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Court rules RBZ’s Zimra account raid illegal

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:47

Paidamoyo Muzulu

THE High Court has ruled that the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) acted
unconstitutionally by appropriating about US$5 million from the Zimbabwe
Revenue Authority (Zimra) accounts held at CBZ and Standard Chartered Bank
in 2009 without following proper procedures.

Justice Anne-Marie Gowora ruled recently that the Reserve Bank’s action was
illegal and ordered the central bank to return the money it raided from the
revenue authority’s accounts. The RBZ has since said it would appeal against
the ruling.

Zimra approached the courts demanding that the central bank refund various
amounts taken from its foreign currency accounts.
The RBZ raided US$2 466 735,15 from Zimra’s Standard Chartered Bank account
number 8740507099000; R2 473 417,57 from account number 9440507099000; £55
900.82 from account number 2840507099000; 3 061 euro from account number
9340507099000 and BPW 139 527.61 from account number 1340507099000.

From Zimra’s CBZ accounts, the central bank took US$1 857 044.00 from
account number 01120772590020 and R2 807 759.00 from account number
01120772590040.

In her ruling, Gowora said: “In the premises, it is my finding that the
respondent did appropriate the monies in question outside the provisions of
the constitution and the applicant is entitled to a refund.”

Zimra had argued that the money held in the accounts in question constituted
revenue collected under Section 4 of the Revenue Authority Act. This money
does not belong to Zimra but to the Consolidated Revenue Fund in accordance
with the provisions of Section 101 of the constitution.

The central bank had argued that it was the function of the RBZ to advance
the general economic policies of the government as provided for in Section 6
(i) (d) of the Reserve Bank Act.

“It was contended further that in terms of Section 8 (1) of the same Act,
the respondent (RBZ) may be called upon to meet settlement of ‘government’s
payment obligations’,” reads Gorowa’s ruling made available this week.

However, the RBZ could not divulge what the money was used for arguing that
it was protected by the Official Secrets Act.
The case arose at a time when the central bank had no board after the
previous board’s tenure had expired in 2008. A new board was only appointed
in April 2010.

Gowora found the RBZ argument inappropriate and relying on a judgment by
former Chief Justice Antony Gubbay on a matter involving the principle of
“set-off” of debts between two parties.

In that judgment, Gubbay ruled: “There are, however, two important
exceptions to the operation of the rule.  A debt owed by one department of
the State cannot be set-off against a debt owed to another department.  A
set-off cannot be raised against taxes due to the fiscus or where goods are
sold for the benefit of the State.”

Gowora adjudged: “From my reading of the papers, it seems that the
respondent there is an implication from the respondent that in view of the
fact that the two entities are under the control of the Minister of Finance,
then monies can be transferred between them without the need to follow
statutory requirements.”

However, the court absolved RBZ governor Gideon Gono of any wrong-doing
saying he was wrongfully cited in the case.
The RBZ appropriated millions of dollars from foreign currency accounts of
individuals, non-governmental organisations, farmers and mines. These
amounts are now reflected as debts, that amount to over US$1,5 billion in
the central bank’s books.

lMeanwhile, Gono told guests at the Independent Dialogue in Harare on
Wednesday that the state of the country’s banking industry remained
relatively satisfactory even though the banks were still not sufficiently
capitalised and required large inputs to remain afloat.

Gono revealed that at the end of March, five out of the 25 banks had failed
to meet the minimum regulatory capital requirements. This excludes the POSB,
which is regulated under a separate instrument.

Gono revealed that Kingdom Bank, Royal Bank, ZABG, Genesis Investment Bank
and ReNaissance Merchant Bank remained under-capitalised and were struggling
to meet the minimum capital requirement of US$12,5 million for commercial
banks.

ZABG had a negative balance of US$9,2 million while Genesis Investment bank
had a negative balance of US$331 000. ReNaissance, which is now under
curatorship, had a negative balance of US$16 million. Royal Bank had a
balance of US$2,7 million and Kingdom Bank US$4,5 million.

The RBZ will meet all undercapitalised banking institutions to determine the
way forward
Although the other commercial banks showed a few positives by meeting the
minimum capital requirements, commercial banking earnings were likely to
remain fragile.

TN Bank had a capitalisation of US$12,546 million, Agribank US$12,8 million,
recently re-licensed Trust Bank US$13,358 million and FBC Bank US$15,2
million.

Topping the list was CBZ Bank at US$50 million, Standard Chartered at
US$35,5 million, Barclays Bank at US$31,4 million, Stanbic Bank at US$29,1
million, BancABC at US$28,3 million, ZB Bank at US$20,9 million, Interfin at
US$19,5 million, NMB at US$18,8 million and MBCA at US$16,2 million.
Gono said banks were likely to be at best cautious with underlying
risk-weighted-asset growth given the fragility of the Zimbabwean economic
recovery, political uncertainty around impending general elections and
evolving regulatory capital requirements.

The RBZ set a June 30 deadline for financial institutions to meet capital
requirements of US$12,5 million for commercial banks and US$10 million for
merchant banks.

“The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe expects these banks to finalise their
capitalisation initiatives and contribute meaningfully to economic growth
and development, otherwise there won’t be further social justification for
existence of these banks if they are not servicing their communities
effectively,” said Gono.


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Zanu PF lodges complaint

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 20:27

Wongai Zhangazha

ZANU PF is up in arms against senior MDC-N official Qhubani Moyo for writing
an article comparing President Robert Mugabe to National Constitutional
Assembly chairman Lovemore Madhuku and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara whom he described as “enemies of democracy”.

In a letter to Jomic dated June 27, Zanu PF spokesperson Rugare Gumbo says
Moyo’s article in the Zimbabwe Independent edition of June 3, headed
“Enemies of Democracy: Madhuku, Mutambara and Mugabe”, insulted Mugabe in
his capacity as Zanu PF leader and president by comparing him to Madhuku and
Mutambara. Moyo is MDC-N national organising secretary.

“Zanu PF wishes to register its utmost dismay over a piece of work written
by Jomic member Mr Qhubani Moyo of the MDC party,” Gumbo said.

“The Zimbabwe Independent, a weekly newspaper of 3-9 June 2011, published an
article written by Mr Qhubani Moyo in which he hurled insults at His
Excellency, Cde RG Mugabe in his capacity as president and first secretary
of Zanu PF and the state president. In the article Mr Moyo unfairly and
unjustifiably likened President Robert Mugabe to Professor Lovemore Madhuku
of the National Constitutional Assembly and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara whom he described as ‘power-hungry, autocratic’ and ‘political
megalomaniacs’ suffering from what he calls ‘narcissistic personality
disorders’”.

Gumbo, in a letter copied to six top Zanu PF leaders including
vice-presidents Joice Mujuru and John Nkomo, bitterly complains that Moyo
wrote that Zanu PF was in a state of crisis and faced disintegration.

“In his mischief he even had the audacity to claim that Zanu PF is in a
state of crisis and imminent collapse,” Gumbo writes.
“Reasons for all this insult was that President Mugabe continues to cling to
office, both Zanu PF and the government, as if his being in these two
portfolios is without legal foundation. Surely Moyo should know that
President Mugabe is president and first secretary of Zanu PF because he was
elected into that position at the party congress held in Harare in 2009.
Similarly, he also won resoundingly the presidential run-off elections in
2008.”

However, Moyo yesterday remained defiant, saying it was his “constitutional
and fundamental right to express myself as I wish as long as I don’t
infringe on anybody’s rights”.

“First of all, Mr Gumbo must know that it is my constitutional and
fundamental right to express myself as I wish as long as I don’t infringe on
the rights of others even though I’m a Jomic member. Secondly, I’m neither a
Zanu PF member nor a friend of Mugabe. If Gumbo wants to defend his dear
leader and his party he must also write his own opinion in the newspapers
instead of trying to gag me. Thirdly, being a Jomic member does not mean you
forfeit your rights to freedom of expression and speech,” Moyo said.

“On the other issues Gumbo raises, I would like to ask him the following
questions: Who elected Mugabe resoundingly in 2008? We all know Mugabe didn’t
win elections, hence the current inclusive government. Mugabe is the chief
violator of the GPA, why hasn’t Gumbo complained about it? Why is Gumbo also
not complaining about the malicious articles and hate language written by
his fellow Zanu PF politburo member Jonathan Moyo who is wreaking havoc all
over the place? After all, is it not a matter of public record that Mugabe
is a dictator and hence an enemy of democracy?”
Gumbo says it is worrying that Moyo was attacking Mugabe when he is a Jomic
member.

“What we find disturbing in this case is the fact that these insults are
coming from a member of Jomic, someone who has the grand task of promoting
inter-party dialogue and the virtues of tolerance and co-existence among the
three parties of the Global Political Agreement,” he writes.

“The language, tone and message of his article is mischievous, misleading
and scandalous to Zanu PF given that President RG Mugabe is one of the
principals to the GPA. Without this Mr Moyo loses the lustre and credibility
of being a member of Jomic, where he is expected to be level-headed,
objective, fair and sensitive as to conduct himself in a manner that does
not promote and propagate hate and foul language which has negative bearing
to Jomic and the government.”

But Moyo said: “Gumbo must stop wasting my time and his because no one will
stop me from exercising my constitutional rights, including expressing my
views through writing in the press.”


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‘Voter’s roll Zec’s sole mandate’

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:50

Faith Zaba

THE Zimbabwe Election Support Network (Zesn) said this week the voters’ roll
should be the sole responsibility of the Zimbabwe Election Commission (Zec)
and not a shared job with the Registrar-General’s Office, which in the past
has been responsible for the country’s flawed electoral register.

According to its preliminary statement on Zimbabwe’s Electoral Amendment
Bill 2011, Zesn said while the amendment addressed a number of issues which
it believes were essential for levelling the playing field for credible free
and fair elections, the proposed changes did not go far enough in addressing
the creation of a peaceful electoral environment.

