Friends
Invitation from the MDC Women's Assembly
Two weeks ago the
MDC Women's Assembly Chairperson, Mrs lucia Matibenga invited women across all
the divides, that keep women apart, to meet at Africa Unity Square, at the
opening of Parliament today, to launch the programme to promote the Peace and
Tolerance agenda in Zimbabwe. We were told not to wear our party regalia, not to
sing our songs as it was a public function, and that we were to respond politely
to all forms of provocation, if it arose.
Zimbabwe's Formidable Security
Services in Full Force
MDC women were the first to arrive at the venue by
10.00 am. We were searched by the Police as we entered the Africa Unity Square,
a park facing Parliament House. After being cleared, we were told by the Police
who searched us, that we were not to leave the park, until the end of the
opening of Parliament ceremony.
We were all shocked when we entered
Harare, by the large numbers of security services surrounding the city. There
were ZR Police placed everywhere, blocking off streets around the Parliament,
army personnel, the riot squad, prison police, and airforce. It was an act of
courage for all of the women who came to attend the opening of Parliament in
this environment of the signs of repression, the instruments of violence.
It was an act of great conviction by the women to approach the ZR Police
personnel surrounding the Africa Unity square, with this consentration of armed
personnel to see whether we would be allowed to enter the square. It bacame a
test of how far any of us would go this morning, to get into the square, stay in
the park, before we were stopped by some force, one of the many in our country
today! We walked in one by one. Many were terrified, but even they, simply took
courage, and all of us eventually were inside Africa Unity Square.
The
Park Bench
Once inside we were advised by a uniformed Police-woman
officer where to go to observe the opening of Parliament. We found a bench, the
first one as one walks on Nelson Mandela Avenue side, immediately after crossing
Sam Nujoma street, along Africa Unity Square, and we sat on that, while the rest
preferred to stand around the bench, as we waited for both the others to join
us, and also for the ceremony to begin..
Ruling Party Districts March
into Africa Unity Square
By 11.30 am the zanu/pf groups from the
districts began to assemble inside the square, singing their songs, all of which
were aimed at the MDC. We sat on our bench unabashed, and the singers in their
district formations began to come into the square, along the route where we sat.
They turned into the lawns to the end of the park by Third Avenue. The songs
were loud and meant to provoke us, but we sat on. We awaited for the arrival of
the Mugabe entourage into the Parliament.
Types of Zanu/Pf songs sung
Today
Call: Musha unechinja ndewani, tibombe
!
Umuzi ka guqula ngokabani, sibhombe
!
The home of the one who wants change, whose is
it, so that we can bomb it !
Response: Musha unechinja ndewani !
Umuzi ka guqula ngokabani
!
The home of the one who wants change, whose is it
!
The songs were in that mode.
Ruling Party Women Greet Women by
the Bench
With this prevailing hostile environment generated by the
militia, we were pleasantly surprised when some of the Zanu/Pf women, dressed in
their party regalia, recognised us as they arrived, walked to us at our bench,
greeted us before they moved on to join their own colleagues, and all of them
who came, shook our hands, all of us on the bench, and those standing around it.
They even afforded us not just the handshake, but a smile, as we exchanged that
traditional greeting.
Provocation of Those by the Bench by Militia and
Provincial Leader
As soon as the ruling party districts took their
places, some of those plainclothes who had shown us where to sit, came to tell
us 'to join the others'. We asked them who the 'others' were. Another of the
same group who had shown us where to sit, again came to ask us to stand up from
our bench, to 'join the others', this time pointing to the crowd of zanu/pf
districts. We asked why we needed to relocate to the other side of the path when
the rope on our side had no one. We were the only ones where we were sitting
down on the bench on the other side of the path.
When we asked them who
gave them the instruction that we be moved they went away and came back with
junior ruling party youth to give us the reply to our question.
A well
known ruling party harraser of MDC members in Mbare, a woman, called Oripa, came
towards us playing to the gallery of her colleagues around her, which was made
up of the assembled Zanu/Pf districts. She shook her fists at us, and angrilly
shouted at us:
ngavabve pano tisati tavarakasha !
kabasuke
singakabamukuli !
let them get out of here before we beat them up
!
When she got to where we sat, she instructed us to get out of the park
or else, and she did not complete that sentence, but she went into a frenzy,
throwing her fists at us, and in the air. The women asked her who gave her the
instruction that we leave the square, she was even more angry this time, and
replied, facing us:
ma chef
ngama chef
it is the chefs
The
women asked her which particular chef gave her the instruction that we leave the
park, and Oripa left. Meanwhile William Nhara, the Zanu/Pf Harare Province
Publicity Secretary, came hurriedly to where we sat, and his instruction was
made directly to me. He instructed me and the women on the bench, and those
standing around it, to leave the park, before they did something to us. He got
more and more worked up as he spoke to me. Before we could put our questions to
him, he looked at me and addressed me by my name:
"Sekai Holland, this is
not Tony Blair's place, go back to America, get out of here, quickly, before we
beat you up."
The Zanu/Pf youth who had been listening to this
interraction by now began to converge around us, sitting on the bench, and
looking at those standing around the bench, with anger. They now also talked
loudly at us, most of them, at the same time, demanding that we vacate the park,
or else they would deal with us.
Hapasi penyu ka, apa, ito bvai pano,
izvozvi tisati taku........
Kasindawo yenu le phela, wohlani lisuke lapha
khathesi nje, singangakali.....
this is not your place, just get out of here
right now, before we.....
Hapasi pa Tony Blair apa, harisi benji ra Tony
Blair iri, ibvai pano !
Kasi ndawo ka Tony Blair le, kasi bentshi lika Tony
Blair leli, sukani !
This is not Tony Blair's place, this is not Tony Blair's
bench, get out !
