memorandum of Understanding" which the South Africans then said -
"sign
that - all of you".
By all accounts Zanu-PF were prepared to
sign but the MDC led by Morgan
Tsvangirai stuck to its guns and said they
would not sign nor begin
substantive talks until its preconditions were
fulfilled. There was much
huffing and puffing about that - both in the
state-controlled media here and
in South Africa where the Deputy Minister of
Foreign Affairs dismissed the
MDC demands with several snide remarks in
Pretoria.
On Thursday the MDC national executive was recalled to review
the draft MOU
and after two hours of intense debate and several amendments,
they agreed
that providing our preconditions for substantive talks were
satisfied, the
MDC
would sign the MOU as a basis for full negotiations on
a transitional
authority to run the country until a new constitution could be
adopted and
free and fair conditions held - perhaps in two years time. I was
astonished
by the terms of the MOU and said so to the President.
Now
today (Sunday) the BBC has stated that following a terse announcement
in
Johannesburg to the effect that Mr. Mbeki would be assisted in his
mediation
role in these talks by both AU and UN representatives, MDC has
announced
that we would sign the MOU on Monday. In fact behind the scenes
there was
more to this than met the eye and I think most media have yet to
fully
appreciate what in fact has transpired.
On Thursday the Chairman
of the AU Commission, Mr. Ping, arrived in
Johannesburg and on Friday the
SADC Organ on Security and Politics joined
him. In subsequent meetings, they
thrashed out an agreement that paved the
way to the appointment of the AU and
UN representatives and by doing so met
one of our key demands as a
precondition for the talks. The other
preconditions were all covered in the
MOU and had already been agreed by
Zanu-PF on Tuesday. These include a
complete cessation of political violence
and the resumption of humanitarian
aid on a non-political basis.
And so the stage is now set for full
negotiations between the MDC and
Zanu-PF. The first step in this process
will be a short, but highly
significant meeting between Robert Mugabe and
Morgan Tsvangirai - the first
such meeting
since this crisis began 10
years ago. Following this meeting to agree on the
basis for the negotiations,
locale and timetable, the leaders will sign the
MOU. At this point I would
imagine that the MOU would become a public
document and be available to
everyone via the Press and other media. When
this happens I forecast shock
and trepidation in Zanu-PF circles and
astonishment and delight everywhere
else.
It represents a full climb down by Mugabe and his cohorts made even
more
significant by the fact that nowhere does it mention that Mugabe is
the
President of Zimbabwe. In fact we really do not have a government at
the
moment - not even a caretaker one as the winners of the March election
have
yet to be sworn in and the subsequent "election" of Mugabe as President
has
not been accepted by any of the major multilateral organisations involved
-
the SADC, the AU and the UN. Far from taking Zanu-PF forward, the
sham
election held on June 27 has simply compounded their problems
and
isolation.
Once the MOU is signed I expect the full negotiations
to begin immediately
at a secure location and with the full team of mediators
present. Our own
team is now being selected and appointed and will include
both technical
experts and politicians. Theirs is a very tough assignment and
nobody inside
or outside the country is putting any money on a reasonable
outcome.
Skeptism is almost universal.
This time my own money is
on an outcome that we can live with and start the
long process of stabilizing
and reconstructing our battered economy. The
reasons are quite simple -
Zanu-PF is at the end of the road, Mr. Mbeki and
his associates want this
crisis resolved and those with the resources to
help us put Zimbabwe back
together again have a very clear understanding of
what they will accept in
terms of a political solution that qualifies us for
assistance. There is
absolutely no point in negotiating a deal that is not
acceptable to the
people with money - both in the shadowy world of finance
and investment and
in the realm of bilateral donor activity.
The one feature of recent
events that convinces me that this time Mbeki is
kicking for the posts is
that he has demanded that the whole process is
wrapped up in two weeks. In
fact, there is talk of a SADC summit of Heads of
State in mid August to
receive a report on the talks and to consider their
outcome and any future
role of SADC as a guarantor of the implementation of
the final agreement. I
agree fully with this timetable, as our own economic
slide is now so fast
that not many are going to survive the ride for much
longer.
Not
covered in any of the talks so far or mentioned in any agenda is the
issue of
just what is going to happen to the many monsters who have been
responsible
for planning, managing and undertaking the violent repression of
the
opposition in the past decade or more. Clearly there is no place for
these
men and women of violence and corruption in any
transitional
administration.
That is a key subject that the mediators
will have to attend to and resolve.
(Eddie Cross is the policy
coordinator for the Movement for Democratic
Change led by Morgan
Tsvangirai.)
IOL
July
20 2008 at 11:32AM
By Fiona Forde
African Union
commissioner Jean Ping held a round of secret talks with
President Robert
Mugabe, Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara in Harare on
Saturday in a
bid to secure agreement on power-sharing talks due to get
under way in the
coming days.
In his separate meeting with each of the party
leaders, Ping appealed
to them to sign a memorandum of understanding that
will guide a two-week
round of intensive talks to negotiate a political
solution to the crisis.
The signing ceremony would take place in
Harare and pave the way for
the talks to move immediately to a secret
location in South Africa.
lthough Zanu-PF and the Mutambara faction
of the MDC reiterated their
willingness to sign, Weekend Argus understands
Tsvangirai outlined a number
of concerns that continue to pose problems for
his participation.
"There are still a number of things we asked for
that aren't there,"
he said.
However, he would not say when he
would be in a position to join his
rivals at the table.
Ping
told the party leaders he was meeting with them in his capacity
as AU
commissioner and as the AU representative to the newly-appointed
reference
group which Thabo Mbeki constituted on Friday.
The group is also
made up of special representatives from the SADC and
the UN and is intended
to interact with Mbeki's facilitation at a strategic
level on an ongoing
basis as talks proceed.
Should the talks produce a negotiated
settlement, Harare stands to
attract billions of rand in the near future
from Zimbabwe's main donors.