“Zesn is, however, concerned with the continuation of the shared
responsibility for the registration of voters, creation and maintenance of
the voters’ roll between the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and the
Registrar-General’s office,” read the statement.

“Zesn believes that this arrangement decreases accountability and can
potentially cause inefficiency.  Zesn proposes that these responsibilities
must be fully given to Zec which has the sole mandate to run elections in
the country.”

The amendment provides for the availability of a voters’ roll in both
printed and electronic versions in searchable, analysable and tamper-proof
format.
Zesn added that: “The Bill re-enacts provisions of the Zec Act and provides
for ancillary powers. The major test, however, remains on the independence
of the commission so that it can execute its mandate with efficiency.”

It said making provisions for the creation of permanent poling stations and
polling-based voters’ rolls, was not enough without dealing with politically
motivated violence.

“On the face of it, this reform is in line with international best practice
as it reduces risks of double-voting and promotes transparency and
credibility of the electoral system,” it said.

“However, the environment within which elections have been held can scuttle
the best laid technical aspirations.”
“Without a permanent solution to electoral and politically motivated
violence, the polling station-based roll will leave communities more
vulnerable to retribution and post-election violence since it will be easier
upon counting to identify voting patterns down to specific
 polling-stations.”

While the Bill placed the responsibility on political parties and contesting
candidates to ensure that politically motivated violence and intimidation
are prevented, Zesn said there was need for vigilance to guard against
selective application of the law.

The amendment Bill proposes the establishment of an observers accreditation
committee, which would be set up by Zec. The committee will be responsible
for vetting the applications and making recommendations to the commission.

However, Zesn said the committee appeared to have a heavy political
influence in that four of the seven members are ministerial appointees.
“While this can be viewed as an improvement from the former veto powers of
the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Justice and the consequent
cherry-picking of observers, Zesn is still concerned that this new
arrangement also compromises the independent of the commission, especially
its ability to make decisions without the interference of political
interests.”

Zesn commended the mandatory requirements for the provision of electoral
returns at all levels to the candidates and their political parties and the
posting of results outside the election centres.

It said the availability of these copies would enhance transparency as this
would ensure that correct information is being transmitted right from the
polling-station to the national command centre.

Other provisions which Zesn said were welcome included the maximum threshold
for announcing presidential results.

The new provisions require that presidential election results be declared
within five days of the last polling date.

In 2008, it took six weeks for Zec to announce presidential election results
after the March poll.
On media coverage of elections, Zesn said although it welcomed mandatory
requirements on public broadcasters, it pointed out that the bill lacked
specific sanctions for breach of fair and equitable coverage of all
contesting political parties by ZBC.

Zesn also welcomed other provisions such as voting processes and procedures,
separation of ballot boxes, information on ballot papers, inside and outside
polling station election agents and the restriction on police officers from
interfering with the electoral process at any polling station.

The new provisions mention that police officers are no longer allowed to
enter a polling station unless they are casting their votes or have been
called upon to provide assistance in the exercise of their sole function
which is to maintain order and prevent contraventions of the law to ensure a
free and fair election.


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‘New CIO boss 98% disabled’

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:44

NEWLY appointed deputy director-general of the Central Intelligence
Organisation Aaron Daniel Tonde Nhepera, received Z$650 901 from the War
Victims Compensation Fund in 1997 after claiming to have suffered a shocking
98% disability from war injuries.

Nhepera, who replaced the late Maynard Livingstone Muzariri, received the
money from five different claims he made.
Announcing his appointment in state media recently, Minister of State for
National Security Sydney Sekeramayi said Nhepera’s elevation was in line
with his loyalty and dedication to duty.

Nhepera, who joined the liberation struggle in 1974 and one of the longest
serving members of the CIO, claimed to have suffered from persistent
headaches, ear and stomach aches due to poisoning, as well as
hallucinations, a congested throat and an occasional cough.

Despite these ailments, Nhepera told the Chidyausiku Commission that his 98%
“disability” did not hinder him from performing his duties efficiently and
effectively.

“The degree of injuries does not affect my duties. I struggle, but I am now
accustomed to it. In fact, I don’t pay any attention to it,” he told the
commission.
Nhepera told the commission that he joined the liberation struggle in 1974
as a 16-year old and had since then suffered from mental and physical
stress, as well as poor health because of a poor diet.

He also said he had to resign from the Fifth Brigade due to ill-health.
Nhepera told the commission that he had made five separate claims to allow
other ex-combatants a chance to claim their compensation.

“The first claim was not accepted because I was told the poisoning case
could not be sustained. The doctor awarded me a zero percent. The second
claim was for the ear. Even if I had been awarded 100% disability, it would
not have been enough because my injuries were too numerous,” he told the
commission. Nhepera said the late war veterans’ leader Chenjerai Hunzvi had
told him that if he made all the claims at once, they would have been
difficult to sustain.

He said Hunzvi had conducted examinations on him without carrying out
mandatory tests or recommending any further tests or treatment.

Nhepera is one of several of President Robert Mugabe’s loyalists who
received compensation for extreme disability claims after the Zimbabwe
Liberation War Veterans Association went on massive protests, including an
unprecedented march on State House.An unbudgeted Z$50 000, plus a Z$2 000
monthly pension was awarded to about 50 000 liberation “war veterans”
triggering an economic meltdown.

Hunzvi signed medical certificates for a number of senior Zanu PF officials
showing serious and previously unimagined disabilities entitling them to
massive compensation.

Hunzvi himself claimed 117 % disability but was only awarded 85%.
Vice-President Joice Mujuru claimed to be 55% disabled. Other notable people
who received compensation after claiming high disability levels include
Oppah Muchinguri (65%), former ZBC manager Robin Shava (100%) and Vivian
Mwashita (94%).
First lady Grace Mugabe’s deceased brother Reward Marufu claimed 95%
disability.
Sekeremayi and Nhepera could not be reached for comment yesterday. — Staff
writer


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All eyes on military ahead of Zim elections

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:45

THE role of the military has risen to the top of the political agenda as
Zimbabwe’s fractious coalition debates the prospect of fresh elections in
2012 or, if President Robert Mugabe has his way, before then.

The question haunting members of the MDC, the opposition party that joined
Mugabe’s Zanu PF in a coalition government after violently disputed
elections in 2008, is how the security establishment will react if the MDC
leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, the prime minister, wins and becomes
commander-in-chief.

Serving and former commanders have been making menacing comments. Brigadier
General Douglas Nyikayaramba, a commander in the national army, recently
accused Tsvangirai of being a “national security threat” and stooge of
Western powers. He added in comments to the Herald, the state newspaper,
that: “We will die for him (Mugabe) to make sure he remains in power.”

Although many observers suggest such bellicose statements are posturing and
that even Zanu PF has distanced itself from his statement, the brigadier’s
views are not unique among the security establishment, which has benefited
most from the continuation of  Mugabe’s 31-years in power.

Asher Walter Tapfumaneyi, a retired brigadier general who is principal
director in the Ministry of State for Presidential Affairs, told the
Financial Times that an MDC victory could “mean from the extreme either the
military could stage a coup or Zimbabwe could go to war”.

“The MDC mistrusts the military and we, to the last man, particularly the
(liberation) war generation, we mistrust the MDC completely,” he said. “The
leading establishment in the military are from the liberation struggle … we
have grown up (with) and were groomed by Zanu-PF, it’s what we are. The MDC
represents a threat to everything we represent”.

Fighting talk of this kind has highlighted the need for the MDC to push
through security sector reform before envisaging fresh elections. But the
party remains in a weak position to get its way.

During 2008 polls, military units were allegedly involved in the violence.
The bloodshed caused Tsvangirai to opt out of a presidential run-off and
ultimately join the government in which Zanu-PF retains control of the
security apparatus.

The country has enjoyed relative stability since then, with the economy
tentatively recovering after a disastrous era of hyper-inflation. But there
have been reports of fresh military deployment in rural areas, which Zanu PF
opponents describe as a pre-election strategy of intimidation. Zanu PF
officials dismiss the allegations, while insisting that security reform will
not be on the agenda.

Against this backdrop, political tensions have been on the rise.
Analysts say that even if the MDC wins most votes at the ballot box, it has
few levers of power to ensure results would be respected as long as the
security agencies are aligned to Mugabe.

“In the last 10 years in particular the foundation of the Zimbabwe state has
been patronage and violence, or the threat of it, and the main beneficiary
is the military hierarchy,” said Ibbo Mandaza, a former stalwart of Zanu PF
who now heads the Sapes Trust think-tank. “It started to change in the last
few years, let’s say 2002, and it’s more blatant since the flawed election
of 2008.”

Tendai Biti, the Finance minister and prominent MDC member, takes it a step
further, claiming the military has anointed itself in the role of kingmaker.
The MDC appears to have put its faith in Sadc, the regional bloc led by
South Africa that brokered the coalition deal and is monitoring the
political process.
Once seen as a weak body that lent support to Mugabe’s rule, it has
toughened its language this year. Coups are out of fashion in sub-Saharan
Africa and have led to other countries, including Madagascar, in the Sadc
block being ostracised.

`This has raised MDC hopes that the bloc would also strongly resist a stolen
election or military intervention in Zimbabwe. “The resolution of Zimbabwe’s
crisis is no longer a foreign policy problem for South Africa, but it’s a
domestic policy problem,” said Jameson Timba, another MDC minister. “There
are … Zimbabweans in South Africa putting pressure on jobs and services,
therefore there’s a commitment to resolve the crisis because it’s in their
interests.” — Financial Times


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‘Anti-corruption drive has failed’

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:42

Brian Chitemba

GOVERNMENT efforts to combat graft in Zimbabwe have failed to yield results
because the investigators are often implicated in many of the cases.
According to the Anti-Corruption Trust of Southern Africa’s latest report,
corrupt leadership which siphons the country’s economy for personal gain was
a barrier to a corruption-free society. Several senior Zimbabwe government
officials have been fingered in looting of the country’s resources for
personal aggrandisement at the expense of the impoverished masses.