Decision to Avoid Violence Against Us by Militia - by
Leaving Bench
There was a barrage of insults aimed at all of us sitting
and standing around the bench, from all sides of where we sat and stood, from
the gathering motley crowd of Zanu/Pf militia. As that crowd began to swell and
converge around us, I stood up, looked at them directly, and told them to open
the way for us to leave the bench. We wanted to see what to do next, to ensure
that we saw the opening of the Parliament ceremony to the end. As we walked away
from the baying crowd, we bumped into a uniformed Police officer, walking
towards the crowd. We explained to him what had happened to us, as we sat
quietly on a park bench, to witness the opening of the Parliament.
Search
for Police Protection in the Park
The friendly Police officer directed us
to the superitendant in charge of the occassion, at the end of Africa Unity
Square, on Third Avenue side. When we got there, we were directed to another
uniformed officer who called a uniformed woman Policer officer, who then went to
get us the plainclothes Police officer, who told us to stand there while he
organised his next step. The remaining officers wanted us to move to the area
where the cannons for the gun salute were located, and actually firing. We
refused their persistant advice that it was a safe area, to which they were
guiding us to stand.
Plainclothes Take us to Harare Central Police
Station to Lay Our Complaint
After repeated questions from other Police
officers who wanted to know why we were standing there, the plainclothes officer
eventually returned, to take the 9 of us to Harare Central Police Station to
have our statements recorded. A docket was opened, based on our complaint.
Family Experience at Harare Central Police Station
Meanwhile we
rang my husband at home to tell him that we were at Harare Central Police
Station, on a borrowed cell phone, whose battery was on its last bar. Jim
assumed that we were arrested, put out the call to that effect, made lots of
sandwiches for the group, and with our neighbour and friend, hurried to the
Police station.
The Police took Jim and Dr Val Ingham Thorpe to the cells
where they assured them that they were not holding any white women. Jim was
agitated by what to him were ridiculous assumptions, and to their question
whether his wife was black or white, he insisted on that detail by giving them
my name. Eventually it cliqued on the Police that it was our group my husband
was after. Val also had called the Zimbabwe Human Rights Lawyers to attend to
our demise before she drove to the Police station. The lawyer arrived and
immediately interracted with the Police officers who were interviewing us, to
get the sense of what our complaint was. He assured us that he would chase up
the case into court.
The Peace and Tolerance Campaign
The Women's
Assembly in responding to the recent beatings of the breakaway group in Mabvuku,
the assumptions made, particularly by that group, that they were beaten up by
the MDC, and the Mabvuku Member of Parliament's arrest, his physical humiliation
and emotional abuse, as the perpetrator of that crime, wants to identify centres
of violence in our society, work seriously and systematically against this
insidious culture of violence, within an inclusive women's forum. They hope
that women who come forward, take over the process, depoliticise it, and work
together to introduce this new culture of Peace and Tolerance, into our society,
as a long term project.
Women's Assembly Strategy
The strategy
decided on by the Women's Assembly, was to invite women from all walks of life,
to attend this public function, the opening of the Parliament together, and to
demonstrate that Zimbabwean women can, and must work together, to develop this
culture of Peace and Tolerance, for the survival of our society.
Results
of the Attendance in Africa Unity Square Today
- The centre of
violence today was identified as emanating from organised zanu/pf
youth as demonstrated by their behaviour in a public place, at a public
ceremony, the opening of Parliament.
- Intolerance comes from the Zanu/Pf
who use youth to vent this.
- Racism continues to be fanned by Zanu/pf
militia, references used at us were sickening.
- Tribalism continues
to be fanned by the ruling party, language used at the square was sad.
- Sexism is fanned by Zanu/Pf, insults hurled at us were scary.
-
Some Zanu/Pf women greeted us with handshakes, and smiles, a big step
forward, in relations between and among women in Zimbabwe. The
fear women have to talk to each other in public places, when they are
in different political parties, clearly is going out of some women. The
handshakes in public today, were welcome, and reassuring to us
sitting on, and standing around, that bench.
-
Officers who witnessed the harrassment episode failed to help
us. Four times the Police at different points, referred us from one of
them, to another of their own. Because of our persistance, the Police
eventually cooperated with us, and facilitated our desire to lay
down our complaints as citizens, that we were denied our:
Freedom of Association
Freedom of Movement
Freedom of
Speech
but above all, we were threatened with violence by the Zanu/Pf
youth and militia, where we sat quietly, without our regalia on, without singing
our songs, without making our slogans, and without commenting on the provocative
songs, which they sang loudly at us and around us. We refused to be
provoked!
The Police also finally accepted our concern that, as we were
being chased out by the vocal crowd, some one of the Zanu/Pf ordered that as the
Mugabe entourage arrived, all present had to lift up their right hand, and make
the Zanu/Pf slogan. A young woman behind us was protesting loudly that she was
making the open palm slogan, if slogans were being made.
MDC Women Left
Inside the Africa Unity Square Harrassed or More
We were told by those
identified after us, who were escorted out of the park, by an angry Zanu/Pf
gang, that a loud crowd of militia and ruling party youths, surrounded this
petit MDC female youth, and as that trio were being removed, the militia were
physically throwing her around and verbally abusing her.
We requested
that the Police who were taking down our statements, ask those Police still at
the park, to investigate what eventually happened to this female MDC youth. We
were also concerned about one of the MDC women elders, who is in her 70s, who
was arguing that she would also not make the Zanu/Pf slogan. Both were in the
area around where we sat.
Lesson Learned Today
The lesson we
leant today is that, women in Zimbabwe are mature now. We recognised by what
happened today in that square, in the current environment, that it is possible
for some women to unite around common issues that touch us as women, and that we
can organize ourselves, across the divides that have kept us apart for so long,
to liberate ourselves, using peaceful methods, and that to do so, it is possible
to create a new dimension and force for organising, in Zimbabwe.
As we
all organise for our peaceful mass actions, these events today have strengthened
us greatly. We will work towards this goal even more resolutely.
Sekai
Holland
The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Women's Assembly embarked on
several campaigns recently. Two of these are closely linked. One is the
fight against the culture of State sponsored violence which we hope includes
all women. The other is our planning and preparations for the peaceful mass
action.