Weekend Argus understands Britain has
committed R15 billion, America
has pledged R11,4-billion, the United Nations
Development Plan a further
R6bn and the European Union R3-billion, with more
in the offering from a
number of other sources, all under the guise of a
rescue plan.
From those four sources alone, Harare stands to
attract at least
R35-billion in the near future, an enormous amount of money
for a country
that has been miraculously staving off economic collapse for a
number of
years.
It is a sum that will be hard to ignore in the
future talks.
The bulk of the money carries stringent conditions,
however, and the
ultimatum that it will not be released until Mugabe steps
down.
US officials have repeatedly said they are only willing to
lend a hand
in a post-Mugabe Zimbabwe.
When the EU chief for
Development and Humanitarian Aid, Louis Michel,
announced his package some
weeks back, he stipulated a similar condition,
saying that while the money
would be available, it would only be committed
vis-a-vis "a post-Mugabe
assistance plan in union with our African
partners".
However,
it remains to be seen whether the world's superpowers would
consider a
power-sharing authority of some sort, which seems increasingly
likely,
rather than veto the prospect of stability.
What is also unclear
are the intentions of the incoming US
administration and whether the future
US president would be willing to
assist Zimbabwe, even with Mugabe in some
ceremonial role.
This article was originally published on page 2 of
Cape Argus on July
20, 2008
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
July 20, 2008
Jupiter
Punungwe
ZIMBABWE is in deep crisis and the newswires are pregnant with
news briefs
of current efforts aimed at reaching an accommodation between
the MDC and
Zanu-PF.
The assumption seems to be that once ZANU-PF and
the MDC jump into the same
bed, then the Zimbabwe’s problems will be gone in
a puff. When a child is
suffering from malaria sex between the mother and
the father is not going to
cure the child. Zimbabwe is suffering from
economic malaria. Even if Mugabe
and Tsvangirai hug each other like long
lost friends today, that act is not
going to reopen the closed factories. It
is not going to make fuel rain from
the heavens like manna. It is not going
make bumper crops sprout overnight
like mushrooms on Zimbabwe’s parched
farmlands.
In my view an agreement between the MDC and Zanu-PF is
absolutely useless,
to the economically suffering Zimbabweans. The hope
seems to be that once
the MDC and Zanu-PF are in the same bed, then the
economy will be alright.
To me that is a false hope.
Firstly, I don’t
think the MDC will be able to control Zanu-PF’s insatiable
appetite for
corruption. I don’t believe the MDC will be able to stop those
guys from
giving themselves free twin-cabs, tractors, grinding mills, diesel
and
foreign currency. So long that is happening our fiscus will be burdened
with
unplanned massive expenditure leading to inflation.
Secondly I don’t
think the Western-controlled Breton Woods institutions will
relax their
policies while Zanu-PF is still involved in governing Zimbabwe.
May I remind
you that the Zimbabwe Democracy Act passed by the USA clearly
stipulates
among its conditions that aid will not be restored to Zimbabwe
until “the
rule of law has been restored in Zimbabwe, including respect for
ownership
and title to property held prior to January 1, 2000″. A few
paragraphs down,
the same Act adds to the above condition by stating “the
Government of
Zimbabwe has demonstrated a commitment to an equitable, legal,
and
transparent land reform program which should– (A) respect existing
ownership
of and title to property by providing fair, market-based
compensation to
sellers”.
In layman’s terms Westerners will not restore full aid to
Zimbabwe until the
government has given white farmers back their farms or
paid them full
compensation at market based values (let’s say about two
hundred thousand US
dollars per farm multiplied by about 5000 farms.
Remember many of the 4 000
farmers owned more than one farm). In short the
likes of Bright Matonga,
Ignatius Chombo, Gideon Gono, Constantine Chiwenga
would have to vacate the
often multiple farms they acquired or the Zimbabwe
government would have to
find almost a billion US$ to pay off the farmers.
Ladies and gentlemen,
betting that either of those two events will happen is
almost like betting
that one’s own mother is still a virgin.
Thirdly,
even Zanu-PF’s so called friends are not willing to trust them with
money.
Am I the only one who has noticed that while countries like China and
Malaysia are willing to support Zimbabwe politically, none of them is
willing to make a substantial contribution to Zimbabwe’s state coffers.
Definitely China could afford to spare a couple billion US dollars if they
were willing to trust Zanu-PF with money. As far as I know all Zimbabwe have
to show for their friendship with China are a couple of rickety propeller
driven aircraft. China most likely gave them away because they couldn’t find
anyone to buy them.
I don’t blame the Chinese or the Malaysians for
deciding to be wise with
their money. Even I would not be willing to give
any government lots of
money when I knew that the first thing they were
going to do is finance
luxurious lifestyles for senior government officials.
After that they would
then siphon off much of the remainder through
corruption. Twelve cylinder
Mercs (whether Brabus or not), fleets of luxury
twincabs, free grinding
mills, free scotch carts, free tractors, to me, or
anyone else in their
right senses, do not count as essential government
expenditure in an country
where there are no drugs in hospital, there are no
textbooks in schools,
teachers and nurses are earning less than US$5 a
month, store shelves are
completely devoid of goods and most factories have
long since been closed.
Fourth Zanu-PF have become very adept at trying
to hide their corruption
behind the finder of socialism. Many programmes
ostensibly designed to
‘cushion the poor’, really turn out to be little more
than devious schemes
to line the pockets of well connected officials.
Subsidized diesel and
subsidized mealie-meal have all led to a massive
blackmarket for those
commodities and made a very few well connected
individuals filthy rich while
the plight of the poor has gotten worse and
worse.
I used to think that Zanu-PF were simply dump to try and follow
socialist
policies where even nominally communist countries like China have
turned
rapaciously to free market capital based policies. Now I know they
were
simply cleverly hiding their corruption wolf beneath a socialist
sheepskin.
