29 July 2009
By A SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT
HARARE - Despite his frequent and vociferous claims that the land reform
programme was designed to give farming land to landless blacks, President
Robert Mugabe and his immediate family have been exposed as a multiple farm
The Mugabe family owns at least 10 large-scale commercial farms. Mugabe has
in the past said that even polygamous men should respect the 'one family one
farm' policy, which he and his polygamous inner cabal have flagrantly
Earlier this year Mugabe took ministers on a tour of Gushungo Dairy Estates,
formerly Foyle Farm which he grabbed from accomplished dairy farmer Ian
Webster, to show off the millions of dollars of state-of-the-art equipment
he had installed there. But he has kept very quiet about most of his farms,
presumably for fear of being exposed as a multiple farm owner.
Investigations have revealed that Mugabe also owns Highfield Farm on the
outskirts of Norton, while two nearby farms were acquired by the state to
create a security buffer zone.
Iron Mask Farm, next to Gushungo Dairy Estates, also belongs to the Mugabe
family although it is believed to be in the name of his wife, Grace.
Iron Mask was owned by the Matthews family and Grace was reportedly enticed
by their mansion farm house with Italian tiles. Despite government policy
not to sell equipment found on farms, Grace auctioned machinery at the farm
during a public auction.
As accusations of multiple farm ownership against the Mugabe family
increased, Grace tried to hoodwink the nation that she was building a home
for street kids at the farm. The project has been quietly forgotten.
Inquiries within the farming sector have revealed that the Mugabe family has
also taken over Sigaru Farm, Liverdale Farm, Bassil Farm and Mazowe Farm in
Grace is understood to be currently completing the formal takeover of a farm
in Mashonaland West which she wants to give to her son from her first
marriage, Russell Goreraza.
His father, Stanley was posted to China several years ago as a military
attaché before Mugabe helped himself to Grace.
Mugabe's nephew, Leo Mugabe, according to divorce papers served on him by
his wife, has three large-scale commercial farms while younger brother,
Patrick Zhuwawo has two farms.
Mugabe's sister Sabina was involved in a much-publicised farm grab in Norton
at the height of the farm invasions. It has not been possible to establish
yet which other farms have been quietly acquired by the Mugabes - but one
thing is certain, they have grabbed a large percentage of Zimbabwe's best
"We have not forgotten that in 2008, Nathaniel Manheru predicted that there
would be blood on the political floor barely weeks before Zanu (PF) went
into an orgy of violence following the MDC's historic election victory last
year. Jonathan Moyo's diatribe has been a forerunner to calamities against
forces of progress," the spokesperson said.
This is not the first time a bullet has been sent as a threat. In 2007, the
Deputy Editor of The Standard, Bill Saidi, received a similar parcel after
publishing a cartoon in which baboons were laughing at the payslip of a
"As a party, we hope that there will be full investigation on this matter
and we hope that the justice system will move with speed in getting to the
root of this matter," said the spokesperson.
29 July 2009
By Joel Mhizha
HARARE - State media has been ordered to address President Mugabe as the
Head of state and government and the commander of the Army at all times.
A senior journalist from the state-controlled Herald said they received the
directive in the form of a fax from the Ministry of Information and
Publicity on Friday 24, 2009. It followed the address by the President at
the opening of the three day National healing Program.
"We were forced to change all the scripts which we had written to match the
directive. No reasons were stated for the change. We are not free here,
these Zanu (PF) politicians give us a torrid time, especially the editorial
team," said the journalist.
The directive was also given to ZBC. Under the Global Political Agreement,
Mugabe is the head of State and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai is the
leader of the government.
29 July 2009
By Joel Mhizha
GOKWE - Five MDC members have been brutalized by Zanu (PF) supporters for
wearing party regalia. According to a report dated July 24, 2009, five MDC
activists have been assaulted by Zanu (PF) supporters and members of the
Zimbabwe National Army in July. One of them was seriously injured and is
currently receiving medical attention.
The report said all the cases were reported to the police but only one was
The victims are Never Murandu and Musungwa Ellarita who were attacked by two
soldiers identified as Dube and Kwashi in Gokwe Kana in early July.
In Mashonaland East's Uzumba, Tafirei Tofiromutsa, Fabion Chipiso and Ebba
Katiyo were badly assaulted by Zanu (PF) militia. Apply Katiyo, Albert Mabu
and Sarah Mabulate were attacked last week.