Two weeks ago I met Harare Province women's structures, to
discuss the way
forward as the Assembly, in the light of the new outbreak of
violence,
against women political activists. To us this renewed violence is
engineered
by the ruling party to stop the intended mass action by a
coalition of
organisations. The state and international media place this
violence on our
door step as a party, especially after the cowardly attack
of a group of
opposition members, where the focus is on the Hon Trudy
Stevenson.
Women agreed to converne at Africa Unity Square to observe the
opening of
Parliament on 25 July, 2006. Those present were to invite women
from all
walks of life, to come together, to witness that occassion from the
park,
and not from inside the Parliament.
We intended to test 2
issues. One was whether women now have the courage to
come out together to
such a public event. We also wanted to have a trial run
for mass action. We
wanted to see if women were ready to come out, in
response to our call, to
come out.
Inspite of the unfortunate false press item, published the day
before our
silent gathering at Africa Unity Square, that we were going to
march, may I
congradulate all the courageous women who came out, as per our
agreement
even though the false statement could have deterred many. You came
out in
your numbers, against all the odds you faced, and most of you stayed
inside
to the end, as we planned.
I wish to thank the MDC National
Executive Committee members, and those of
the elected structures of the
Women's Assembly who were identified by the
militia, and then harrassed, for
their quick thinking, in seeking Police
protection, and for making the
formal complaints to the same, so that we
take these issues up in the
correct forum, the courts, with all their
apparent weaknesses
today.
The city and in particular the Africa Unity Square were formidable
today,
well guarded by thousands of security agents and police. Yet the
women went
in, as we organised. In the face of provocation by ruling party
youth the
women demonstrated discipline.
What happened at Africa
Unity Square today proves that women are prepared,
and can face any
situation of planned non violent action, today.
It comes as a shock to
us, that at such a state occasion, there is such a
high level of intolerance
of divergent views in Zimbabwe today, by the
ruling party, and that violence
still remains a deep rooted culture of
ZANU/PF, to keep all Zimbabweans
down.
Our test of our preparedness for the planned mass action, has been
a
resounding success, especially that civil society and individual women,
responded to our invitation to come together, on this day. When ZANU/PF
instructed all those present to make the ruling party clenched fist slogan,
it was observed that only a few did so. Many who came to join us came from
civil society organisations.
We appreciate that all women who came
for this first organised occasion by
divergent groups remained still, under
provocation, and stood firm to the
end of the ceremony, as we
agreed.
I thank you all.
Lucia Matibenga,
MDC Women's Assembly
Chairperson
The Scotsman
JANE
FIELDS IN HARARE
WHEN in doubt, decorate. Robert Mugabe may be running out of
ways to halt
Zimbabwe's precipitous economic decline, but yesterday he
showed there is
still one thing he has some control over: parliament's
interior design.
Zimbabweans watching the opening of a new session of
parliament were
astonished to see that the colonial-era chamber had been
totally revamped,
in what state television said were "cultural
reforms".
Mr Mugabe - who has never hidden his admiration of the British
Royal
Family - sat on a ceremonial chair newly draped in leopard skin, a
traditional sign of royalty in Zimbabwe. His chair was flanked by two huge
elephant tusks, a stuffed leopard and two antelope heads hung on the walls
of the graceful white building, and the president's young wife, Grace, sat
on a chair carefully placed over a zebra skin.
News of the
82-year-old president's lavish "new look" parliament comes as
ordinary
Zimbabweans battle with deteriorating living conditions. The annual
inflation rate is the highest in the world at nearly 1,200 per cent and
there are critical shortages of fuel, foreign currency and essential
drugs.
Daily power cuts lasting seven or eight hours have become a way of
life. In
the low-income, high-density suburbs, women cook on fires made from
sawdust
and wood shavings because paraffin and bundles of firewood have
become too
expensive.
"My tribute goes to the gallant people of
Zimbabwe for continuing to exhibit
great fortitude despite the prevailing
economic challenges which are
orchestrated by the country's detractors," Mr
Mugabe told solemn-faced MPs
and senators, most of them from his ruling
ZANU-PF party.
Mr Mugabe, who maintains that Britain and other western
powers are to blame
for his country's crisis, went on: "It is refreshing
that the world has now
become fully aware of the dishonest and hypocritical
anti-Zimbabwe strategy
of the British government."
However, critics
put much of the blame on the president's controversial
seizure of about
4,000 white-owned farms in the past six years, leading to a
massive drop in
agricultural production and the wholesale flight of foreign
investment.
At least four million Zimbabweans have left the country;
reports from
neighbouring South Africa at the weekend said the authorities
had to deport
265 illegal Zimbabwean immigrants every day. So desperate are
many of the
deportees that they try to swim back across the Limpopo river as
soon as
they are dumped in Zimbabwe.
Decked in medals and wearing a
green and yellow sash, Mr Mugabe conceded
that the rising inflation rate was
"worrisome" but said his government was
determined to "tame the monster". He
said good rains had "set the stage for
a strong rebound of the agricultural
sector", apparently ignoring a report
from a food monitoring body last week
that said Zimbabwe would harvest only
two-thirds of its needs this
season.
Mr Mugabe said a national regulating authority would be set up in
coming
months to monitor electronic communications, but rights groups have
warned
that will give the secret police powers to tap phone calls, spy on
e-mails
and even open private letters.
He also said a bill would be
introduced to curb mounting incidents of
domestic violence and suppress
"retrogressive traditional practices"
including wife inheritance, the
marriage of female children and the pledging
of young girls to pay family
debts.
Legislators applauded when Mr Mugabe added: "Such abhorrent
practices also
run counter to efforts to prevent the spread of the HIV and
AIDS epidemic."
More than 23 per cent of Zimbabweans are reported to be
infected, with
thousands dying each week.