The bottom line is that the Zanu-PF government is too corrupt,
self-centred,
arrogant, unpredictable and outright ignorant for anyone,
including their
friends, to trust them with money. So long as Zanu-PF is a
senior partner in
any political arrangement that Mbeki and friends might
dream off, nobody is
going to inject a meaningful amount of real money into
the Zimbabwean
economy. Thus, it is very unlikely that meaningful economic
recovery is
going to take place.
On the other hand the MDC cannot be
trusted to make much effort come up with
policies and strategies that are
aimed at meaningfully alleviating the
plight of the ordinary Zimbabwean.
There is no doubt that the MDC have
financially profited from the politics
of opposing Zanu-PF. If there is no
Zanu-PF in Zimbabwe, it is very unlikely
that organisations like the
Westminster Foundation will continue pouring
millions of pounds into the MDC’s
coffers.
In other words for the MDC
leadership to be able to continue globe-trotting
around the world in private
jets, living in umpteen star penthouse
apartments in the posh suburbs of
rich cities like Johannesburg, Zanu-PF has
to remain safely in place in
Harare. A number of senior MDC officials have
openly gloated that
Zimbabweans are going to suffer much more now that
Zanu-PF are entrenched
for another five years. What they do not add is that
millions will be
flowing into their own pockets because of Zanu-PF’s
presence in
Harare.
In other words it is futile for Zimbabweans to continue looking
to the MDC
for meaningful change in Harare. Yes, they will keep a steady
stream of
anti-Mugabe rhetoric flowing. However Zimbabweans should not
expect
meaningful action or concessions to change the status quo. The reason
is
simple, if the status quo changes the MDC will not be guaranteed access
to
foreign funding. However, to expect the MDC to openly admit that is
something akin to expecting Zanu-PF to openly admit that they rig
elections.
My conclusion in view of all this is that while current
efforts to ’solve’
Zimbabwe’s problems are very high profile and hogging the
news limelight,
they are going nowhere really. However, the situation for
ordinary
Zimbabweans is getting worse and worse. Therefore, we need a
different
grassroots oriented approach to solving Zimbabwe’s
problems.
What needs to be debated is the starting point and public
objectives of that
grassroots approach. Personally, I think Lovemore
Madhuku’s NCA has good
public platform to be the starting point of such a
grassroots approach.
However, the NCA would have to broaden their focus to
include issues of
economic prudence as well. I also think we need sober
minded and mature
thinking young men like Brian Kagoro to be involved in
such efforts. We need
people who will have the people in mind, not people
who wish to use the
people’s plight to line their pockets.
The Guardian
AP
foreign
Sunday July 20 2008
By SABRINA SHANKMAN
Associated Press
Writer
JOHANNESBURG, South Africa (AP) - The photographs of the tortured
body of an
opposition official are blurry but chilling.
Posted on the
``This is Zimbabwe'' blog, they show charred, lacerated limbs
and blank eyes
staring out from the face of the official, Gift Mutsvungunu,
frozen in a
death grimace. A note accompanying the pictures says the picture
quality is
bad because the photographer was shaking with fear.
Increasingly,
Zimbabweans are going online and using cell phone text
messages to share
stories of life and death in a country where independent
traditional media
have been all but silenced, and from which reporters from
most international
media have been barred.
``Any organization or NGO working in the area of
promotion of free
expression is at risk,'' Bev Clark, one of the founders of
the Kubatana
blogging forum, said via e-mail. ``Zimbabwe is encased in
fear.''
Harare-based Kubatana is a network of nonprofit organizations
that runs a
blogging forum. The forum relies on 13 bloggers in Zimbabwe, who
e-mail
submissions to an administrator who posts them to the site. The
network also
reaches beyond the Web by sending text messages to 3,800
subscribers.
Zimbabwe's bloggers are mainly opposition activists whose
themes range from
HIV/AIDS to the country's economic meltdown to President
Robert Mugabe's
thuggery. The underground networks can be forums for
unsubstantiated rumor,
but they also provide valuable independent
information and can even make
news.
In late June, the ``This is
Zimbabwe'' blog started a letter-writing
campaign against a German firm that
was supplying paper for the sinking
Zimbabwean dollar. After about a week,
the international media picked up the
story and the company, Giesecke &
Devrient, announced it would stop dealing
with Zimbabwe.
Another
typical posting simply lists names of victims of political violence,
each
accompanied by one sentence on how the person was beaten to death.
In
many cases it's impossible to tell who is doing the postings because the
risks are so great. Government eavesdroppers are believed to be roaming the
Web and intercepting cell phone calls, especially after a law was passed
last year allowing authorities to monitor phone calls and the
Internet.
Deputy Information Minister Bright Matonga said the legislation
was modeled
after counter-terrorism legislation in America and the
U.N.
``Those who have something to hide should be very much worried, but
those
who have nothing to hide should not worry,'' he said.
Only the
state-run TV and radio stations and The Herald, a government
newspaper,
provide daily news in Zimbabwe. There are no independent radio
stations
broadcasting from within the country. Journalists without
hard-to-come-by
government accreditation find it hard to operate.
The government grip on
the media tightened in the lead-up to last month's
presidential election
run-off, in which Mugabe was the only candidate after
opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai dropped out because of violence against
his
supporters.
That leaves the Internet and cell phones. Internet World
Stats, an online
organization that compiles statistics on Internet usage
worldwide, estimates
1.3 million Zimbabweans - about 11 percent of the
population - were using
the Internet as of March 2008. According to the CIA
World Factbook, 832,500
Zimbabweans, or 6.7 percent of the population, had
cell phones as of 2006.
For those who are online, near-daily power
outages, followed by power
surges, can make the Web an inconsistent means of
communicating and
gathering information. Cell phone service is also
inconsistent at best; it
can sometimes take hours to send text
messages.