The Namibian-based group showed that an inadequate anti-corruption legal
framework, a culture of corruption and compromised anti-corruption bodies
were scuttling efforts to weed out corruption.

Since its inception in 2005, the Anti-Corruption Commission of Zimbabwe has
not recorded any strides in fighting graft and the body still has a lot to
do to prove that it has a sting. Instead, some of its commissioners have
been implicated in scandals.

The anti-graft watchdog said Zimbabwe was not genuinely committed to
combating corruption since graft was still widespread and loopholes in the
judiciary and police force cast doubt over government’s commitment.

It said there was still a lot to be done to fight corruption within the law
enforcement agents, particularly traffic police, who are notorious for
demanding bribes.

Anti-corruption officials, the report stated, tend to focus on small cases
and target “small fish” while ignoring rampant corruption by government
leaders. On the other hand, the police lacked integrity in investigating
corruption cases since they were equally implicated.

“The police force needs to be capacitated and cleaned of ‘bad apples’ in
order to restore people’s confidence and make them effective,” said the
report. “The professionalisation of the police force is key to the
eradication of corruption in Africa.”

The report further stated that an effective judiciary was based on the rule
of law and as the upholder of the constitution, controversies should be
properly brought before the courts, but some adjudicators were being
implicated in corruption, rendering it ineffective.

The watchdog said many Sadc countries were not sincerely signing and
ratifying anti-corruption instruments, but only did so to mislead donors
into giving resources.

To stem out corruption, the report suggested that leaders at all levels
should be formally vetted before holding public office as well as funding
the police, judiciary and anti-corruption bodies to help make them more
effective.

“Regional and international bodies such as the Sadc, AU and UN should make
the implementation of anti-corruption instruments by all signatories
mandatory. These bodies should specify time frames within which the
implementation should be done and impose sanctions for failing to do so.
Such sanctions can include, but not limited to, automatic cancellation of
the signature and ratification thereof. Banks that are accepting corrupt
money from dictators and others should be named, shamed and blacklisted,”
read the report.


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Parly calls for Gwaradzimba probe

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:41

Paidamoyo Muzulu

PARLIAMENT has called for a thorough investigation into AMG Global director
Afaras Mtausi Gwaradzimba’s disposal of a combined Shabane Mashaba Mines
Holdings (SMMH) 110ha gold mining claims and 9ha residential land to little
known Ndibatsirei Investments for US$300 000 in October 2009.

Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa appointed Gwaradzimba as administrator of
SMMH and all its subsidiaries under reconstruction in 2004. The appointment
followed the specification of South African-based businessman Mutumwa Mawere
on allegations of externalisation.

Gwaradzimba has singularly presided over the collapse of the mining empire,
which was effectively closed in 2010 after failing to raise capital to
revive its stalled operations. Gwaradzimba was only answerable to Chinamasa.

As the administrator, Gwaradzimba was entitled to 6% of the gross turnover
of the companies as fees for his work whether the company was making a loss
or not.

Fani Munengami MP accused Gwaradzimba of being interested only in the
administration fees as he never set foot at the mines since being appointed
administrator.

The Mines and Energy Portfolio Committee last week said in a report: “The
Anti-Corruption Commission and police should be directed by appropriate
authorities to investigate allegations of abuse of office, theft of mining
material, vehicles, building material, mining equipment, mining claims,
unauthorised sale of assets and mismanagement of resources at the two mines
and associated SMMH  companies.”

The sale agreement document of the gold claims and residential plot was
signed on October 15, 2009 by Gwaradzimba and Simbarashe Makado representing
Ndibatsirei Investments.

The committee further called for the government to take an active interest
in the auditing of SMMH financials since it was placed under reconstruction.
“The executive should carry out an independent due diligence audit of SMMH
and associated companies, to fully understand the current financial status
of SMMH since it went under reconstruction and also specifically look at
disposal and sale of asset claims and mining equipment, disposal and sale of
associated companies, debt arrears or debt status of SMMH, legal and
professional fee costs that relate to payments made to the administrator and
legal advisor under reconstruction and outstanding wages and salaries of
employee.”

The committee said Chinamasa defended the administrator’s actions on the
grounds that the Reconstruction Act gives the administrator powers to
dispose of any assets with the approval of the minister for purposes of
reconstructing the mines.
Parliament is still to rule on whether Gwaradzimba and Chinamasa contravened
the Privileges, Immunities and Powers of Parliament Act for publishing a
defamatory article on the proceedings of the committee and possible perjury.


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Depoliticise national programmes — Mujuru

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:39

Kudzai Kuwaza

VICE-President Joice Mujuru said the economy will only enjoy double digit
growth if all national programmes are depoliticised.
In a speech to the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Zimbabwe Winter
School in Victoria Falls, Mujuru called for an end to political violence,
which she described as “shameful”.

“I believe our economy can achieve a sustained double-digit growth rate for
the next decade or more.  However, for that to happen, a number
of conditions have to be met. We need to depoliticise all the non-political
programmes and activities and stop dramatising our political differences,”
she said.

Mujuru said the country should desist from shameful acts of violence whether
real, stage-managed or simply dramatised. She said the exaggeration of the
country’s political tension actually worsened the real issues on the ground.

Mujuru expressed concern on the time wasted in political grandstanding at
the expense of developing the economy.
“My concern arises from the fact that from the barber’s shop, the tuckshop,
the supermarkets, the banks, the church, tobacco auction floors to Chartered
Accountants Winter Schools, CEO roundtables, you name it, we all seem to
spend our precious time on political postulations rather than on how to grow
the economy,” she  charged.

The real success of Zimbabwe’s indigenisation programme, Mujuru said,
depended on how broad-based the empowerment programme would be and to what
extent it would promote growth and development evenly spaced countrywide.


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Omnipotent Chombo hamstrings councils

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:37

Paidamoyo Muzulu

LOCAL government in Zimbabwe can be defined in just two words — “Chombo’s
fiefdom”.
Local Government, Urban and Rural Development minister Ignatius Chombo
(pictured below) has his imprint all over the country’s local authorities
and his shadow hovers over many councillors’ heads with catastrophic
consequences.

Chombo has manipulated the Urban Councils’ Act to his advantage and
political survival. All his actions are sanctioned by this obnoxious piece
of legislation.

Parliamentary Legal Committee chairman Shepherd Mushonga recently called for
amendment of the Act to grant space to elected councils to execute their
mandate with minimum interference from the minister.

Under the current Act councils need the blessing of the minister to do
anything.
The Act in its present form has reduced local authorities to mere
implementation agents of the minister.

Mushonga said government should ensure that local councils do not serve at
the pleasure a political appointee such as a minister.
“Local government in Zimbabwe is an extension of Chombo’s ministry. He can
dismiss, suspend and appoint commissions without any regard or consultation
with any other institution in the country. He is the Alpha and Omega of
local government,” Mushonga said.

The minister’s powers in the Act stretch from approving budgets, senior
council appointments, procurement of services, borrowings, appointment of
special interest councillors and commissioners, giving policy directives and
suspending or dismissing entire councils for transgressions.

This unchecked power which includes him in the appointment of senior council
officials has fuelled speculation that Chombo manipulates the system to
amass wealth.

Chombo’s extensive wealth came under public glare in court papers lodged by
his estranged wife Marian in a messy divorce case. Marian’s affidavit
reveals that Chombo owns more than 100 residential stands countrywide spread
across nearly every urban centre in the country.

Some sections of the Urban Councils Act give the minister power to suspend
or dismiss a mayor, to set conditions of service for a mayor, appoint
commissioners to act as a council, to access all council records, suspend or
dismiss councils and approve the appointment of senior council managers.
The minister also has power to appoint investigators and conduct inquiries,
reverse, suspend and rescind full council resolutions, and to give policy
directives to councils.

Since 2000, Chombo has suspended or fired more than seven mayors from
MDC-led municipalities on charges ranging from maladministration, alleged
corruption and refusal to implement ministerial directives.

Among the scalps claimed by Chombo’s axe are Daniso Wakatama (Bindura),
Elias Mudzuri (Harare), Misheck Kagurabadza (Mutare), Misheck Shoko
(Chitungwiza), Jessie Majome (Hwange) and Francis Dhlakama (Chegutu).

Shoko, who is now an MP, said: “Chombo is fond of micro-management. He at
times held meetings with senior managers from my council behind my back
where most of the charges against me were fabricated.”

Majome, who is now a deputy minister in the inclusive government, was
dismissed as Hwange Local Board chairman for refusing to implement
ministerial directives.

“Chombo fired me for refusing to implement a directive that I reinstate a
fired town secretary. I am still surprised how he swiftly reacted after the
secretary’s dismissal. Within two hours, I had the order to reinstate him
from the minister on my desk,” Majome said.

In his defence, Chombo argues that, “I follow the law. If these people
breach the law I am left with no option but to exercise powers given to me
by law to bring sanity to local government.”

The Zimbabwe local government system is in stark contrast to its southern
neighbour South Africa, which constitutionalised its local government in
1994. The South African local government system has executive mayors with
power to run municipalities without interference from the minister.

The minister has no power to dismiss mayors or councillors. That power is
vested in the council or political parties, which can recall any of its
councillors for whatever reason.

This has allowed municipalities to chart their own developmental policies
without fear of reprisals from central government.
Majome, a lawyer by profession, believes the minister’s powers within the
Act should be curtailed to allow smooth running of local authorities.

“Sections like 314 that give the minister power to reverse, suspend and
rescind council resolutions should be repealed,” Majome said. “The law
should also be reviewed on how the minister can suspend or dismiss a mayor
or councillor. These are elected representatives and surely should be
protected from the whims of one person.”

Other analysts say that elected mayors should have executive authority and
freed from the micro-management of central government in the implementation
of their projects like in South Africa.

It, therefore, remains that local authorities’ survival depends on the
generosity and benevolence of only one man — Chombo, analysts argue. This
brings urgency to the review of local government laws and the need to
constitutionalise local authorities. — This invstigation was assisted by the
Centre for Public Accountability.