MDC Director of security, Kisimusi Dhlamini, who unveiled the report, said
he was worried by the lack of protection by the law.
"We wonder who is benefiting from these actions. We are surprised to receive
reports of violence on our members especially perpetrated by soldiers and
security agents. It is our prayer that the government, through the organ of
National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration, should seriously start its
long overdue responsibility," said Dhlamini.
by Simplicious Chirinda Thursday 30 July 2009
HARARE - Zimbabwean Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC party has asked
Parliament to investigate the country's Attorney General, Johannes Tomana,
who it accuses of carrying out "politically motivated prosecutions"
targeting its members and human rights activists.
In a motion that Parliament began debating Tuesday and will conclude today,
the MDC urged the House to condemn "the continuous selective application of
the law" by the AG's office and said an "Independent Parliamentary Select
Committee" should be appointed to investigate Tomana.
The former opposition party also urged Parliament to call for "the immediate
withdrawal, reversal and quashing of all convictions or pending
prosecutions" it said were politically motivated, a move that would be a
first by the House.
MDC legislator for Masvingo Urban constituency Tongai Matutu, who tabled the
motion, accused Tomana of selectively using the law to secure conviction of
MDC legislators in a bid to whittle down the party's slim parliamentary
Matutu told ZimOnline: "We moved the motion to highlight what we perceive as
selective application of the law particularly by the Attorney General. They
want to reduce our members in parliament. This selective application of the
law does not provide for national healing and integration. We must stop the
However some legal experts questioned the MDC's call on Parliament to
pressure the AG drop certain cases saying the Constitution did not permit
the House to dictate to Tomana who to prosecute.
"I do not think it is for Parliament to say this person can be prosecuted or
not but Parliament can insist that laws be applied impartially," said Derek
Matyaszak, a former University of Zimbabwe law lecturer and now a researcher
with the Research and Advocacy Unit.
At least five MDC parliamentarians are either facing serious court cases or
have been convicted by the courts and sentenced to more than six months in
jail which disqualifies them from Parliament under a law that says any
legislator who is convicted of six months or more loses their seat.
Clerk of Parliament Austin Zvoma has suspended from the House two of the
convicted MDC legislators although they have appealed against the
The Tsvangirai-led MDC would lose its slim majority in the House of Assembly
if its MPs are eventually sent to jail for six months or more.
The MDC, which formed a unity government with President Robert Mugabe's ZANU
PF party and the smaller MDC formation led by Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara last February, has long opposed Tomana's appointment as AG.
Tsvangirai's party accuses Tomana - a self-declared ZANU PF supporter - of
using his position to advance the interests of Mugabe's party.
The MDC wants Tomana's appointment rescinded because Mugabe did not consult
Tsvangirai and Mutambara before making the appointment as is required under
a power-sharing agreement that led to formation of the unity government. -
by Charles Tembo Thursday 30 July 2009
HARRE - Police were by end of day Wednesday still detaining a top official
of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC party who they accuse of theft.
The police have held MDC youth chairman and deputy youth minister in
Zimbabwe's unity government Thamsanqa Mahlangu at their Rhodesville station
since arrest on Tuesday for allegedly stealing a cellphone from Joseph
Chinotimba, a staunch supporter of President Robert Mugabe who led the
veteran leader's controversial farm seizure programme.
"He is currently at Rhodesville police station. He is going to be detained
there again tonight. So we may go to court tomorrow (Thursday)," said
Mahlangu's lawyer Charles Kwaramba.
"It is a very complex story but he has an innocent explanation. He is
shocked that this is going this far," said Kwaramba.
The police allege Mahlangu stole Chinotimba's phone at a government workshop
last Friday that was addressed by Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime
Minister Arthur Mutambara.
Mahlangu, who is also Member of Parliament (MP), joins five other MDC
legislators who have either being convicted or are facing various charges in
what the party claims is an attempt to use the law to reduce its slim
majority in Parliament
Legislators convicted of six months or more are disqualified from
Meanwhile High Court Judge Charles Hungwe has reserved judgment in a matter
in which MDC legislator for Chipinge East constituency, Matthias Mlambo, is
seeking an order setting aside his conviction and a seven-month jail
sentence for defeating the course of justice.