SW Radio Africa, a station based outside London that broadcasts
into
Zimbabwe, sends texts to 25,000 listeners a day, and they are adding
about a
thousand numbers each week.
Gerry Jackson, an exiled
Zimbabwean journalist who started SW Radio Africa,
said the text messages
are their most popular service. And it's not just
one-way.
The radio
station has a local phone number in Zimbabwe so listeners can send
text
messages or leave voicemail messages without long distance charges, and
then
someone from the station can call them back.
``One of the guys was
calling back a woman who had said the youth militia
were after her,''
Jackson said. As he was on the phone with her, someone
broke down her door
and started beating her, and all he could hear were
screams.
``It's
very frustrating sitting at this distance and watching your country
be
destroyed at every conceivable level,'' Jackson said.
Eight years ago,
Jackson won a court battle in Zimbabwe's Supreme Court to
run an independent
radio station - but it was shut down by armed gunmen just
six days after its
launch. She fled to London, where she started SW Radio
Africa in
2001.
Radio stations broadcasting into Zimbabwe from outside are forced
to
broadcast on multiple frequencies to avoid being jammed by the
government.
A recently imposed import duty on newspapers charges a 40
percent tax for
independent voices like the newspaper The Zimbabwean,
published abroad and
shipped in and available on the Web.
The
Zimbabwean's publisher, Wilf Mbanga, said weekly circulation has dropped
from 200,000 to 60,000 and the paper has stopped publishing its Sunday
edition.
``We are not going to be defeated,'' said Mbanga, who
continues to publish
using donations from international humanitarian
organizations.
Mail and Guardian
JASON MOYO AND MANDY ROSSOUW - Jul 20 2008 06:00
The Movement for
Democratic Change has insisted that without the African
Union's involvement,
and at least another mediator in addition to President
Thabo Mbeki, "talks
about talks" between Zimbabwe's two largest parties will
not go
ahead.
Despite reports that Mbeki was to travel to Harare this week to
witness the
signing of a "framework agreement" for inter-party discussions,
Mbeki's
spokesperson, Mukoni Ratshitanga, confirmed that the trip did not
take
place.
Zimbabwe's state media had announced that a deal was
close, while Zanu-PF
and the two MDC factions were said to be ready to sign
on a "memorandum of
engagement" setting the terms for formal
dialogue.
But positions changed repeatedly. At one point both sides were
said to have
dropped all preconditions, while reports from insiders later
suggested they
remained worlds apart.
On Wednesday the MDC was
adamant that Mbeki remained a stumbling block in
the mediation.
"We
have no confidence in him," said an MDC spokesperson. "He wants to
create
the impression that talks are going ahead before big meetings [such
as those
of the G8 and United Nations]. He wants to make it look like there
is
progress."
Further impediments are self- styled president Robert Mugabe's
demand that
the MDC recognise him as Zimbabwe's legitimate leader and that
the MDC
denounce Western sanctions.
The MDC has also demanded that
all violence stops before talks are held.
According to an official
familiar with the process, both sides want the
talks to be held as soon as
possible and not to be drawn out needlessly.
But both parties
realise that they remain poles apart. The two-week
timetable initially
discussed to finalise a deal is "far too unrealistic",
the source
said.
The source emphasised a further fundamental difference between the
parties:the MDC believes a solution lies in discussions leading to a
transitional government with a limited mandate and life. At a meeting this
week the party and a coalition of its civil society allies decided it should
be two years.
In continuing talks during this period the MDC will
demand the drafting of a
new Constitution and preparations for fresh
elections monitored by the
United Nations and other international observers,
including the Western
monitors banned by Mugabe.
By contrast, Mugabe
is said to favour a more permanent arrangement that
yields some power to the
MDC but allows him to see out his five-year term
without having to face the
electorate.
While Mugabe has expressed openness to talks, he has also
been keen to
project the view that he can go it alone.
On Wednesday
he launched a programme to provide cut-price basic goods to the
poor, saying
"we are continuing with our programmes of empowerment, just as
we promised
our people we would do once they gave us a new mandate to
continue serving
them".
But few believe he would risk forming a government on his own. He
has
ignored a constitutional deadline to swear in the new Parliament and
name
his Cabinet, a development many have see as a clear indication he is
prepared to accommodate the MDC in his new government.
According to
legal watchdog Veritas, Parliament should have been sworn in by
Tuesday, six
months to the day after it was dissolved ahead of the March
election. But
the group said "the consequences of non-compliance with the
deadline are not
spelled out in the Constitution", a fact that Mugabe's
legal advisers would
have known.
Indeed, Mugabe has little room to wriggle out of
talks.
Mbeki has kept up the pressure by permanently stationing a team in
Harare to
drive the process. In addition, Mugabe is keen to shore up shaky
regional
ties, while being aware that the composition of Parliament -- no
party has
an absolute majority -- makes it impossible for him to rule
without
accommodating the MDC.
There appears to be some agreement,
albeit tacit, in Mugabe's inner circle
that they have lost all control of
the economy and that a deal with the MDC
holds out the best chance of
restoring economic stability.
They believe, however, that any political
concession will have to come
through constitutional amendments which must be
passed in a package rather
than one by one.
In terms of accommodating
MDC leaders in government, Mugabe could be swayed
to make concessions. But
he will not let go of the two most powerful
portfolios, defence and
policing.
The deal-breaker for Zanu-PF will be if the Western world slaps
further
sanctions on the ruling elite. The party also says it will not
entertain
discussions on the land issue.
The only arrow left in
Zanu-PF's quiver is the "legality" Mugabe claims by
being elected" in the
June 27 poll. He refuses to concede that he is
negotiating from a weaker
position.
At the same time, the MDC has moved away from its earlier
challenge that
"those who claim a mandate to rule should go ahead and rule".
It also
realises it has little option but to talk.