The president also sent out
a stern warning to the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), led
by Morgan Tsvangirai, which is rumoured to be
planning mass protests. "They
should be warned that the forces of law and
order will not hesitate to deal
firmly with all those who have made violence
their culture," he
said.
Mr Mugabe repeated regular claims that Britain and its allies had
imposed
sanctions on Zimbabwe. "We note with concern the continued
imposition of
illegal sanctions by the European Union and the United States
of America at
the behest of our erstwhile colonisers," he said. The US and
the EU have
imposed travel bans and targeted sanctions on the Zimbabwean
president and
dozens of ZANU-PF officials.
Meanwhile, Bright Matonga,
Zimbabwe's deputy information minister, who has a
British wife, was arrested
yesterday on allegations of corruption, state
radio reported. In 2004, Chris
Kuruneri, the former finance minister, was
held on similar allegations.
IOL
July 26 2006
at 01:02AM
Harare - Millionaire Zimbabwean businessman John
Bredenkamp was freed
on bail late on Tuesday after four days in
custody.
Bredenkamp, 66, was arrested in a dawn raid on Friday at
his farm
outside Harare for suspected tax evasion, foreign currency and
passport
violations.
But prosecutor Wisdom Gandanzara told the
court on Tuesday that he
would only be charged with using a South African
passport, an offence
carrying a ZIM$4-million fine. Zimbabweans are not
allowed to travel on a
foreign passport.
Judge Mishrod
Guvamombe set bail at ZIM$5-million.
Bredenkamp's lawyer, Eric
Matinenga, said he had been held in police
cells "on the basis of some kind
of spite". The defence plans to ask the
court on Wednesday to dismiss the
remaining charge, Matinenga said.
Bredenkamp declined
to discuss the case, but told reporters he did not
regret returning to
Zimbabwe last week to confront the accusations against
him.
"At
least I have got out," he said.
The former rugby captain has homes
in Britain, Spain and Zimbabwe. He
reputedly made his fortune smuggling
tobacco and weapons for the former
white racist Rhodesian government, and
was once rated one of the 100 richest
people in Britain.
He
currently has business interests in Congo, and is reported to be a
close
associate of prominent government figures at a time when thousands of
other
white Zimbabweans have been forced off their farms in a controversial
land
redistribution programme. - Sapa-AP
New Zimbabwe
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
This
is the third part of an SW Radio Africa Hot Seat interview with the two
secretary generals of the MDC factions Professor Welshman Ncube and Tendai
Biti and NCA chairman, Dr Lovemore Madhuku. Violet Gonda asked the
questions:
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Last
updated: 07/26/2006 10:58:28
(Broadcast on July 25th 2006)
Violet: Welcome
to part 3 of the teleconference debate with Professor
Welshman Ncube from
the Mutambara MDC, Tendai Biti from the Tsvangirai MDC
and Dr Lovemore
Madhuku the chairperson of the National Constitution
Assembly. This Tuesday
the three discuss the contentious issue of the
constitution.
The NCA
has been strong advocates for a new and people driven constitution
but it
has been said that Dr Madhuku recently created a crisis in the
democracy
movement by amending the NCA constitution so he could stand for a
third
term.
We start with a comment from Dr Madhuku. How do you reply to these
allegations?
Dr Madhuku: That is very difficult to agree with you. I
didn't. It is
impossible for an individual to amend the NCA constitution.
What has been
going on in the media is a misrepresentation of the facts. The
NCA is not
fighting for a constitution that cannot be amended. The NCA is
fighting for
the principle that constitutions must be made by the people.
Making a
constitution also means amending it, but that must be done by a
people-driven process which is open. The NCA does not regard itself in the
same position as a government. We are simply a struggle organization, and
what happened at our AGM was an attempt to ensure that we remain a united
organ that could fight for a new constitution and that involved retaining
our leadership and making changes to our constitution which every
organization does from time to time.
Violet: And Professor Ncube,
what are your views on Dr Madhuku's
controversial third term?
Prof
Ncube: Well, as a part of the MDC, we made our position; official
position;
well-known...Which is that in our view the precedent that was set
by
amending that constitution, not by Dr Madhuku, as he says, but by the
plenary of the NCA which was there, for them to have acted collectively in
the manner in which they acted, in our view, undermined the moral authority
of the NCA in the eyes of the opponents of the NCA with the result that you
will then always have a situation, when the NCA is raising its moral
authority, and when Zanu PF and others have no answer to the argument that
is being put forward, they will then immediately hide behind the question of
the amendment of the NCA constitution.
In my own personal view, I
still remain convinced that the leadership of the
NCA, including Dr. Madhuku
himself, could have remained in the NCA playing
different roles in different
positions, and providing the skilled leadership
that he undoubtedly has
without in fact amending the constitution but by
playing other roles and
different roles within the framework of the
constitution. I do not think any
of us on this side of the MDC have ever
suggested that Dr. Madhuku or anyone
else who had served a full term in the
position they were in, would then
have left the NCA. I think that people
like Dr. Madhuku are important in the
constitutional movement, but in my
view, they could continue to play
different roles in different positions. So
as principally to avoid having to
give a pretext to our detractors that we
do not live or abide by the values
that we profess, that is the view that we
have held, and that we have
indicated.
Violet: And, Tendai, what are your views on this? Do you agree
that what
happened with Dr Madhuku's third term has undermined the moral
authority of
the NCA?
Tendai Biti: Well I think, I think, I think the
point is well made that we
should be averse to scoring own goals or doing
things that can be seen to be
scoring own goals or things that undermine our
moral authority as civic
voices and so forth, so I've no issue with that,
but I think the challenge
that faces us, is for us as civic society, as
political parties to re-group
and ensure that we are not detracted and that
we are equal to the challenge
that faces us, and I think that if it means
re-expressing ourselves in other
forms, it's important.