Mlambo's lawyer also asked the court to order parliamentary clerk Austin
Zvoma and Speaker Lovemore Moyo to allow Mlambo to attend Parliament pending
outcome of his appeal against conviction and sentence. - ZimOnline
by Clifford Nyathi Thursday 30 July 2009
BULAWAYO - Three Members of Parliament (MPs) expelled from Zimbabwean Deputy
Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara's MDC formation for indiscipline on Tuesday
challenged their expulsion in the High Court in Bulawayo.
The three - Abednico Bhebhe (Nkayi South); Njabuliso Mguni (Lupane East) and
Norman Mpofu (Bulilima East) - as well as Alex Goosen, an ostrich farmer
from Matabeleland North who is a member of the party's national executive
council, were expelled two weeks ago.
Their expulsion from the party means that they cannot continue to execute
their duties as MPs in their constituencies or attend parliamentary
sessions, effectively reducing the number of the MDC-M lawmakers to seven
The High Court has not set the date for the hearing of their application.
They were accused of addressing meetings in their constituencies attacking
the party leadership and allegedly urging party members to join the rival
MDC-T formation led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
A disciplinary hearing was conducted on July 4 but they stormed out of the
proceedings, accusing the hearing officers of failing to lay specific
charges against them.
In their application filed by their lawyer Thamsanqa Khumalo, they argued
that the decision to expel them was irregular and unfair and was reached as
a result of bias by party national disciplinary committee chairman Lyson
Mlambo, who is cited as the first respondent in the matter.
The MDC-M is the second respondent.
"Proceeding with the hearing without the involvement of the applicants by
respondents deprived applicants their right to be heard and is thus a breach
of fundamental principle of administrative law," they argued.
They also applied for an order setting aside the proceedings of the
disciplinary hearing and requesting the reconvening of the disciplinary
The application came on the heels of another application for review of the
hearing proceedings they filed on July 14 to which Mlambo and MDC-M filed
their opposing papers last Friday.
Relations between Bhebhe and members of his executive have been strained
over the past year, as the Nkayi lawmaker openly clashed with members of the
Earlier this year, Bhebhe was nominated by Prime Minister Tsvangirai for a
ministerial post but his name was withdrawn at the last minute after
complaints by Mutambara. - ZimOnline
July 30, 2009
By Muza Ray Matikinye
BULAWAYO - Former fiery politician, Enos Nzombi Nkala, has revealed that his
successor as Defence Minister, Moven Mahachi was eliminated for his robust
opposition to Zanu-PF leadership's unbridled looting of diamonds in the
Democratic Republic of Congo.In an exclusive interview with the Zimbabwe
Times, Nkala, formerly the Minister of Finance, National Supplies, Home
Affairs and of Defence expanded on allegations he made last week that
Mahachi, was assassinated, apparently at the behest of President Robert
Nkala was sparing on the actual details of the alleged assassination other
than to say Mahachi opposed the illicit trade in diamonds which enriched the
army top brass and senior government officials, allegedly including
President Mugabe. During the war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) a
United Nations panel named current Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa and
then commander of the Zimbabwe National Army, Vitalis Zvinavashe, now late,
as being among individuals who plundered the natural resources, especially
diamonds, of the war-torn central African country.
"Moven was an outsider in an exclusive club - the Committee of 26 -
comprising politicians of Zezurus and Korekore origin. This committee of
looters have controlled the army, the police, the CIO and appear to think
that they went to war for self enrichment," Nkala said.
The late Mahachi was Manyika.
"To them," Nkala said, "Mahachi was an obstacle in their quest to amass
wealth using the pretext of fighting a prolonged war to restore sovereignty
in the DRC just as they had done in Mozambique during the military campaign
against Renamo. So he had to go."
Mahachi, (49) at the time of his death in a car crash on May 26, 2001, was
one of Mugabe's loyal confidantes.
The all-terrain vehicle Mahachi was traveling in, a Range Rover, was
officially reported to have collided with a smaller car as he travelled from
Mutare to Nyanga after he attended a Zanu-PF Manicaland provincial meeting
in his capacity as National Political Commissar.
Nkala questioned why it was only in Zimbabwe that a large number of
high-profile people had died in "mysterious" car crashes since independence
in 1980 and not in any other neighbouring countries in the region such as
Zambia, Botswana, Mozambique , Namibia and South Africa.
But Nkala was expected to provide answers, as promised, not to ask
"This phenomenon can be traced to Hebert Chitepo, Josiah Magama Tongogara,
Chris Ushehokunze, and others like Sydney Malunga, Border Gezi and lately
Elliot Manyika," said Nkala.