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Poll petition amendment lacks timelines

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:10

Paidamoyo Muzulu

SINCE Independence in 1980, Zimbabwe has only witnessed one successful
electoral petition. That is the case in which former firebrand MP Margaret
Dongo challenged Zanu PF candidate Vivian Mwashita’s electoral victory on
the basis of a flawed voters’ roll in 1995.

The case was swiftly handled by the High Court, which ruled in Dongo’s
favour and called for a fresh election in Harare South constituency. Dongo
went on to win that poll becoming the first person in Zimbabwe to win a
parliamentary seat on an independent ticket.

Dongo’s case remains the only electoral dispute to have been completely
resolved. Other electoral cases brought to the courts after that have
remained unresolved to date.

Dozens of electoral cases are gathering dust in the country’s courts, and
even if rulings were to be made, it would be useless because the
parliamentary tenures for which those disputes were lodged have long expired
and some of the aggrieved parties are now deceased.

To avoid such scenarios replaying in future elections, the coalition
government has agreed to a proposed Electoral Amendment Bill aimed at
levelling the electoral playing field which has constantly produced disputed
results.

The Bill makes provision for the establishment and composition of an
independent Electoral Commission to manage elections. Section 161 of the
proposed Bill makes provision for the set-up, composition, powers, duties
and functions of an Electoral Court.

Specialised magistrates’ courts have also been proposed to handle cases of
politically-motivated violence before and during elections. Immediately
after an election is called, the Judicial Service Commission would designate
one or more magistrates in each province to try cases involving
politically-motivated violence and intimidation.

In the same section, the Police Commissioner-General is compelled to
establish a special police unit to investigate as expeditiously as possible
all cases of politically-motivated violence and intimidation brought to
their attention.

The Electoral Court would have the status of a High Court with the power to
resolve disputes in a definitive way. The court shall have exclusive
jurisdiction to hear appeals, applications and petitions in terms of the Act
and to review any decision of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission or any other
person made or purporting to have been made under this Act.

This may relate to allegations of misconduct or incompetence, as well as
issues relating to rules or regulations being breached. The court’s
exclusive jurisdiction is meant to smoothen and speed up resolution of
disputes, which is a major shift from the past when electoral cases joined
the heavily backlogged High Court roll and awaited their turn.

Two judges would also be appointed to the Electoral Court.
On the surface, the proposed changes might look refreshing and symbolise a
major paradigm shift, but these pale into insignificance when juxtaposed
against the history of electoral disputes in the country.

After the watershed 2000 general election, the MDC filed 38 petitions
disputing outcomes for various reasons. The courts were overwhelmed even
though some judges were assigned to particular cases. Just as with the Dongo
case, the High Court made findings in more than 10 cases, mostly in favour
of losing MDC candidates.

But unlike in the 1995 scenario when Mwashita didn’t appeal, Zanu PF
appealed all decisions which went against its candidates bringing in an
uncharted dimension in electoral petitions. The appeals were to be heard in
the Supreme Court without being given preferential treatment.

The same episode played out with the 2005 election petitions. Because the
history of electoral petitions is littered with unresolved cases on appeal
long after the lifespan of the petitions’ parliamentary terms, the proposed
establishment of an Electoral Court is likely to leave voters and candidates
alike wondering what to expect should the new court’s decisions be appealed
to the Supreme Court.

Unlike the Electoral Court of South Africa after which the proposed local
court is modelled, it does not deal with appeals. This, therefore, leaves
the Electoral Court’s functions no different from the High Court which
handled previous petitions.

South Africa’s Electoral Court also acts as the appeals court for all
electoral cases leaving aggrieved parties with only the Constitutional Court
to appeal to should they be not satisfied with the lower court processes.
This means the one appealing has to ensure reasonable grounds of proving a
constitutional case before appealing to the highest court in the land.

This is not the case with the proposed Electoral Court. While it might
expeditiously handle cases before it, appeals would be fed into the
mainstream court system whose wheels of justice turn at a snail’s pace.

Constitutional Law expert Lovemore Madhuku believes the proposed new
amendments are nothing to write home about since they mirror the untested
2007 amendments enacted just before the 2008 harmonised elections.

“The changes create no substantive difference to the Act,” said Madhuku.
“They don’t really change much of the Electoral Court as established in the
2007 amendment. All cases brought before the court after 2008 harmonised
elections were dismissed on technicalities, thus the court’s effectiveness
is still to be tested.”

Madhuku said the 2007 amendment spells out that all cases should be
adjudicated within six months and the Supreme Court should dispose of them
within that timeframe on appeal.

Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights director Irene Petras said while the new
changes were welcome, they still fell short of people’s expectations.
Petras said the court should be separate from the High Court and have its
own judges for it to be effective.

“The court’s mandate should be widened. It should be a standalone court with
its judges appointed separately from the High Court bench. The court should
be operational throughout the electoral cycle; that is before, during and
after elections. The standalone position of the court will relieve pressure
from the High Court bench which is already overstretched and give the judges
room to develop their own procedures in the new court,” Petras said.

Petras maintained that the issue of timelines on dealing with electoral
petitions should be in black and white to avoid delays in settlement of
electoral petitions as witnessed in the past.

Analysts believe these legal changes alone without the requisite reforms in
the security sector will be an exercise in futility.


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Contrite Gono dispenses monetary advice

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:35

Chris Muronzi

CENTRAL Bank chief Gideon Gono had some curiously frank advice for US
Treasury secretary Tim Geithner on printing money at a Zimbabwe Independent
dialogue function in Harare this week.

The US is hoping to raise the federal debt limit by the beginning of August
this year to avoid another economic crisis.
Gono’s advice was not without basis. The Reserve Bank governor has done it
and seen it all. Until 2009 he had an unenviable appetite for printing money
and stoking inflation.

By the time government adopted multiple currencies, the legendary Weimar
Republic’s runaway inflation was a non-event by comparison as a single
Zimbabwe bearer’s bill was as high as Z$10 trillion.

But Gono said his worry was broader than just stopping the Yankees from
running the printing press as he did to finance a budget deficit come
August, but given Zimbabwe’s economic reliance on the stability of the
American currency, the US economic crunch could impact on Zimbabwe.

“If that doesn’t weaken a currency I don’t know what will,” said Gono. “Get
it from me; I have got experience in that.  So if there is something that I
can teach the world, it is free advice to the US and those countries that
are relying on the printing press; don’t do it.”

“Please my brother from the US embassy, take that message to the treasury
secretary and say there is ‘some little bugger’ there who has a lot of
experience. He says he loses sleep when he sees you printing (money),
printing against a background where he has attached his economic fortunes on
you.”

Gono warns there is need to insulate Zimbabwe from possible US
dollar-related shocks should the Americans choose to finance debt through
printing money.

“They (US) behave in the same manner I was behaving. At least I have
repented. We cannot, after the global financial crisis that started in the
US, have a continuation of printing money....why is China getting rid of US
dollar stocks and buying properties? Therefore let us not be caught
 napping,” Gono said.
This, Gono said, could present problems for Zimbabwe which relies on the
stability of the unit.

Zimbabwe’s banking sector was stable and attacked the International Monetary
Fund’s template reports that always said the country’s banking sector was
“vulnerable.”

Asked by former Finance minister Simba Makoni why monetary authorities and
government had been quiet on the Zimbabwe dollar account-holder balances,
Gono replied his upcoming monetary policy statement would give direction on
the matter.

“Sometimes we use silence to manage the situation,” he said.
Gono said Zimbabwe would only revert to its old currency once the economy
had grown to sustainable levels.

“Let me say that no self-respecting nation in the world can do without its
own currency. Even some of those nations that have gone into common markets
chose to keep their own currency. Britain is part of the EU but has decided
to keep their pound sterling,” he said. “There are also times when it is
necessary to step back and reconfigure yourself before you go about wanting
your own currency and we are in that phase.”

He defended local banks’ loan book sizes, saying loan to deposit ratios were
largely in line with regional levels.
Gono also had words of wisdom for the government: “Walk the talk on policy
implementation.”

He praised Zimbabwe for what he described as “elaborate and award winning”
economic blueprints that fall short on implementation.
“We fall short on the implementation table,” he said.

The central bank boss said there was need to have both the macro and micro
side of the economy working.
Twenty of the 25 banking institutions in the country, excluding POSB which
is regulated under a separate statute, had complied with the central bank’s
prescribed minimum paid-up capital requirements by end of March, while 15
out of 16 asset management companies had complied with the minimum paid-up
equity capital requirement of US$500 000 by end of June.

“Going forward, the Reserve Bank is going to meet all undercapitalised
banking institutions, together with their boards and shareholders, to
determine the way forward on a case by case basis.”

Although the banking sector was largely stable, Gono said protracted
re-capitalisation processes of some banking institutions, tight liquidity
conditions mainly attributable to volatile short-term transitory deposits
and limited lines of credit, low savings owing to low salaries and wages,
and low interest income against high operational costs, presented threats to
the stability of the sector.

Gono urged banks to promote a savings culture in the economy by offering
meaningful deposit rates and lowering bank charges.
Banks are relying on non-funded income such as bank charges to make money.


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Hwange board on firing line

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Friday, 08 July 2011 20:10

Chris Muronzi

KEY shareholders in Hwange Colliery Ltd, including government and business
tycoon Nicholas van Hoogstraten,  have resolved to fire the entire board of
the coal mining company for yet to be disclosed reasons, well placed sources
have told businessdigest.

The sacking of the board, including its chairman Tendai Savanhu, a  Zanu PF
Politburo member, is to take place when the members of the company reconvene
at an extraordinary general meeting, after last week’s annual general
meeting was adjourned.

Last week’s AGM was adjourned after some directors felt van Hoogstraten
sought to spring changes to the board of directors. The firebrand tycoon was
just smarting from an RTG meeting where the changes he sought to make to
that company’s board were foiled.

Notice of the Hwange meeting is still to be made public. According to a well
placed source, government wants to remove all directors on the Hwange board
representing its interest, while van Hoogstraten has also proposed three
directors to the board.