I can tell
you, on the record, that in the Party, in the movement that I
belong to, we
are busy trying to get our colleagues to agree on a Democracy
Charter which
would incorporate minimum standards in respect of a New
Zimbabwe, for
instance, the issue of a new constitution, for instance, the
obligation to
re-construct the economy and what kind of values we should
want to see in
that constitution, more or less, the five principles that the
MDC, pre 12th
October 2005, has always fought on, and so forth.
But, I want to
emphasize, myself, that as an individual I have spent so much
energy in the
direction of Zanu PF such that I find it quite difficult to
find myself
being motivated by other struggles that, to me, are not
attacking or dealing
directly with Zanu PF. But, I hope that we will all be
sober in that we
craft a new direction and re-energise our people. I think
that we betrayed
people on the 12th October 2005 and I think that perhaps we
have had second
chances or third chances, and, this time around, I don't
think we can afford
to continue betraying the people given the subjective
situation in
Zimbabwe.
Violet: And, before we move on to the issue of the
constitution, Dr Madhuku,
what is your reaction to the views that have been
expressed?
Dr Madhuku: Well, just to say that I respect the views that
they have been
expressed, in fact, those are the views that we considered.
The only issue
is that we took a different position on that, and I believe
that as to
whether or not the NCA has lost any moral authority, history will
judge. I
mean, we still have many challenges ahead; let's see, I mean...we
can talk
about this again a year from now.
Violet: And now, I just
want to go to the issue of the constitution, the
draft constitution that was
reported to have been agreed upon between the
MDC and Zanu PF. Now, this is
a question to Professor Ncube. You were
accused of going into secret deals
with Zanu PF over a new constitution, is
this true?
Professor Ncube:
Well, a lot of accusations are directed at some of us. The
truth of the
matter is in fact that some time two or so years ago, the MDC
leadership did
ask me to lead the dialogue team with Zanu PF and during that
process it was
agreed that, after the failure of the formal dialogue, that
we should
explore informally the possibility of finding a way to remove
obstacles to
the stalemate which had taken place. (I did this) with the full
mandate of
the Party, and reported on a daily basis to the President of the
Party on
every aspect of the dialogue that did take place between myself and
the
Minister of Justice, Patrick Chinamasa.
We did consider the possibility
of saying what are the things which divide
us around a constitution other
than process; what are the differences in
content between the NCA
constitution which the MDC subscribes to, the
rejected constitution -- the
commission constitution and the Lancaster House
constitution. So, working
with those three documents, we tried to find
common ground, and, in the
process, we did come up with a constitutional
draft which constitutional
draft, when we were discussing every part, was in
fact presented to the
leader of the MDC. There were times in fact, when I
went to his house at
1.00 am, and finding him in pyjamas and would present
documents that were
required the following morning.
And, that document, far from being
secret, was then taken to a formal
retreat of what Tendai called the Top Six
of the MDC in Bulawayo. It was
fully debated with consultants and then a
summary of it, a synopsis of it,
was then taken to a formal meeting of the
National Executive of the MDC,
which was the same meeting, by the way, which
passed the resolution
suspending participation in further elections just
before the Seke
by-elections. And in fact the major reason why that decision
was taken, was
that since there had been some progress in actually bridging
the gap between
Zanu PF and the MDC over a constitution, it appeared
pointless to continue
participating in by-elections under the old
constitution and the rules when
there was a possibility that a new
constitution could come into effect.
And, the principle of that new
constitution was that it was to be an
agreement between the MDC and Zanu PF
in terms of content. The thing which
then had remained unresolved was how to
then move from that particular
document which would have been a transitional
sort of document - which is an
agreement between Zanu PF and the MDC - the
question was then how were you
going to move beyond that document to a fully
Zimbabwean constitution which
would have been drafted by the whole people of
Zimbabwe in a process which
was transparent, open, participatory. That was
what remained unresolved,
but, needless to say, we all know now, that before
the MDC could take the
matter any further, the Zanu PF Politburo then
rejected that approach and
that was the end of the story. So, there was
absolutely nothing secret about
it, and it is a pity that sometimes some of
our colleagues along the line
wish to make political capital out of things
where no political capital
should be made.
Violet: Now Tendai, your
camp was reported as having distanced, you know,
yourselves from that
draft.
Tendai Biti: I am not aware of the reports that you are talking
about - vis
a vis the negotiations that were taking place in 2003 and 2004.
I think it's
common knowledge that there has always been a desire and an
interest to
ensure that there is a constitution and that the constitution is
at the fore
of our democratic transformation in Zimbabwe which is why I
spent a lot of
time referring to our Road Map and it being simply an
initiator of dialogue
around the obligation to have a new constitution and
the obligation to have
a new constitution before we all go to an election
and consequently the
obligation to have free and fair elections in terms of
that constitution.
Violet: But, is your party aware of the draft
constitution that was reached
between Professor Welshman Ncube and Justice
Minister Patrick Chinamasa?
Tendai Biti: I think, I think if you are
asking me about whether the party
mandated Professor Welshman Ncube to
negotiate with Patrick Chinamasa after
2003, I think that is common because
that is in dispute. So I don't think
that..
Violet: So what is in
dispute?
Tendai Biti: No, no, no, you are trying to create a dispute. You
are trying
to create a dispute.
Violet: No, no, no, I am not trying
to create a dispute. There was a report
you know saying that.
Tendai
Biti: I'm not aware of any statement that disowned that. I certainly
didn't
make it and I don't think that Chamisa said that. I think that the
problems
that I am aware of are problems connected and surrounding the
constitution
that was put in parliament by Honorable Coltart during the
debate of
Constitutional Amendment Number 17. I think there was an attempt
to say
where is this constitution coming from and where is this constitution
originating from, particularly concerns about the provision that dealt with
the qualifications of the Titular Executive President. But that is a totally
different debate altogether.
Violet: Now, Dr Madhuku, what do you
think is the way forward on the issue
of the constitution?