SABC
July 20, 2008,
08:30
The SADC Ministerial Committee on Politics, Defence, and Security
has
resolved to re-affirm the Zimbabwean mediation process led by President
Thabo Mbeki.
At a meeting in Durban, the committee said it was
working hard to ensure
that there's progress on the Zimbabwe situation ahead
of the SADC Summit in
South Africa next month.
The Committee has also
welcomed the move to include representatives of the
African Union (AU) and
the United Nations (UN) to assist in the mediation.
SADC Executive
secretary Tomaz Salomao says it's important to help overcome
the challenges
in Zimbabwe in a very responsible and constructive manner.
Afrique en ligne
Harare, Zimbabwe - Despite frosty political relations,
Britainannounced S
aturday it would give ex-colony Zimbabwe 9 million
poundssterling for food
aid to millions of people facing starvation in
thecountry.
In a statement, the Department for International Development
said themoney
would be administered by the Worl d Food Programme, a
UnitedNations food
humanitarian agency. An estimated four million people in
Zimbabwe are facing
food shortagesas a result of excessive rains and lack of
farming inputs such
asfertiliser.
Long running political instability
in the country has also
affectedagricultural production. "The ongoing
political problems in Zimbabwe
should not divert our gazefrom the continuing
humanitarian disaster.
By the end of 2008, up tofive million men, women
and children could be
facing severe hunger andmalnutrition," UK Secretary of
State for
International Development,Doughlas Alexander, said in the
statement. He said
the food aid, to be fin a nced by the United Kingdom,
wouldtarget vulnerable
groups in Zimbabwe, particularly in rural
areas.
Separately, Britain's Department for International Development
said itwould
spend another 44 million pounds in Zimbabwe on food and
otherhumanitarian
assistance, including HIV and AIDS treatment, to
Zimbabwethis year.
Relations between the two countries have been frosty for
years overland
reforms and alleged human rights violations in
Zimbabwe.
Harare - 19/07/2008
Pana
A very busy Vigil during which we
met Myo Thein, Director of Burma
Democratic Concern, to discuss plans for a
joint demonstration outside the
Chinese Embassy in London on Friday 8th
August. This is the day on which
the Beijing Olympics gets underway and is
also the 20th anniversary of
8/8/88, the day the Burmese military regime
killed more than 3000 peaceful
demonstrators.
We both want to target
China for vetoing resolutions in the UN Security
Council about the plight of
our peoples. We hope to be joined by
representatives from Tibet and Darfur
who have been equally badly treated
by the rapacious and callous Chinese.
The theme of our demonstration
outside the Chinese Embassy will be the
'Genocide Olympics'. Our view is
that the medals for this new Olympic
competition have already been
stitched up by China, Russia and South Africa
who have repeatedly voted
against human rights resolutions on Tibet, China
and Zimbabwe.
Myo Thein's brother is a political prisoner in Burma who
has been
partially paralysed by torture. We would just add that on
previous
demonstrations outside the Chinese Embassy we have always been
welcomed by
the Falun Gong and hope to have them on board with this protest
as well.
As the situation deteriorates in Zimbabwe we get more harrowing
tales. In
the last week stories have appeared in the media about new levels
of
depraved brutality in Zimbabwe: eyes plucked out, tongues cut out . . .
.
. The media are a bit late on this story - anyone following the
Vigil
diary will see we reported this on 28th June. Because we are in
telephone
contact with our relatives all the time we learn what's happening
on the
ground much quicker than is reported in the media.
The Vigil
was pleased to see that Mozambique has set up refugee camps for
Zimbabweans.
We believe the international community should finance refugee
camps in all
the countries neighbouring Zimbabwe to provide shelter for
our starving,
tortured and sick families forced to flee the hell-hole that
Mugabe has made
of our country. We hope that the European Union will
provide this money
instead of supporting SADC governments who help Mugabe
such as Malawi and
South Africa etc.
The Vigil was very well-attended with people going to
great trouble to be
with us. For the second week in a row we had someone
from distant
Sunderland.
For latest Vigil pictures check:
http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/.
FOR
THE RECORD: 190 signed the register.
FOR YOUR DIARY:
Next Glasgow
Vigil. Saturday 2nd August, 2 - 6 pm Venue: Argyle Street
Precinct. For more
information contact: Ancilla Chifamba, 07770 291 150,
Patrick Dzimba, 07990
724 137 or Jonathan Chireka, 07504 724 471.
Protest outside the Chinese
Embassy. Friday, 8th August. More information
as plans develop.
Zimbabwe
Association's Women's Weekly Drop-in Centre. Fridays 10.30 am - 4
pm. Venue:
The Fire Station Community and ICT Centre, 84 Mayton Street,
London N7 6QT,
Tel: 020 7607 9764. Nearest underground: Finsbury Park. For
more information
contact the Zimbabwe Association 020 7549 0355 (open
Tuesdays and
Thursdays).
- BY PIERRE SCHORI 20/07/2008 (MaximsNews Network) |
UNITED NATIONS - / MaximsNews Network
/ 20 July 2008 -- On June 26, 2008, Mr. Mugabe´s official newspaper, The Herald, tried to twist the truth when they claimed that I, as the head of the
EU election observation mission during the 2002 presidential elections, was
expelled from Zimbabwe because I had violated my “visa condition”.
The
truth is that the Zimbabwe government thought that I had a tourist visa, and
therefore stated that as a tourist I could not be in the country on a
“political” mission. I had however a six-month visa for multiple entries, issued
by the Zimbabwean embassy in Washington.Therefore, after having tried in vain to
force me to sign a document that I was a tourist, they had to confiscate my
passport, then stamp in a new visa, dated the day before! Thus I was in the
country illegally!
One reason for the harsh action taken against the EU
mission was probably that we had, in MR. Mugabe´s view, been too efficient, in
the 2002 parliamentary elections, when I also led the EU observation. In 2002,
as this year, the President ´s own future was at stake and therefore any method
to stay in power was used.