"The irony of it all is that Mugabe declares his victims national heroes. He
is an opportunist who has used "amafikezolos" (Johnny-come-latelies) to do
his dirty work if he feels surrounded by strong personalities whom he fears
might eclipse him.
"Maurice Nyagumbo was haunted by top people in Zanu-PF and the CIO who were
just as culpable in the Willowgate Scandal into committing suicide because
of his strong personality in criticizing Mugabe and his murderous henchmen's
actions. "Nyagumbo was a Manyika and did not fit in the Zezuru-Korekore
Nyagumbo committed suicide at the height of the Willowgate Scandal after he,
Nkala and four other ministers were found guilty of perjury after they lied
under oath before the Wilson Sandura Commission of Inquiry.
Tongogara died in a car crash in Mozambique on Christmas Eve in 1979 soon
after the Lancaster House Conference. He was travelling north from Maputo to
visit the Zanla guerilla camps and explain the outcome of the just ended
conference and the beginning of preparations for the journey back to
Zimbabwe and independence.
"I know who killed Tongogara," Nkala said but refused to disclose any names.
"If he had come back, the whole army of liberation forces who
hero-worshipped him would have agitated for "Tongo" to become the country's
leader and Mugabe knew that pretty well.
"Tongogara was eliminated because of his close liaison with Dumiso Dabengwa,
the former ZIPRA military intelligence supremo."
In an interview bristling with innuendo, Nkala was by implication Nkala
suggesting that President Robert Mugabe was behind the death of Tongogara.
This theory is not new, however. It has been the subject of speculation over
the past 30 years but has so far remained confined to the realm of
Nkala said he had not spoken before about Mahachi's death and other issues
which he says are revealed in detail in his forthcoming book. He says the
book "chronicles goings-on in ZANU since its formation and the chicanery
that led to the crafting of the Gukurahundi massacres in Matabeleland and
the Midlands in the early 1980s".
The four-year military campaign by a Korean-trained elite unit - Five
Brigade -resulted in the death of victims variously estimated at up to 20
000 innocent civilians.
The government declared a state-of-emergency and placed the affected areas
under curfew. The massacres were then carried out under an effective veil of
secrecy as the affected areas became inaccessible to the media.
"Gukurahundi had its seeds sown during our long years of detention in
various detention camps," Nkala said.
"It was not a spontaneous reaction to lies about ZAPU wanting to overthrow
the government or Mugabe wanting to establish a one-party state as widely
"It was premeditated ethnic cleansing, which had been simmering since our
early years in detention. The arms caches on ZAPU properties were a perfect
excuse to unleash the notorious Five Brigade on the Ndebeles to avenge what
their ancestors had done to the Shona people."
Nkala, a Ndebele politician who was rejected by his own people during the
1980 general election in favour of ZAPU and his bitter rival Dr Joshua
Nkomo, is openly accused of being a leading instigator of the Gukurahundi
atrocities against his own Ndebele people in retaliation for their rejection
of him at the polls and in a bid to ingratiate himself with Mugabe and the
He said he was often accused of being part and parcel of the massacres but
explained that during that period he was Minister of Finance before being
assigned to the newly created National Supplies ministry.
But what ever ministerial portfolio Nkala held he regularly held weekend
rallies in both Bulawayo and rural Matabeleland where Nkomo was denigrated
while his supporters were forced to make a bonfire of their ZAPU membership
cards before being issued with new Zanu-PF cards. While carrying Zanu-PF
cards they still voted overwhelmingly for PF-Zapu in 1985.
As Minister of Home Affairs Nkala established the dreaded Police Internal
Security and Intelligence unit (PISI), a counterpart of the Central
Intelligence Organisation, but operating within the police.
PISI terrorised and incarcerated scores of ZAPU supporters.
"I became Minister of Home Affairs after the 1985 elections and was
succeeded by the late Herbert Ushewokunze when I became Defence Minister in
1988 after the Gukurahundi massacres," Nkala said.
He said all this was explained in his book.
He insisted in the interview conducted in his Bulawayo home on Wednesday
that the book will be published only after his death.
He said he needed to "protect people named in it from possible victimization
Nkala said the manuscript was "salted" abroad for safety.