Dr
Madhuku: Well I think the way forward should be to discuss the processes
that would involve what we would call a people-driven process. There is
still, at the moment no agreement as to the processes that should take
place. Having an agreement that we need a new constitution, we have to put
pressure on Mugabe to accept the need for a new constitution. Once we cross
that pressure point and we get Zanu PF to agree, we then have to agree on
the process of how to go about it. On one hand, there is a proposal to get a
constitutional conference attended by all stakeholders, political parties,
civic groups, churches and so forth and starting from the premise of the
draft that exists; the Chidyausiku one that was rejected, the NCA draft, and
any other proposals, and that conference deliberates on the content of a new
constitution which would then be taken to a referendum. That appears to be
some starting point to debating the constitution. So, we have to put
pressure on the regime to have it accept the need for a new constitution,
then, once that need is accepted by the regime here, we debate the processes
that we should use to get the peoples' inputs, and then, eventually, get to
a referendum.
Violet: What about that draft that we were talking
about earlier? Do you
think it's a starting point for negotiations with the
regime Dr Madhuku?
Dr Madhuku: Well, we don't know about the draft, I
think it was really one
thing between Zanu PF and MDC; it should simply be
the inputs by the two
political parties. We would not believe it should be
taken into account. I
mean what we need is the fact that Zimbabweans must
author their own
constitution and Zimbabweans are in different forums; some
Churches might
bring a draft, I'm sure they are working on drafts. And so,
we cannot stop
people bringing drafts. I think it would be wrong in
principle to have that
draft taken into account.
Violet: And,
Professor Ncube, I'm not trying to create a dispute, but I just
need some
clarification on this draft. What happened to it?
Professor Ncube: Well,
as far as I know, the original copy belonging to the
MDC is with Morgan
Tsvangirai and the other copies of course, probably with
Robert Mugabe or
Patrick Chinamasa. But, the fact that, when, as far as we
understand, when
it went to Zanu PF, Zanu PF said 'no, they are not
interested in going that
route', they wanted to go immediately to the
elections and they called the
March 2005 election. So, the net effect is
that that draft never saw the
light of day, so it's just another piece of
paper lying somewhere in the
library. I disagree with Dr. Madhuku in terms
of its relevance; like any
other draft it can be used as the various
documents which are there on the
ground when people start to say what is the
documentation, what is the body
of knowledge there without according to it
any superior status. You simply
say, it's just like the rejected
constitution which was rejected by the
people, it can be put on the table
and also be debated as to say what
exactly are the differences that exist
among Zimbabweans on content,
assuming we then have found a gateway on
process. All the available body of
knowledge should, in my view, be placed
on the table, and things should be
taken from one document to another if
they are found to be having merit in
them.
Violet: But, how many stakeholders were consulted when you were
drafting
that constitution.
Professor Ncube: That is not the point.
It is clear that the document was an
attempt to reconcile two principle
documents by two individuals working in
consultation with their principles
in the respective political parties that
they represented, and, there is no
claim at all that it represents any
collective views of the people of
Zimbabwe. Simply, the claim is that it is
a body of knowledge which
attempted to reconcile the two documents and you
will be surprised actually
at the extent of commonality; of agreement
between the rejected constitution
and in fact the NCA constitution. The
differences arose over important
issues but which do not number more than
three or four issues; fundamental
issues but which were not extensive.
Violet: Now Tendai, given the way
things are, you know, the crisis in the
pro-democracy movement, how do you
propose a new constitution?
Tendai Biti: Well, we have already defined
and made our proposals in our
Road Map and in our Road Map we put a
seven-stage plan that must acknowledge
the inevitability of negotiations
between the stakeholders in Zimbabwe on
process. But the key stages being
agreement towards the constitutional
conference or the mechanism in respect
of which the constitution is going to
be made, and, as I said before, we are
not seeking to impose that route on
anyone. You will recall that as a Party;
as the MDC, before the 12th October
2005 our position was a two-staged
approach; that we go the CODESA route
first of agreeing on a transitional
constitution, which constitution will
then be used to run an election, and
after an election the new government
would then create the mechanism for the
writing of a constitution on the
basis that the members of parliament that
are elected in that transitional
election are not only members of parliament
but members of the
constitutional assembly.
But, some of us have
developed strong views about the two-staged approach
precisely because of
the experience in Kenya. That debate for us is resolved
simply by saying;
'look, let's agree on the mechanism of writing and
crafting a constitution
by Zimbabweans before an election.' And, our
proposal would be that 'look, a
constitutional conference could be a good
starting point. I know that you
are going to quarrel over the numbers,
quantity and quality of those who
should sit constitutional conference but
in my view, and this is a personal
opinion that many of us hold, you can
have even two million people in that
conference, in that constitutional
conference, but the fact of the matter is
that Zimbabweans, and many
constituencies in Zimbabwe, have been writing
constitutions so you should be
able to arrive at a great deal of agreement
on many of the major arguments
and issues in that constitution.
So,
in my opinion, once you agree on the process of writing the
constitution,
the actual drafting of the constitution, to the extent that
Zimbabweans have
been writing constitution since perhaps 1998, should not
take you, should
not detain you a long time. We have been writing
constitutions on the
ground. So, that is our own effort to say 'look, the
issue of a
constitutional conference could be a starting point', but, if
people want
the more democratic route, as in Uganda, so be it. To me that
principle of a
constitutional conference is not stuck in stone. I think what
is stuck in
stone, to me, is the obligation to have a constitution by all
Zimbabweans
and for all Zimbabweans, and, of course acceptance of that
constitution
through a referendum and then finally, the issue of free and
fair elections.
Those are the principles that are caste in stone to me but
everything else,
I think, is not inviolable.
Violet: We continue the series of
teleconference debates with the principal
architects of the pro democracy
movement next Tuesday. Next week the
panelists will discuss the relationship
between the two MDCs and civil
society.
Audio interview can be heard
on SW Radio Africa's Hot Seat programme Tues 25
July 2006 - archives. www.swradioafrica.com
Mail and Guardian
Harare, Zimbabwe
25 July 2006
11:59
His hands are bruised. The deep cuts on his darkened
face are
only beginning to heal and so are the soles of his feet, which were
so
swollen he could not wear shoes.