In the article Mugabe beyond the pale: Not the way to govern Zimbabwe , written just after my expulsion in 2002, the reader can see that the same methods that Mr Mugabe ´s thugs are using now against their fellow countrymen were in fact also practised in 2002. In that year, the EU foreign ministers, basing their action on the information provided by their ambassadors in Zimbabwe, other international observers and the mission ´s fact-finding during the week it was able to work, declared the elections not to be fair and free and Mr. Mugabe´s government in violation of the Cotonou agreement. The EU thus imposed targeted sanctions on the President and some of his collaborators.
Related publications Bio author: Pierre SchoriA Swedish diplomat with vast experience in foreign affairs, development cooperation and peacekeeping operations, Schori served from 2005 until the beginning of 2007 as Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General and Head of Mission in Côte d'Ivoire. He was Minister for International Development Cooperation, Migration and Asylum Policy, and Deputy Foreign Minister between 1994 and 1999. In 2000, Schori was appointed Swedish Ambassador to the United Nations, a position he held until 2004. He is the Director General de FRIDE.
http://www.cathybuckle.com
Sunday 20th July 2008
Dear Family and Friends,
It's
hard to believe that almost four months have passed since Zimbabweans
voted
for an MDC parliamentary majority and gave MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai the
most presidential ballots. It's like that day never happened
as 16 weeks
down the line, the old order remains in place and we are stuck
in a state of
leadership denial.
It's been a brutal four months that Zimbabwe will
never forget. A time when
the country's leaders have bombarded us with hate
speech, threatened us with
war and tried to make us believe that they are
immortal and their rule
eternal. For the last four months we have been a
population in a state of
mourning as a litany of horror has become our daily
lives: murder, torture,
abduction, rape and arson.
And now, after all
these weeks of abuse and before the soil has settled over
fresh graves,
gifts are being given by the same people who threatened war.
Scotch carts,
tractors, ploughs and cultivators are being handed out at
gatherings where
everyone is waving little flags, wearing Zanu PF clothes
and dancing for the
leaders.
It's hard to fathom that this can possibly be real: that people
can be
cheering and ululating for farming implements before the tears for
the dead
are even dry on our faces, before the results of our votes in the
March
elections have been implemented, let alone accepted.
It seems
to be of no consequence that the constitutional deadline for the
swearing in
of MP's and Senators, the election of the Speaker of the House
and Senate
and the ceremonial opening of Parliament have all been missed.
As I write
this letter the leaves from the Msasa trees are falling thick and
fast. They
are early this year and the sound of them raining down on the
roof gives
notice of a new season about to start. The falling of the leaves,
like the
wishes of the people, cannot be stopped - no matter how many gifts
are
given.
Until next week, thanks for reading, love cathy.
http://www.leadershipnigeria.com
July
20, 2008
Chioma Iyke-Ani
They represent the two faces of Africa, a rich
continent, wonderfully
endowed both in material and human resources but
unfortunately and
ironically still gasping for survival. Nelson Mandela, who
turned 90 on
Friday, represents everything that should be good about Africa;
that is the
bright side of a troubled continent with an avalanche of
demented leaders.
Robert Mugabe, also in his eighties, is the ugly face of a
continent yet in
search of salvation but haunted by greedy and criminal
leaders. Both African
leaders are currently receiving massive global
attention, one for the good
reasons and the other for everything negative
and reprehensible.
Mandela, the Madiba, has in the last one month
arrested global attention as
the world rose in honour of the man who gave
his life for the emancipation
of the Republic of South Africa. He turned 90
and there was stampede across
the world for participation in the events to
mark his birthday. Born in a
troubled country caged by apartheid where the
majority blacks were treated
as lesser humans and segregated against,
Mandela put his life on the line to
fight against this inhuman treatment. He
fought against the squalour
settlements created for the blacks, the
make-shift schools constructed for
them and the different and dehumanizing
laws made to perpetually keep them
in bondage and inferior. For these he was
arrested and jailed for 27 years
at a time he was already in his
fifties.
While in jail Mandela, remained defiant and turned down offers
of the then
government to renounce violent protests for his freedom. I still
remember
his remarkable reply through his daughter to the authorities that
he will
rather remain in chains especially when majority of his brothers and
sisters
were still in chains and haunted. He refused conditional freedom and
hung on
in prison on behalf of his people. He was eventually released
without
conditions when international pressure mounted on the minority
leadership in
South Africa to embrace democracy and he walked out a free and
proud man.
When the whistle was blown to return South Africa to
democratic and
participatory government, Mandela became the obvious choice
of the people
and he was elected the first post apartheid president of the
Southern
African country. As a leader he was selfless, positive and laid the
foundation for an all inclusive government. At the expiration of the five
year constitutional first term, Mandela, fulfilled, voluntarily bowed out to
give way for the younger ones. He was not drunk with power and was not
infected by its allure. He was a man of moderation. He had a mission and
that was to see a free South Africa where all men and women will be treated
equally and where every South African will have equal opportunity to aspire
to any office in the land. With this achieved, Mandela felt fulfilled and
decided to leave the stage, a sign that he was not in the struggle for
personal glory but for the emancipation of the greater number of South
Africans. He believed in structures and not personalities and when he saw
that the structures had been built for a sustained peaceful and democratic
transfer of power in his country, he left.
Out of office, Mandela
quietly minded his own business and never attempted
to influence the
policies or the running of the government now in the hands
of his deputy.
But when there is avoidable drift, he had always been handy
with an advice.
He was satisfied with the role of an elder statesman and the
conscience of
his nation. And even with the stress of the struggle and the
demands of the
office when he was in power, he has lived to an enviable age
of 90. This is
the doing of the Lord.