The sources say although the current directors are eligible for election and
are offering themselves for re-election, government, which has a 37% stake
and van Hoogstraten, who has a 14.8% stake via his Messina Investments, want
them replaced when the meeting is called in the next few weeks.

Some of the names being touted to replace the 10-member-strong board include
Harare lawyer Farai Mutamangira of Mutamangira & Associates, who has been
handling government cases of late. The other three proposed members could
not be ascertained at the time of going to press.

“Mutamangira and four other people have been appointed to the board. They
have accepted the nominations,” said a source close to the developments at
Hwange.

Van Hoogstraten has proposed three nominees to the board — Ian Haruperi,
Shingirai Chibhanguza and Nkosilathi Jiyane. These nominations are said to
have courted the ire of current directors who are questioning the legality
of the move.

Last week van Hoogstraten queried the agenda items before the AGM could
start, forcing board members to scurry about in the room into mini caucuses
as they pondered on his intentions.

The agenda included the re-election of directors who had retired by rotation
and were offering themselves for another term. These included independent
non-executive directors, Rosemary Sibanda and Thabani Ndlovu and James
Nqindi.

But the tables have since turned with government and van Hoogstraten seeking
to institute whole board changes.

Only executive board members would be spared, according to sources.

Analysts say the Hwange board is bloated and is constituted by members who
do not add value given their qualifications and background. The company has
10 board members, six of whom are independent non-executive directors, two
non-executive directors and the independent non-executive chairman Savanhu.


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Zim debt overhang: Sword of Damocles

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:34

RESERVE Bank OF Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor Gideon Gono’s appearance before the
parliamentary portfolio committee on budget, finance and investment
promotion this week brought the country’s public debt crisis into sharp
focus.

Although the committee did not discuss the national debt overhang, the issue
becomes pertinent because of the debate on the RBZ liabilities and
government’s arrears to the central bank.

Gono said staggering amounts of seignoirage (printed money) were used to
fund the 2008 elections against the central bank’s advice. He said
ministerial directives were issued to print money on a massive scale and
embark on quasi-fiscal activities. As a result, Gono said, the RBZ ended up
accumulating a huge $1,1 billion debt. Government made the situation worse
by borrowing $1,5 billion from the RBZ, leaving the institution a virtual
shell. The governor said he inherited 60% of the current central bank debts
from his predecessors. He said the RBZ debt pales in comparison to national
liabilities and arrears.

This brought in the issue of public debt now estimated around $7,15 billion.
Zimbabwe is in debt distress with a large and unsustainable external debt
stock of 118% of GDP at end of 2010. The bulk of this is in arrears which
constitute 80% GDP. Quite clearly, the debt issue is one of the biggest
problems confronting the nation. While the economy is gradually recovering
after it was reduced to rubble by leadership and policy failures, as well as
frightening economic ignorance, debt is impeding investment and development.
In addition to clearing of the country’s external payment arrears, which is
one of the conditions for unlocking financing from both bilateral and
multilateral institutions, government needs to establish a workable policy
framework and reduce political uncertainty.

Given Zimbabwe’s staggering debt, which includes the RBZ domestic
liabilities and external arrears, the development of a debt and arrears
strategy becomes paramount and urgent. There was an effort by the inclusive
government in 2009 to deal with the issue but political hostilities and
suspicions sabotaged the bid. Debt overhang is having a negative impact on
economic recovery as it affects investment and capital inflows into the
country and consequently potential for economic growth.

Although the country’s debt has roots prior to Independence in 1980, arrears
started seriously accumulating after 2000 prompting creditors to suspend or
cancel projects, including balance of payments support. Further the country
was placed on limited financial sanctions, which varied from creditor to
creditor, making it impossible to access new funding from the international
financial institutions. Zimbabwe’s debt has partly snowballed as a result of
factors exogenous to the economy. These factors included excessive interest
charges by the commercial banks, capital flight from the country, rise in
the value of the dollar at times and the loss of export earnings due to the
depressed commodity prices sometimes of and demand for the exports.

While there is  a general consensus there must be a debt relief strategy for
Zimbabwe, there is no agreement over the measures for such a reprieve.
However, it is well-appreciated by many that explanations for the economic
crisis that has wrecked Zimbabwe in the post-colonial period are many and
complex. Some contributing factors are internal, some are external in
origin. In our case, the internal factors take primacy. Poor leadership and
bad governance, as well as economic ignorance destroyed the economy.
External factors worsened the situation.

Thus our liabilities and arrears have become an “unpayable” debt (interest
on the debt exceeds what Treasury can collect in the form of taxes).
Against this backdrop, government needs to move seriously and urgent to deal
with the issue. Either we use internal revenue inflows which are paltry and
thus woefully inadequate –– to pay our arrears or we can go for a
resource-based debt restructuring approach. We can also go for the Paris
Club debt rescheduling option.

There is also the option of Highly Indebted Poor Countries which Zanu PF is
resisting without suggesting an alternative. The other way to do it is to
consider a combination of these options –– to think outside the box!
Whichever way, the debt crisis must be tackled decisively and soon. It is
like the Sword of Damocles hanging over the economy.


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Mnangagwa: Gukurahundi wounds have not healed

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 18:59

By Pedzisai Ruhanya

THE misguided notion by Defence minister Emmerson Mnangagwa — who was
Minister of State Security in the 1980s when Zimbabwe experienced gruesome
human rights violations during the infamous Gukurahundi massacres in the
Matabeleland and Midlands provinces — that Zimbabweans should not discuss
this disastrous episode in post-Independence Zimbabwe needs to be
interrogated.

In an interview with the Herald this week, Mnangagwa, who was at the helm of
the  dreaded Central Intelligence Organisation during the killings, sought
to silence Zimbabweans, including victims, from discussing the crimes
against humanity and genocide committed by the Zanu PF regime and its
surrogate security apparatus.

In his wisdom or lack of it, Mnangagwa said  the 1987 Unity Accord between
PF Zapu and Zanu PF bought justice to those who were affected by the
campaign in which at least 20 000 citizens of this country were killed.

Mnangagwa did not tell Zimbabweans, especially the victims and their
relatives, how, where, when and who healed the wounds of Gukurahundi? He
needs to hear from the victims whether they were healed and whether their
wounds are old — as he claims — before talking. He should not try to silence
the people. Truth and justice, not arbitrary declarations and intimidation,
will bring closure to this monumental national disaster committed under the
rule of Mnangagwa’s Zanu PF.

It is misleading and even delusional for Mnangagwa and Zanu PF to attempt to
lay the blame for this issue on civil society organisations, the private
media and the opposition. Whatever Mnangagwa says, the massacres are a
political and living reality that needs to be confronted and addressed, not
denied. By denying the problem and trying to silence people, Mnangagwa is
promoting a culture of impunity which is already rampant.

For now those responsible can run and hide beyond the reach of  the justice
system but domestic and international human rights laws will catch up with
them one day.

There was no transitional justice mechanisms put in place to handle the
grievances of those whose fundamental civil and political liberties,
including the right to life, were violated by the state.

I will attempt to take Mnangagwa and all those in denial of Gukurahundi
massacres through what transitional justice entails and means.
As the country struggles to extricate itself from three decades of President
Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF’s dictatorship associated with gross human rights
violations, the inclusive government should deliver justice to victims of
this repression by this de facto police state.

International law requiring punishment of such crimes and international
pressure for compliance can provide important mechanisms to compel Zimbabwe’s
ruling elite responsible for the Matabeleland and Midlands massacres, the
June 2008 burning to death of opposition activists at Jerera growth point in
Masvingo province and other heinous criminal activities the country has
witnessed to act on these issues.

When prosecutions are administered and undertaken pursuant to the provisions
of international law forbidding acts such as genocide, crimes against
humanity, torture and war crimes, they are less likely to be perceived or
opposed as acts of revenge.

It is easy to believe that prosecutions that come after the fall of a
dictatorship are politically-motivated. When a decision to institute them is
a matter of unbridled discretion, justice is readily mistaken for vengeance,
hence the need to deliver justice to Zimbabweans under strict provisions of
international law such as the provisions of the Convention Against Torture
and some aspects of domestic law which forbid torture, inhuman and degrading
treatment of citizens.

It has been mistakenly argued that amnesty laws may be necessary to amend
social divisions but in my view amnesty laws are not the only way of
achieving reconciliation in troubled countries such as Zimbabwe where the
rule of law has been sacrificed in pursuit of power and influence.

There should be other means to pursue reconciliation in Zimbabwe without
allowing impunity to be celebrated as Mnangagwa attempts to do. Amnesty laws
can be used to promote reconciliation provided they do not cover crimes
which domestic and international laws require states to punish.

Mnangagwa, who says he is a lawyer, should appreciate that international
human rights law require states to punish certain crimes committed in their
territorial jurisdiction. Zimbabwe under the Zanu PF dictatorship should be
no exception and amnesty laws should not be invoked to cover up years of
rampant human rights abuses in the country.

Several human rights treaties which form part of international law such as
the Convention Against Torture to which Zimbabwe is a party, as well as the
United Nations Charter itself require states parties to promote and protect
human rights by criminalising particular abuses such as genocide and torture
and punishing wrongdoers. These treaties make it clear that a state party
fails in its duty if it does not investigate violations and seek to punish
those responsible.

It is important for the country to exorcise the ghosts of the Zanu PF
administration by laying bare the atrocities associated with it through a
proper and independent investigation and the prosecution of serious crimes
against humanity to the fullest extent so that future generations will not
be haunted. The rich, poor, powerful and weak should be equal before the law
but this cannot happen when there are elements in the security forces and
the ruling elite who think they can continue to get away with murder and
other crimes against humanity.

Zimbabwe needs its leadership across the political divide to be accountable
for their misdeeds in order to create a law-abiding culture. It is important
to have such critical, complex and in some respects controversial decisions
in order for future political leaders in Zimbabwe to respect the call to act
responsibly when they are in power.