From observing the
injuries you can conclude only one thing:
that whoever did this to him must
have wanted not just to punish and maim,
but to leave a lasting impression
on the victim.
Meet Thabani Mlambo, a youth official of
Zimbabwe's main
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party, who
was two weeks ago
brutally tortured by members of the army at a military
garrison along the
highway that runs from Harare to the capital's dormitory
town of
Chitungwiza.
"They did a thorough job on me,"
Mlambo says, somehow sounding
as if he feels compelled to explain the many
scars and injuries all over his
body.
"They beat me up in
the groin and dipped my head in cold water
while holding me by the feet, and
they said for my own good, I should never
tell this to anyone," Mlambo
said.
A slight quiver in his voice and the tears forming in
his eyes
are clear signals that his experience at the garrison is perhaps a
chapter
he would rather not be reminded of.
But the
assault and torture at Manyame military barracks that
fateful Sunday two
weeks ago were not Mlambo's first encounter with state
security
forces.
Earlier this year, in April, Mlambo was picked up
from his home
in Chitungwiza's low-income suburb of Zengeza by members of
President Robert
Mugabe's dreaded spy Central Intelligence Organisation
(CIO).
He was whisked away in blindfolds to the CIO's offices
at Makoni
shopping centre, where he remained for the next three days, being
beaten and
tortured for working for the opposition.
"I
was terribly beaten up and they only let me go on the third
day and only
after my family and senior MDC officials laid a siege on the
CIO offices
demanding to know where they had taken me," he says.
The
grotesque dark and purple markings in Mlambo's groin and the
black imprints
of whips on his back are testimony of that beating three
months
ago.
Mlambo's latest ordeal with state security forces began
on a
bright Sunday morning two weeks ago as he waited by the roadside for a
vehicle to pick him up for a party meeting in
Chitungwiza.
A pick-up truck pulled close to where he stood
and as the three
men in the truck made to alight from the vehicle they
greeted him.
Thinking they were acquaintances, Mlambo
returned the greeting
but, before he knew it, he was bundled into the truck
and driven away to
Manyame barracks.
He narrates what
followed: "First they asked me to tell them
which army officers were
conniving with MDC leaders and how far we have gone
in our preparations for
mass demonstrations to oust the government.
"When I refused
to answer their questions, they started beating
me up. They beat me in the
groin, on my feet soles [and] then they held me
up by the feet while dipping
my head in ice-cold water. This continued for
about eight hours [until] they
decided to let me go, but [they] told me I
was never to report the matter to
the police, although I could seek medical
attention."
But
Mlambo is not alone.
Thousands of MDC supporters and
officials have been beaten up
and tortured by soldiers, police and CIO
agents as punishment for backing
the opposition party.
Many suffer silently, afraid of reporting or even telling their
experiences
to friends for fear of victimisation by state agents.
A
recent joint report by two non-governmental organisations
working with
victims of abuse and torture, Amani Trust and Action-Aid, makes
startling
revelations.
It concluded that one in 10 Zimbabweans needs
psychological help
while another one in 10 people over the age of 30 in the
southern
Matabeleland provinces is a survivor of torture.
Rape, electrocution, severe beatings on the body and the soles
of the feet,
forced nakedness, witnessing the torture of family members and
friends are
all part of a long list of horrifying actions allegedly
committed by
government security forces.
The government denies that its
security forces target its
political opponents for abuse and
torture.
But a study by the Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum
(ZHRF), the
results of which were released last month, all but confirms the
use of
torture by state agents.
The study by the ZHRF,
which is a grouping of more than 17 human
rights and pro-democracy NGOs,
showed that out of the torture cases brought
before the courts against state
security agents, the victims have won in 90%
of the
cases.
Human rights groups, however, note that in almost all
the cases,
none of the state agents accused of torturing opposition
supporters have
ever been brought to book.
"Eventually,
one realises it's futile even to go to the courts
because nothing happens to
the perpetrators," says MDC legislator Job
Sikhala, who himself was once
severely tortured by the CIO.
"My case died a natural death.
What is clear is that there is no
hope for torture victims in this country,"
Sikhala says.
Innocent Gonese, the MDC's secretary for
justice, said the
party's welfare department had a long list of torture
victims looking for
medical and legal help.
He said: "We
cannot cope. We are not sure whether we will manage
to help them because it
appears nothing happens in the end. We only hope the
cases are important in
a post-Mugabe era."
Maybe in that post-Mugabe era all who are
committing torture
against defenceless citizens will be forced to answer for
their actions.
But until then, hundreds of victims have
little to expect from a
justice system that has so woefully failed them. --
ZimOnline
People's Daily
Zimbabwe has, for the first time, begun to build
tollgates on all its
roads and highways, as the poor state of the country's
roads stumbles its
economic development.
The government is in
the process of constructing toll plazas at entry
and exit points of major
towns as a means of boosting revenue for the
upgrading of the roads network,
President Robert Mugabe said during the
official opening of the Second
Session of the 6th Parliament of Zimbabwe on
Tuesday.
The poor
state of the country's roads had contributed to a spate of
fatal accidents
over the years, he said.
The president said urgent action was
required to upgrade the roads if
the country was to realize its full
potential as a communication hub in the
region.
The renovation
of the roads and highways is within the framework of a
newly-announced
national tourism policy on Tuesday, which include stepping
up development of
infrastructure in national parks, establishing a national
environmental
council and amending the Tourism Act.
Source: Xinhua
People's Daily
Zimbabwe's National Parks and Wildlife Management
Authority has
reached an agreement worth 400 million U.S. dollars with a
U.S. investor to
develop a holiday resort in Kariba, north Zimbabwe, the
authority's finance
director Thomas Meke said on Tuesday.
Meke
said they were in the last stage of negotiations with the
American investor
to make Kariba more attractive to tourists. The work
should be kicked off in
September or early October.