But in contrast to Madiba is Robert Mugabe, a
power drunk old man who has
deliberately decided to plunge his country
Zimbabwe and its people into
avoidable darkness. He shot into office in the
eighties and has ruled the
Southern African Country for more than thirty
years. And he wants to remain
there even when his people are no more
interested in having him as their
leader. For Mugabe and his ilks in Africa
(and they are many) power belongs
to one man who is all knowing and who must
retain this power till death when
his son or relation is expected to take
over.
Mugabe early this year went for re-election and lost, and not
comfortable
with his defeat forced the Zimbabwean electoral body to suspend
the
announcement of the election results in a bizarre manner that aroused
public
outcry and condemnation. Working on the instructions of the old man,
the
electoral body later announced that the election was inconclusive and
that a
bye-election would be conducted. Throughout this period, the state
security
were clamping down on real and imaginary opposition, killing
innocent
Zimbabweans and creating a hostile environment to drive away the
opposition.
The bye election was boycotted by the opposition and Mugabe ran
unopposed
and was declared winner.
African leaders are finding it
difficult to do something about the
Zimbabwean logjam because many are
guilty of the same offence. Most African
leaders are the same if not worse
than Mugabe. There is one in Kenya,
another in Sudan and Nigeria only
recently survived one. That is the story
of the tragedy in Zimbabwe, a story
of the ugly face of Africa, a continent
harassed by bad and criminal
leadership. African leaders are the problem of
Africa, they are looters, and
they kill to sustain themselves in office,
they are the real problem of the
continent.
It is unfortunate that the international community is divided
in the clamour
to sanction Zimbabwe. The position of China and Russia in all
these is
disturbing and portends greater set back for Africa as some other
crooks in
leadership will be encouraged to do worse things believing that
the United
Nations Security Council will not have a consensus to sanction.
But there is
hope that Mugabe will not escape justice if not now definitely
in no distant
time. The story of Charles Taylor of Liberia is very
instructive and also
that of the warlord in Sudan, the first sitting
president to be declared a
wanted man by the International Court of Justice
for genocide in Sudan.
Mugabe must be tried for his crimes against the
people of Zimbabwe and if
found guilty should be jailed for life, although
he has few years to live.
This will continue to signpost a new direction in
Africa and also serve as a
deterrent to other criminal leaders lurking
around and waiting to pillage
their countries. But Africa must remain
grateful to the Madiba for the good
face he has given to the continent and
as he savours his 90th birthday, I
join millions of his fans to wish him
more strength and good health so as to
remain the conscience of Africa.
Amanda!
http://www.baltimoresun.com
By Edmund Sanders
July 20,
2008
NAIROBI, Kenya - Election-related meltdowns in Zimbabwe and Kenya
are stark
reminders of democracy's fragile foothold in Africa, experts say,
despite
years of financial and diplomatic investment by the United States
and other
Western nations.
A combination of challenges unique to the
continent, including worsening
poverty and inconsistent international
engagement, is blamed for fueling a
string of setbacks. After some progress
in the early 1990s, once-promising
governments have regressed, particularly
around election time.
"Overall, the continent has had a deflation of
strong democratic leadership
in recent years," said J. Stephen Morrison,
Africa director at the Center
for Strategic and International Studies in
Washington. "In some places we
are seeing that autocratic pseudo-democracies
have formed."
In addition to disputed presidential elections in Zimbabwe
and Kenya, where
longtime incumbents refused to cede power after their
opponents declared
victory at the polls, last year's ruling party victory in
Nigeria was
condemned widely as flawed. Uganda's president changed the
country's
constitution to stay in power. Ethiopian government forces killed
about 200
opposition supporters after a 2005 vote.
Although
there have been democratic success stories, such as Ghana and
Sierra Leone,
some observers see the coming years as a crucial period in
determining
whether much of Africa will move forward in embracing democracy.
"The
continent right now seems caught in the middle between the good cases
and
bad cases," said Chris Fomunyoh, senior associate for Africa at the
National
Democratic Institute, which promotes democratic reform around the
world.
The Bush administration has been praised for sharply stepping
up spending to
combat diseases in Africa, including about $19 billion on
HIV/AIDS and $1.2
billion on malaria. But it has been less vigilant when it
comes to
bolstering democratic institutions, analysts say.
Efforts to
promote democracy in Africa largely have been confined to Sudan,
which is
torn by a north-south war and a conflict in the Darfur region, in
which more
than 200,000 people have died.
Indeed, after a flurry of support in the
early 1990s, which helped usher in
multiparty systems and stronger
institutions, the United States and other
Western powers have diverted their
attention to the Middle East and Asia.
Zimbabwe's crisis is a prime
example, critics say. President Robert G.
Mugabe long ago began leading his
southern African nation toward economic
ruin and violent
autocracy.
"We should have stopped Mugabe in his tracks years ago," said
Johann
Kriegler, who led a panel that oversaw South Africa's first all-race
election in 1994 and is leading a commission to investigate Kenya's
electoral breakdown.
African leaders have long been reluctant to
criticize each other lest their
own records be judged. But the presidents of
Senegal and Zambia, along with
former South African President Nelson
Mandela, recently have criticized
Zimbabwe's leadership.
Yet South
Africa's Thabo Mbeki refuses to condemn Mugabe. And at an African
Union
summit in Egypt this summer, Mugabe was met with only muted
protest.
Limited international outcry after disputed polls in places like
Nigeria
might have emboldened other African leaders, such as Mugabe and
Kenya's
President Mwai Kibaki, experts said.
"There's been a certain
amount of serial learning that has gone on,"
Morrison said. "Incumbents
realize that some pretense to a democratic
process is all you need, combined
with heavy-handed intimidation of the
opposition."