More so, that kind of accountability will force the political players,
especially those in Mnangagwa’s Zanu PF party, to instill in their
supporters a culture of respect for the rule of law, allow the security
forces to observe their constitutional obligations and desist from operating
like militias and political commissars of repressive political parties.

Beyond taking criminal proceedings against human rights violators in this
country in order to promote reconciliation, not the one Mugabe promoted in
1980 which was not statute based but rhetorical, a truth commission which
strives to investigate past human rights abuses provides an official forum
where victims of abuses and perpetrators alike can tell their stories and
offer evidence for an authoritative report that documents the events, makes
conclusions and suggests ways in which similar atrocities can be avoided in
future.

The findings and recommendations of such a body should be made public. This
is because the leadership in Zimbabwe usually keeps findings of commissions
like the Dumbutshena and Chihambakwe commissions into the Matabeleland and
Midlands disturbances secret.

Such a truth commission should make recommendations for reparations to be
given to the victims of state organised murders, violence and abuses which
must take the form of cash payments, pensions, free education, free access
to health care and psychiatric treatment, and public memorials and national
remembrance days. But beyond that, efforts should be made to seek
compensation from the perpetrators such as senior government, ruling party
and security forces rather than relying on the government alone.

Even if amnesty could be exercised, like in the case of South Africa, it
should not be unconditional. In order to foster a democratic society, no
person should be given amnesty unless he or she applies for it, makes a full
disclosure of the crimes, and establishes that the crimes were committed
with a political objective. In this regard wrongdoers and hardliners who
fail to follow this course should be prosecuted.

International human rights law and international humanitarian law demand
that people responsible for gross violation of human rights be held
accountable for their crimes. For this reason the granting of unconditional,
blanket amnesty would be unacceptable and should be avoided in Zimbabwe.
For amnesty to be legally valid in any given post-conflict society it must
be adopted by democratic bodies. In the case of Zimbabwe, parliament should
be allowed to exercise that role. Self-established amnesty by a lawless
government such as the one in Zimbabwe which is a critical actor in
allegations of human rights violations would not be valid.

If Zimbabwe is to return to democratic legitimacy, the government should
further respond to human rights violations by adopting laws which bar
certain categories of former government officials and party members from
public employment. A successful transition to democracy demands the removal
from public institutions of individuals who may have taken part in violating
human rights. There are such elements in the country’s public service,
particularly in the security forces.

As things stand now Zimbabwe has registered a false start because some of
the people who have been spearheading political violence, murders and
enforced disappearances since the 1980s remain critical players in the
government.

Pedzisai Ruhanya is a human rights researcher.


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Reforming land reform

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:13

MORE than two decades after the enactment of the Land Acquisition Act, and
commencement of its implementation 10 years later, Zimbabwe’s land reform
programme continues to be a major disaster.  Whilst it cannot be credibly
argued that land reform was not very necessary and was grievously long
overdue, nevertheless the way that Zimbabwe sought to achieve that
critically needed reform was, and continues to be catastrophic, and a
principal trigger of the economic morass that has afflicted Zimbabwe and its
people.

It was incomprehensible and untenably unjust that for more than half a
century, indigenous Zimbabweans were barred by the evil  Land Apportionment
Act from possessing land.  They were unable to engage in the very foundation
of the economy, being agriculture, save for farming on communal lands and as
labour on non-indigenously owned farms.  The policies that prevailed under
non-indigenous domination were oppressive and unjust in the extreme and
needed to be radically and constructively reformed although tragically, that
reform was not only disastrously belated, but also very substantially
ineffective.

As a result, agriculture was subjected to an avalanche of decline.  As
against being the source of food for all the country’s people, and an
exporter of much produce to neighbouring states (to such extent that it was
known as the region’s breadbasket), crops diminished such that Zimbabwe
became intensively dependent upon international food aid, and upon imports
which it could not readily fund.  More than 300 000 farm labourers became
unemployed, and the average number of their dependants being six, almost two
million were tragically impoverished.  Foreign exchange resources diminished
to a large extent as the export tobacco crop decreased over an eight year
period, from 237 million kgs in 2001 to less than 50 million kgs in 2008.
Agriculture’s downstream economy was negatively impacted, through the loss
of spending by farmers and their labour.  The entire economy contracted
exponentially.

The need to address the land ownership inequalities was recognised at the
pre-Independence Lancaster House negotiations in 1979, to the extent that
Britain, the former colonial power, pledged to make significant funding
available for indigenous land acquisition.  That acquisition was to be on a
“willing buyer, willing seller” basis, and over the first five years of
Independence Britain honoured that commitment, disbursing substantial
amounts to fund the first phases of indigenous land ownership.  The next
step towards land reform was that farms could not be sold, and ownership
transferred, without the transacting parties first obtaining from government
a “certificate of no interest”, which constituted governmental consent to
the sales.  Progressively, there was increasing indigenous ownership,
although not to a very major extent, as most of the populace could not fund
land acquisitions.  Agriculture continued to thrive and to be the country’s
economic mainstay.

But then government went berserk.  Driven substantially by endemic racial
hatred, desires of self-enrichment, hatred of the former colonialists, and
perceived entrenchment of voter support, it embarked upon the devastating
pursuit of vesting ownership of all rural lands in the state, and
acquisition of millions and millions of hectares of farm land, embarking on
much ill-considered and indiscriminate redistribution.  And it did so
without any payment of compensation, contending that any compensation for
land had to be paid by Britain. Although government undertook to compensate
for improvements and movables on the land, more than 10 years later, it has
failed to do so.

If agriculture is to be restored to its former glory, and if Zimbabwe is to
enjoy comprehensive economic recovery, it is of extreme urgency that the
ill-conceived and grossly mismanaged land reform programme be revamped.
That reformation does not mean a recission, but a restructuring, to be
economically effective, just and morally correct.  Distressingly, the Medium
Term Policy  for Zimbabwe’s economy does not address the essentially needed
reforms.

Key elements of the required reforms to regain total agricultural viability
are:
Ideally, absolute ownership of the lands must vest in the farmers, and not
in the state, and therefore title deeds must be reintroduced.  Without
ownership, the farmers have no collateral with which to secure the funding
needed as working capital, and for development and acquisition of essential
equipment.  Without access to adequate funds, the farmer has no prospects of
achieving viable operations.  If (given its ill-conceived, fixative
attitude), the reinstatement of title deeds is reprehensibly abhorrent to
government, then the compromise, although not ideal, would be for the
current 99 year leases to be readily transferrable.  Currently, leases have
no collateral value for not only are they incapable of cession, but in
addition, the 99 year tenure is hypothetical, for the state has the power to
terminate the leases on three months’ notice.

Land ownership or lease should not be racially-based but be available to any
and all  Zimbabweans, irrespective of race, and be conditional only upon the
meritorious and productive usage of the land.  Linked to this reform,
formerly productive non-indigenous farmers should be accorded opportunities
of resuming farming operations, thereby not only enhancing the extent of
agricultural production, but also according new farmers access to the
long-developed skills and experience of those farmers.

Full compensation needs to be given to those who lost their farms.  That
compensation must be for the land and all that was thereon when the farms
were expropriated by the state.  Government should not, and cannot, abdicate
its responsibility for that compensation, deviously and without foundation
seeking to attribute liability to the United Kingdom.  Britain honoured its
Lancaster House obligations, and it was the Zimbabwean government that
disentitled the legitimate landowners (many of whom had had governmental
acquisition consent by way of the certificates of no interest).  Of especial
urgency is where there is compensatory obligation in terms of the numerous
Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreements, which Zimbabwe has
consistently flouted.  That default is one of the greatest deterrents to
Foreign Direct Investment, which investment is a major key need for
Zimbabwean economic recovery.

Agricultural policies must be conducive to the viability of the sector.
Parastatals such as the Grain Marketing Board and Cold Storage Company must
timeously pay fair, market-related prices for produce, and agriculturally
counterproductive policies should not be pursued.

If government could at least recognise the error of its ways, have the
maturity to reverse them, and put national interests ahead of its own, in
time agriculture will again thrive, and be the mainstay of the
economy. -Eric Bloch


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Old wounds cannot be wished away

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:27

DEFENCE minister Emmerson Mnangagwa last week made an impassioned plea
against opening the “healed” wounds of Gukurahundi. In Mnangagwa’s view
there was no need for Zimbabweans to dwell on the past as this was
retrogressive.

“We do not want to undermine efforts by our national leaders to reunite the
people,” he said. “If we try to open healed wounds by discussing such
issues, we will be undermining and failing to recognise the statesmanship
exhibited by President Mugabe and his counterpart (the late) Dr (Joshua)
Nkomo when they signed the Unity Accord in 1987,” he was quoted as saying by
the state media.

Mnangagwa’s remarks encourage and promote a culture of impunity and that is
unacceptable.
The outrage Mnangagwa’s statements have elicited is entirely justified. What
has the government done to heal the wounds as Mnangagwa claims?  Mugabe has
not even made a simple apology more than 20 years after this episode that
cost over 20 000 lives in Matabeleland and the Midlands. Mugabe only said it
was “a moment of madness”.

Speaking at the burial of the late former PF Zapu cadre Dominic Muntanga on
Wednesday, Mugabe could only describe it as “a nasty period in the history
of our revolution”.

Since this very dark chapter in our history there has been no meaningful
discussion on the issue. Government has made it appear as if it never
happened. So how have the wounds healed minister Mnangagawa?

Such statements expose Zanu PF’s duplicity in that they are only too keen to
open old wounds conveniently in cases like Mount Darwin exhumations. They
have stoked racial tensions since 2000 showing images of dead and decaying
bodies during the liberation struggle. But when it comes to the Gukurahundi
atrocities opening them would be “retrogressive”.

Let’s be clear. Only a concerted national healing and reconciliation process
can bring genuine healing.
The process would require a multi-stakeholder-driven approach with an
independent panel to ensure impartiality and public confidence.
The first step would be the establishment of the truth through a Truth and
Reconciliation Commission. This in turn should be followed by justice
discharged by an independent tribunal consistent with the constitution of
the country.