The resort center would include a hotel
on an island close to the
Chirara National Park, a golf course, a museum and
a casino. It was expected
to create more than 5,000 jobs in the catering,
hotel and entertainment
industries, Meke said.
He said the
project was expected to boost the country's international
image and increase
revenues for the authority as the American partner would
market the area in
Western countries.
Kariba, a district bordering Zambia, has the
world-famous man- made
lake Kariba dotted with several beautiful safari
parks.
Zimbabwe's tourism sector has been in depression in the past
six years
due to negative sentiment from the West after the government
started an
agrarian reform program aimed at resettling the landless
majority.
Source: Xinhua
People's Daily
Zambia's Immigration Department on Tuesday expressed
concern over the
influx of Zimbabwean traders into the country without
proper documents.
Immigration Department public relations official
Mulako Mbagweta said
here that most of the Zimbabwean traders have not given
details about
themselves when entering the country. Although traders were
allowed to sell
goods in the country after acquiring proper documents, they
should register
details about their residence in Zambia, she
said.
Mbagweta warned that the Immigration Department would not
relent in
taking legal action against those found to have given fake
addresses for
their stay in the country.
In a related
development, the immigration department in Lusaka on
Monday arrested an
Indian named Patham Mohfinkhan Hanif for working at Kings
Chemicals in
Lusaka's light industrial area without a working permit. Hanif
later left
the country on Tuesday morning.
Mbangweta said the company has been
fined 1, 080,000 kwacha (about 300
US dollars) for employing a foreigner
without a working permit, and had to
buy an air ticket for Hanif after he
was ordered to leave the country within
24 hours.
The official
urged Zambians to report suspected illegal immigrants to
the Immigration
Department and warned companies not to employ foreigners
without proper
documents.
Source: Xinhua
People's Daily
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe on Tuesday
called for
transformation of the country's education sector to make it
remain
competitive.
Speaking at the opening of the 2nd Session
of the Sixth Parliament,
Mugabe said "the transformation of the country's
education sector is
critical if the country is to enhance the
competitiveness of this human
resource."
Although further
details of the proposed shift were not readily
available, the new system is
expected to be two-tiered, catering for the
varying learning abilities of
students. Under this system, learners will be
given a broad curriculum at
Forms 1 and 2, and be examined thereafter.
On the basis of their
aptitude, results of the examination and their
interests, the learners will
be guided to their respective areas of
specialization at both middle and
senior secondary school levels, said
Mugabe.
Source:
Xinhua
Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe
Oswelled
Ureke
issue date :2006-Jul-25
POLICE and the Anti-Corruption
Commission are intensifying investigations
into allegations of corruption in
the national housing programme, Operation
Garikai/ Hlalani Kuhle, a senior
government official has said.
The anti-graft crusade follows a spate of
irregularities unearthed at
several State-funded housing projects
countrywide with claims that some
senior government and ruling Zanu PF
officials were allocating houses and
stands to their relatives or people who
would have bribed them, at the
expense of intended beneficiaries.
Paul
Mangwana, the Minister of State for State Enterprises, Anti-Monopolies
and
Anti-Corruption yesterday told The Daily Mirror that more arrests of
suspects implicated in the scam would be carried out soon as the government
widens its blitz on offenders.
"As you are aware, some people were
arrested last week. The District
Administrator (DA) and the Provincial
Administrator (PA) for Harare are in
court over the issue.
"That is the
work of the Anti-Corruption Commission. More investigations are
being
carried out. We are investigating all forms of corruption under
Operation
Garikai and working together with the police. We will have more
people
arrested soon," said Mangwana.
However, Mangwana would not disclose what
ground they had covered so far,
saying doing so could jeopardise the
probe.
Contacted for comment, police spokesperson Inspector Andrew Phiri said
the
police would act if they received reports that indicated that the law
had
been violated.
A police officer last week told the Harare Magistrates
Court that four more
high-profile figures would this week be arrested in
connection with the
allegations of corruption at Whitecliff housing
estate.
Investigation officer Derrick Rusere testified that between Monday
(yesterday) and Tuesday (today) he would have nabbed four more suspects in
connection with the alleged scam.
Last Friday, Harare PA Justin Mutero
Chivavaya was arrested on allegations
he corruptly allocated 300 houses and
115 stands to undeserving
beneficiaries under Operation Garikai/Hlalani
Kuhle at Whitecliff.
Chivavaya, out on $20 million bail, allegedly connived
with Harare West
acting District Administrator Nelson Mawomo.
Mawomo was
arrested a fortnight ago and appeared before magistrate Faith
Mushure who
threw him behind bars. His case continues today.
The two local government
officials are charged with contravening the
Prevention of Corruption
Act.
Chivavaya was also chairperson of the provincial committee tasked with
allocating houses and stands at Whitecliff estate.
After 474 houses were
completed at Whitecliff early this year, the local
government ministry
launched a policy to ensure that houses allocated to
city council and
government employees with a net salary of more than $10
million be
repossessed and given to people affected by last year's
OperationMurambatsvina/Restore Order. The Daily Mirror exposed the
corruption at Whitecliff in May. Subsequently, angry would-be beneficiaries
who were allegedly omitted from the initial housing list confronted
authorities demanding clear explanations.
This newspaper unearthed the
scandal in which some people were giving the
programme's houses to their
relatives or selling the stands at $15 million
and ignoring the original
beneficiaries.
Last week, Bubi-Umguza legislator Obert Mpofu reportedly wrote
to local
government minister Ignatius Chombo expressing disappointment at
the corrupt
way the exercise was being implemented in his
constituency.
Mpofu, who is also the Minister of Industry and International
Trade, claimed
that the houses in question were given clandestinely to
prominent people or
their relatives
at the expense of deserving
beneficiaries. In June, there were also
allegations that some
Garikai/Hlalani Kuhle beneficiaries in Gwanda, the
Matabeleland South
capital, were leasing the houses to desperate
home-seekers for $750 000 and
$800 000 a room.