After the 2001
al-Qaida attacks on New York and Washington, U.S. priorities
around the
globe changed, with a greater emphasis on cultivating partners in
the Bush
administration's war on terrorism. Such shifts in priorities might
explain
why the United States took a softer approach in dealing with
Ethiopia's
crackdown in 2005, according to Fomunyoh. A year later, Ethiopia,
with U.S.
support, entered neighboring Somalia to crush a fledgling Islamic
regime
that U.S. officials said was linked to al-Qaida.
"The U.S. should not get
blinded by the global war on terror to the point of
overlooking other
shortcomings," Fomunyoh said.
China's growing influence through
investment in Africa has created another
roadblock to democracy, analysts
say, providing an alternative to
governments not interested in political
reform. In addition to buying
billions of dollars in oil and other natural
resources, China is building
roads, bridges and other infrastructure in
nearly every major African nation
without attaching Western-style
conditions.
The Chinese have openly sold weapons to some of Africa's most
controversial
governments, including Sudan. Early this year, a
pro-government Chinese
newspaper said the violence in Kenya, in which nearly
1,000 people were
killed, was proof that Western-style democracy "isn't
suited to African
conditions, but rather carries with it the root of
disaster."
"China's role is giving a certain confidence to those who want
to pursue a
model of a strong, central, non-democratic state," Morrison
said.
Some African leaders contend that despite the setbacks, democracy
is far
stronger on the continent than it was in the 1970s and '80s, when
dictators
ruled with iron fists, often bolstered by Cold War enticements
from the
United States or the Soviet Union.
"Although we have seen
some disappointing developments, we should not lose
sight of the fact that
progress has been made," said Kenya's Wangari
Maathai, who in 2004 became
the first African woman to be awarded the Nobel
Peace Prize. "These are
problems arising because we have raised the bar."
In Kenya, she said,
free speech and an open news media were unthinkable a
decade ago.
The
continent and its people still struggle to overcome the effects of
European
colonialism, she said, which exacerbated tribal conflicts by
drawing
arbitrary national borders and setting an example of a supreme ruler
in the
form of a colonial governor.
Maathai said it might take another
generation before Africa produces true
democratic reformers.
"So far,
what Kibaki and others in the ruling elite have done is, as the
democratic
winds changed, they changed with the wind," she said. "But they
didn't
change in their hearts."
Edmund Sanders writes for the Los Angeles
Times.
Setbacks
.Zimbabwe: This year, President Robert G.
Mugabe, once heralded as an
African freedom fighter, has silenced his
critics with intimidation and
violence while his nation's economy has
spiraled out of control. After he
came in second in the March presidential
election, Mugabe's forces were
blamed for the killings of more than 80
opposition activists before a runoff
election. His opponent dropped out of
the race, citing the political
violence.
.Kenya: In 2007, observers
accused both main candidates of cheating in a
Dec. 27 election, but
incumbent President Mwai Kibaki's hand-picked
electoral commission quickly
declared him the winner, sparking nationwide
riots and tribal clashes that
left more than 1,000 people dead.
.South Africa: In 2007, President Thabo
Mbeki, now under fire for failing to
exert pressure on neighboring
Zimbabwe's Mugabe, tried in December to retain
influence with an
unsuccessful bid to remain head of the ruling African
National Congress
after completing his maximum two terms as the country's
president.
.Nigeria: In 2007, after losing a bid to change the
constitution to allow a
third term in office, President Olusegun Obasanjo
oversaw what the U.S.
State Department called a "deeply flawed" presidential
election that cleared
the way for his party's candidate, Umaru Yar'Adua, to
succeed him.
.Uganda: In 2006, President Yoweri Museveni, a former rebel
leader who
assumed power in 1986 and is East Africa's longest-serving
leader, pressured
the parliament to change the constitution to allow him to
win another
five-year term. Critics accuse him of aspiring to be "president
for life."
.Ethiopia: In 2005, after a disputed election, government
troops killed more
than 200 protesters and jailed hundreds. The country is
now bogged down in a
costly military campaign in Somalia.
Commodity Online, India
2008-07-20 10:30:00
HARARE : No, this meal is not hosted by Laxmi Mittal, Bill Gates or
Warren
Buffet nor any other billionaires but the poorest of the poor in
Zimbabwe.
As the Central Bank in Zimbabwe introduced a 100 billion note
(Zimbabwean
Dollars), to counter its inflation, the meals have become
pricier.
Now people in Zimbabwe are counting Zeros that its president
Robert Mugabe
have showered on them. Many of them cannot count the number of
zeros in
their annual inflation rate. Well, officially it is
2,200,000%.
"I think guns are easier to handle than these zeros," said a
resident of
Harare resident Thomas Mabuki. The bread he used to buy last
month for a
Z$10 bn is now costing ten times that.
"Window shopping
here is out of question because the shopkeeper may snatch
the produce from
you and re-label it with a new price. The prices are
increasing with seconds
and minutes not days and months," Mabuki lamented.
Earlier this year, the
Central Bank had introduced a Z$10 million note,
followed by Z$50 million.
And now there is no count of what notes should be
issued.
To many,
this may be a classic example of turning one of the richest
countries in
Africa to the poorest country by a person who was once equaled
with Nelson
Mandela is mysterious to the outside world, but for Mabuki, it
is
clear.
"Wealth, greed and power made him worthless. He is not worth this
loaf of
bread I have with me," he remarked.
Sent: Monday, July 21, 2008 2:15 AM
Subject: everything
down!
Friends, everything is "down" at my place - electricity, water
and even the
telephone yesterday! We haven't had water except for one day
in the last
two weeks, while no electricity since Wednesday pm and both look
like
continuing more or less indefinitely. So please forgive me if I don't
reply
to your mails etc - and meanwhile picture me fetching water from the
now
disused pool to flush the toilet, wash clothes etc - thankfully a
neighbour
has a borehole so at least we can get some drinking
water!
Praying for divine intervention - and for successful negotiations
in the
next couple of weeks. Please God be quick!!
T