Amnesty should be considered as an incentive to revelation of the truth. In
some areas there would be need for restorative justice where damages
(quantifiable) have been inflicted.

In other cases there may be need for retributive justice to discourage other
people from engaging in similar activities.
A victim wants to identify who committed the wrongs. As well the victim
wants to know that the person admits and accepts that what they did was
wrong.
Retributive and restorative justices have their merits and demerits and
there has to be proper consideration with a view to moving the country
forward amidst the specific circumstances that the nation finds itself in.

The state should belong to citizens and should not be used to oppress and
undermine the rights of citizens.
Where it is established that the state has erred then it is important that
the state makes good on the injury caused.

Nothing can ever change the past and, therefore, it is important to adopt a
positive attitude to progress. The three parties to the unity government
should be hailed for agreeing that the national healing and reconciliation
process should deal with pre- and post-Independence conflicts.

You cannot sweep things under the carpet minister Mnangagwa. People will
never forget and because of that they will always feel the pain unless their
experience has been given adequate attention.

The Matabeleland atrocities are a sore point in the national memory and
things can never be properly settled until that deep wound is healed.
They ignore them at their peril! Editor's Memo:

Constantine Chimakure

cchimakure@zimind.co.zw


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Zanu PF leaders out of touch with reality

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:18

Qhubani Moyo

IN the past few weeks two senior Zanu PF members, who are also top
government officials, made reckless pronouncements about what is undoubtedly
Zimbabwe’s hottest political potato after Independence.

Vice President John Nkomo and Defence minister Emmerson Mnangagwa, who are
senior Zanu PF officials, walked into the Gukurahundi debate and sought to
railroad the people of Zimbabwe into believing that the infamous issue is
now a closed chapter and those talking about it are merely seeking political
mileage.

Nkomo, and later several other Zanu PF officials from the south-western
region,  also spoke in controversial terms about the burning issue of
marginalisation and development in Matabeleland. Their remarks were nothing
short of the scandalous. They are clearly in denial but more importantly
they are out touch with reality, that’s why they are always rejected by the
people at elections.

Nkomo and Mnangagwa’s statements on Gukurahundi were in contrast to those
made by Professor Welshman Ncube, MDC leader, who proposed a sober and
well-reasoned approach to these issues as their chapter is as open as the
sky.

What makes the pronouncements by Nkomo and Mnangagwa to be of significant
interest is that they come from seasoned politicians who have been part of
this country’s governance architecture since Independence and also by
politicians who were at the two extreme ends of the Gukurahundi episode.

While Mnangagwa is identifiable with the perpetrators, Nkomo is identifiable
with the victims. Whereas it is possible that Nkomo himself could have been
cushioned from the Gukurahundi due for as yet unknown reasons the truth is
that the people of his district, Tsholotsho and the rest of Matabalelaland
and the Midlands, were the hardest hit by the massacres.

The question then becomes what is the common interest between these two? The
answer is power and power corrupts but absolute power corrupts absolutely.
It is sad that there are people like Nkomo and Mnangagwa who think that just
at the stroke of a pen you can close a historical chapter on genocide
without truth, justice and reconciliation. Nkomo, who is just confirming
that he is not useful to his constituency after his highly abusive and
insulting claims that the people of Matabeleland are lazy, has secured his
place in the Hall of Shame by coming out in the open against his
constituency and people just for the purposes of protecting the gains of
patronage that he has made out of political treachery.

There is a no way in the modern world that genocide can just be swept under
the carpet and wished away.  Anyone imagining that  the Unity Accord
signatures by President Robert  Mugabe and the late vice-president Joshua
Nkomo in 1987 ended the Gukurahundi chapter is delusional.
The people of Matabeleland, the Midlands and indeed the rest of tolerant and
progressive Zimbabweans are not amused by Mnangagwa’s statements as they
have never been amused by him with his pronouncements that the Unity Accord
signed to end the massacres of more than 20000 people should be the last
word on the matter.

Mnangagwa, who himself has been constantly linked to the perpetrators of the
dastardly acts, is on record saying that those who are vocal on Gukurahundi
have selfish agendas that they are pushing .

They want to divide the nation by making unfounded allegations he alleges.
This is stranger than fiction. How does talking about a recent national
atrocity divide the nation?

Is the nation not divided now by Gukurahundi and his attempts to try to
arbitrarily close the issue when it should be openly addressed? You cannot
deodorise anything decaying and hope that it will smell like roses. It doesn’t
work;  the rot will worsen and it will stink more when hidden. Gukurahundi
is in our midst and we cannot sanitise it. It has to be dealt with
systematically and not through knee-jerk reactions.

Minister Moses Mzila Ndlovu of the Organ on National Healing who has been a
constant victim of persecution for demanding a sustainable end to the
chapter inspires many Zimbabweans with his words that “it is not for the
perpetrators of the genocide to tell the victims to forgive and forget what
happened to them.”

In his words, it is a sad irony that those pronouncing closure of the
Gukurahundi chapter are the same people who presided over the atrocities.
Mzila Ndlovu’s argument represents the feeling of many people who for years
have waited to see justice being done on the Gukurahundi issue but their
hopes keep on fading in the face of insults by the likes of Nkomo and
Mnangagwa who imagine that you can just close the chapter of genocide as if
you are closing a chapter of a fiction novel.

The Matabeleland genocide, just like the Biafra massacre that claimed at
least 1,6 million in 1967, the Omani massacres in Zanzibar in the 1960s and
the 1994 mass killings of Tutsis in Rwanda, will always haunt Africa unless
dealt with once and for all.

Those that want to close the Gukurahundi chapter without attending to it
intimately are in fact the ones seeking cheap political mileage which
unfortunately they will not get, especially after insults of the people of
Matabeleland as lazy by Nkomo who should know that Gukurahundi stole 10
years of development in Matabeleland and Midlands. Marginalisation is real
and continues up to this day. Nkomo and those who think like him are
detached from reality.

Fortunately there are still people like Ncube who have common sense and want
these issues addressed properly in a national and holistic manner. This is
not a regional issue, but a public one which must be seen in a national
context. Matabeleland is not the only region marginalised in this country,
there are many others including Masvingo and Manicaland.

However, the Matabeleland question has unique historical and con
contemporary dynamics and circumstances. The same applies to all other
regions, which is why a national approach is required to deal with these
issues. Denials and justifications won’t help anything.

Other atrocities like Murambatsvina, political killings after 2000,
including those prior to June 27 2008 elections, should be dealt with
holistically and nationally.  We need an approach that acknowledges that in
the early days of our democracy many Zimbabweans were denied information on
what was happening around us and hence atrocities could be committed without
the majority being aware of what was happening.

This therefore calls for Zimbabweans to have self-introspection and realise
that for the country to move forward there is need for soberness on dealing
with these issues, including in the selection of leaders, in a democratic,
mature and clear-headed manner.

I am sure that Zimbabwe’s democracy, despite being in intensive care unit,
has in other respects vastly matured and we are now capable of making
informed choices on the strength of our education and knowledge, not
emotions.

Zimbabweans should reject the warped views and delusions of discredited
politicians like Nkomo and Mnangagwa who — like the rest of the Zanu PF
leadership — are clearly out of touch with reality and desperately want
people to sweep serious national issues under the rug.
Qhubani Moyo is the National Organising Secretary of the MDC.

He is contactable on qmoyo2000@yahoo.co.uk .


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MDC-T’s deathly silence not so golden

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:16

IT is difficult to fathom MDC-T thinking at times. The party last weekend
announced it was ready for elections. “The MDC-T’s position is that we are
ready for free and fair elections,” spokesman Douglas Mwonzora said.

Of course, it could be argued that as conditions are manifestly not
conducive to free and fair elections there can be no polls. The onus is on
the government to get things in place and it will have difficulty doing
that. The Registrar-General’s office, for instance, is a complete shambles.
In addition to ghost voters, government offices are stacked with ghost
workers.

But the current situation is an MDC-T card which it declines to play. Any
party worth its salt would be going to town on the failure of the former
ruling party to meet the GPA terms.
Why is the MDC-T remaining silent just when the South Africans are becoming
more vocal on the issues. Lindiwe Zulu made it clear last week that
elections can only be held after full implementation of the GPA. That hasn’t
happened and instead of yelling from the rooftops the MDC-T is maintaining a
deathly silence.
What are they doing about the voters’ roll? They could lose the election on
that issue alone. How many of their angry young men are registered voters?
Then there is the matter of broadcasting. Why should Zanu PF monopolise the
airwaves with its bankrupt propaganda when the GPA is perfectly clear on the
issue of diversity?
What happened to the land audit? Zanu PF is able to get away with
delinquency on that matter partly because the MDC-T is silent.
Should the leaders of MDC-T and MDC-N not be telling the world what they are
up against? Nobody believes Zanu PF is the victim of MDC-T violence. So why
not document instances where complaints have not been taken up by the AG’s
office.
Tendai Biti appears content with the lame response he has received.

And with regard to security-forces reform, President Mugabe has said it can
only be discussed in the National Security Council.
So here we have the president, who is a contestant in a forthcoming
election, defining what and where this issue can be discussed.
Brigadier-General Douglas Nyikayaramba evidently feels no such restraint.
Meanwhile, what steps is Morgan Tsvangirai taking against those who
fatuously call him a security risk?
The MDC-T probably believes that if it remains silent Zanu PF will
increasingly disgrace itself. But the public deserve something better. They
need to see what outstanding issues remain as obstacles to change. They want
to hear their party of choice defining what sort of issues will need to be
addressed as a matter of urgency when they win power.
As it stands, we are not getting any of that.

What is this outfit called the Junior Parliament? One sees pictures and
reports in the government media of its various doings. But where did it
arise? Who sponsors it? And what sort of kids comprise its membership?
Muckraker is intrigued. Could somebody explain. At least the “child
president” had something useful to say.

Several newspapers over the weekend carried a story on Assistant Inspector
Tedious Chisango who was fired from the force for playing music that
included MDC-T songs.
Chisango said he was evicted from the police training depot at Ntabazinduna
and dumped in the bush.
“They said they no longer wanted me at the police camp,” he said, “alleging
that I am now a threat to national security.”
They claim he was teaching recruits about the MDC.
According to the reports, he is charged with contravening the Police Act by
actively participating in politics while serving in the force. Is it only
him doing that?

Talking about the cost of human life and good policing, NewsDay last week
had as one of its leading stories: “Ritual murders rock Masvingo”. The
writer cited several incidents of ritual murders which prompted the Masvingo
United Residents and Ratepayers’ Association to hold a meeting with the
police to alert them to their concerns.
Muckraker does not condone such barbaric practices, but is shocked by the
comment police spokesperson Chief Superintendent Oliver Mandipaka gave to
the reporter: “I do not believe there is an increase in ritual murders.
These may be isolated incidents, but I will have to find out from that
 side,” Mandipaka said.
This is despite the following: “Several incidents have been reported where
children or adults were found dead with missing body parts. The belief in
the town is that the body parts were being sold in South Africa..”
Is that the normal police practice? What does it take for Mandipaka to
believe and then react to a public outcry? Next time the reporter calls
Mandipaka for a comment, probably he will have to wait for a significant
number of murders to happen. Otherwise Mandipaka won’t entertain reports of
isolated incidents.
Is the Look East policy paying dividends? We understand our Chinese friends
have taken a keen interest in the mining, the retail sector and restaurants.
This has not happened without its cloud of controversy. Reports about
sub-standard goods flooding the market and abuse of locals at their work
places are endless.
And these gruelling stories keep coming. Last week NewsDay reported that
Chinese nationals are reportedly killing elephants in Mushumbi Pools by
using poison as revealed by the Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force. Nine
elephants are reportedly killed and this has put the lives of other animals
and humans who could be after the carcasses at risk.
Does Francis Nhema have a comment about our errant buddies, whose
relationship with us dates as far back as the liberation struggle? Let’s
hope this won’t be one isolated incident that deserves “believing” first
before acting. We were warned a while ago when some people reported their
prized dogs missing.

Anyone who could have seen this week’s Sunday Mail could have hurried to buy
the copy upon reading one of the headlines: “President comes face-to-face
with street kid”. One is tempted to think that there was possibly a heated
verbal exchange or a funny encounter with our long forgotten children in the
streets during the 19th session of the Junior Parliament.
“President Mugabe yesterday came face-to-face with a street kid who narrated
to him the horrific realities of children living and working on the
 streets,” reported the paper, where education was one of the main themes.
Is this the first encounter after 31 years? Many horrific stories have been
written about street kids that could have dismayed the president. Is it not
a symptom of a bigger problem?
Some two weeks ago, the Zimbabwe Independent wrote a story about government
officials who prefer foreign educational institutions for their children
than the local ones. We call that running away from one’s own shadow.
Interestingly, Bona the president’s daughter, who we understand prefers a
Hong Kong education, was present at the 19th session of the Junior
Parliament.
A picture was placed on the front page of the Sunday Mail showing Mugabe
receiving a lifetime achievement award “...in recognition of his efforts in
providing education for all in Zimbabwe since Independence,” the paper
stated.
This could have caught the interest of the street kid who was decently
dressed to meet the president. When Mugabe spoke about how overwhelmed he
was by receiving the award, ZTV did manage to capture Goche, who was
standing close to him putting in a spirited laugh and applause. You could be
right Nicholas, it’s overwhelming indeed! And good to know that the
president occasionally meets his subjects.

The people are not gullible, the MDC-T was recently warned by ZBC’s
diplomatic and political analyst Chris Mutsvangwa.
According to Mutsvangwa MDC-T legislators are “looking down upon the rural
folk” which shows “political insincerity and immaturity”.
This, according to ZBC, follows the “dressing down” of Energy and Power
Development minister Elton Mangoma by villagers in Makoni over a youth
programme at Sherenje.
Mutsvangwa went on to claim that Mangoma’s behaviour was a reflection of his
party, “which disregards the rural folk believing them to be gullible”.
Zanu PF Mwenezi East MP Kudakwashe Bhasikiti chipped in saying it was
unfortunate that legislators do not respect the same electorate whose
interest they are supposed to advance. It never ceases to amaze how ZBC and
its “analysts” always seem keen to dispense advice they don’t make use of
themselves.

On Monday ZBC reported that “people in Harare have rallied behind the Head
of State and Government and Commander-in-Chief of the Zimbabwe Defence
Forces, Cde Robert Mugabe’s call for politicians to stop meddling in the
affairs of service chiefs”.

“A cross section of people in the capital,” ZBC alleges, “said politicians
should accept that the command forms the backbone of the country and has the
vital responsibility to safeguard the sovereignty of the nation.”

Really? The people want a clique of securocrats to usurp their right to
elect candidates of their choice “to safeguard the sovereignty of the
 nation”. Is that it?
Again ZBC shamelessly insults the intelligence of its much abused audience.
This is despite advising the MDC-T that the people are not gullible.
“All those pushing for such reforms are clearly exhibiting that they are
puppets,” said one of the “cross section” of people.

And then we had the indefatigable Tafataona Mahoso pontificating about the
News of the World phone hackling (sic) scandal.
Europe and the rest of the world, we are told, are shaking after revelations
that the News of the World has been hacking into people’s private telephone
conversations, all in a bid to get news scoops.

In spite of this having “shaken” the Western world, Mahoso however believed
that the scandal shows the modus operandi of Western newspapers.
The report goes on to claim that the British government “has already
responded to the scandal by closing the News of the World, and the scrapping
of News Corporation’s proposed takeover of BskyB while a proposal to impose
stiffer media restrictions is on the cards”.

This, in ZBC’s view, has been interpreted as a clear indication that Britain
can no longer afford the concept of a free media.
Again ZBC opts to be economic with the truth so as to peddle their agenda.
Contrary to ZBC’s claims, it was  media mogul Rupert Murdoch who closed the
News of the World, not the British government. Prime Minister David Cameron
has announced a public inquiry into the ethics and methods of the British
press.

Meanwhile Local government minister Ignatius Chombo has promised to dole out
housing stands to street kids.
“We will be lobbying local authorities to give out stands to street kids so
that they build their own houses and do not go back to the streets,” Chombo
said at the 19th session of the junior parliament.

The less said about this populist diversion the better. Will Chombo be
starting with part of his own property empire?

We were interested to see that the deterioration of conditions at NRZ have
been exposed by a parliamentary portfolio committee. Now who is chairman of
the NRZ board who presides over this mess? Hope it’s not one of those
military fellows who is claiming to protect the nation from its enemies!

Finally we hope President Robert Mugabe took a cue from the outgoing Junior
President Nigel Gwanzura who was gracious enough to accept regime change and
pass on the baton. Gwanzura’s successor, Anesu Rangwani, was unequivocal in
his inaugural speech against vote rigging and violence.
Talk about an awkward moment! - Muckracker


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Coins: Spare rod and spoil retail child

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 21 July 2011 19:31

OLD financial wisdom tells us to take care of the cents and the dollars will
take care of themselves. Alas, that bit of wisdom has been lost on the
retailers of Zimbabwe.

On Wednesday, the Reserve Bank governor once more shocked the nation at the
Independent Dialogue when he revealed that $25 million worth of rand coins
had been repatriated to South Africa after there was no uptake from the
retail sector. Zimbabwe’s largest bank, CBZ, underscored this point by
stating that it was still sitting on a further ZAR 10 million worth of rand
coins, and that there were other banks holding similar amounts.

Meanwhile, the average Zimbabwean continues to be ripped off daily by being
issued with sweets, chewing gum and other useless things in stores. An
acquaintance went to one of the Spar supermarkets with sweets and asked them
to give him a loaf of bread. They flatly refused. However, they are the
first to issue sweets when they are short of change.

Surely, if the shop recognises sweets as some form of currency, they should
similarly accept them for the purchase of products. I’m sure if all our
“peace-loving” (a euphemism for docile) Zimbabweans were to follow my
acquaintance’s example and turn up at shops with sweets and other useless
things that the retailers give us for change, and in turn demand other
products using this form of currency, the retailers might finally come to
the party. I wonder what would happen if one approached a stockbroker and
placed an order for shares in Innscor, OK and TM. But that’s expecting too
much from the Zimbabwean populace. The one thing that we understand though
is the whip. In this case spare the rod and spoil the retail child.

The governor said he’s going to talk to retailers to talk to banks about the
coins issue. Frankly, the time for talking is over. We’ve been in the
multi-currency regime for almost three years now and that problem should
simply be solved. If there’s ever time for government to whip some people
into line it’s now. We know our government is accomplished at whipping
people but it has always done it for the wrong reasons.

This is a people–oriented reason and is justifiable. Imagine as  a civil
servant who earns US$100 a month and everyday has to surrender 10 cents for
change. In 30 days that’s three percent of his income gone each month.
Annualised it’s equivalent to 36% of his income gone to interest payment.
And yet we talk of developing a savings culture in the country as part of
our Mid Term Policy! We’re even bold enough to say 20% of GDP is our target
savings ratio; using this oversimplified example we are already 16% in the
negative. But we know on average people surrender more than 10 cents a day,
so the leakages are higher.

The other hidden thing about the lack of coins is the undermining of the
buying power of the US dollar and an undeclared increase in prices. This
does not equate to the conventional definition of inflation but in reality
this is its alter ego. So somehow we’re living with this hidden inflationary
pressure which, according to one economist does not find itself on the
Consumer Price Index, yet it’s there!  That’s why currency divisibility is a
key characteristic of money. And one curious question, how come in Bulawayo,
change is available, up to the smallest unit, the South African cent? The
problem, then, is with the Harare retailers.
Another case of bamba zonke! -Candid Comment: Itai Masuku

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