"The book opens a can of worms," he said. "Before its publication, I
challenge people like Emmerson Mnangagwa, Sydney Sekeramayi who have headed
the Security and Defence ministries, Robert Mugabe and me to a Truth and
Reconciliation Commission about the atrocities that have been committed by
this government. The commission will not be presided over by a local judge
because the judges have been compromised."
He said in the event of his death before he had completed the book he has
instructed his publishers to release the book.
Nkala denied ever suggesting that Chief Fortune Charumbira should arrange a
meeting between him and Mugabe.
"I don't know where that came from," he said. "I don't even know Chief
Charumbira other than reading about him in the papers."
He reportedly told a press conference after a seminar to formulate Zimbabwe's
Vision 2040: "If you want to know more about Robert Mugabe, seek for a day
when you call Mugabe, (former Zanu PF secretary general, Edgar) Tekere and
myself with some respectful people sitting there. He will chicken out. Why,
because he knows we will dress him down and tell him who he is. I am not
Nkala was referring to President Mugabe.
28 July 2009
By Own correspondent
CAPE TOWN - Little more than a year ago, Memory Shiriinorira was a healthy
young mother of two. Life was hard, but she had hope, despite the depressing
environment of the Epworth slum, just 12km beyond the Harare city centre.
Hope came through the promise of change in Zimbabwe, change promised by the
aptly named MDC.
She made plain her preference for the MDC in the elections of June last
year, a choice that was to prove a probable death sentence. Militants of the
ruling Zanu (PF) rampaged through areas like Epworth, seeking out the
"disobedient" individuals who supported, or who were suspected to support,
the MDC. Memory was an obvious target.
She was not alone. The Zimbabwe Rape Survivors Association (ZRSA) estimated
that more than 2 000 women and girls were the victims of
"politically-motivated rape" between May and June of last year. Some never
survived. Many, like Memory, are now HIV-positive and, again, like Memory,
have to continue to live in fear in the same communities, facing their
attackers on a daily basis.
Speaking out on film
She lives in constant pain and, because of an insufficient diet, realises
she is dying. So she feels she has nothing to lose, but worries about her
children, daughters aged eight and 12. This is the reason she chose to speak
out on a brief film made by the Harare-based Research and Advocacy Unit
(RAU) that was brought to South Africa last week with the help of the
International Centre for Transitional Justice.
She also feels that by making her story as widely public as possible, she
may gain some protection. RAU also hopes that sufficient attention and
pressure will be focussed on Zimbabwe to perhaps lessen the incidence of
such violence that tends to peak at election time.
The 16-minute film, Hear Us, features four women survivors, two of whom
remain anonymous for fear of retribution and who were severely assaulted -
also in June last year - by Zanu (PF) youths who called themselves the
Taliban. However, as RAU programme manager Kudakwashe Chitsike readily
admits, most of the women and young girls who suffered this
politically-motivated violence are too afraid to speak out, only too aware
that there is little or no protection should their attackers decide to
The Tree of Life
Unlike Memory, a large number of them were not politically active. But, in
some cases, their husbands, brothers or other relatives supported the
opposition - or were suspected of "being MDC". Among them are women who were
not raped, but who were stripped, sexually abused, humiliated, beaten,
kicked, trampled on and tortured.
Increasing numbers of them are now coming together in small "healing" groups
to talk through their trauma and gain support by realising that they are not
alone. The groups, still mainly in the Harare area, were established by a
non-governmental organisation, The Tree of Life.
One of the organisers is Abigail Kadaira. A young woman, she was pregnant in
June last year, when she and others were kicked and trampled on by uniformed
police after attending a meeting of the opposition National Constitutional
Assembly. She suffered a miscarriage and is now unable to bear children.
Diminutive and softly spoken, she came to South Africa to help launch the
film, available on DVD, at a meeting in Cape Town's Centre for the Book. She
and Kudakwashe Chitsike returned to Zimbabwe on Saturday.
"Making the world aware of what has happened - and is still happening -
seems one way to perhaps halt this violence," Chitsike noted after the Cape
Town screening. The film is also being distributed and screened in Zimbabwe
to heighten awareness of what has happened and to provide support to
Chitsike remains optimistic, but admitted, when pressed, that it seemed an
uphill battle in South Africa where xenophobia, often specifically targeting
Zimbabweans, seemed on the increase. "But we have to keep trying," she said.
by Lizwe Sebata Thursday 30 July 2009
BULAWAYO - Zimbabwe's political parties are divided over who should lead a
national healing process with President Robert Mugabe's ZANU PF party
opposing plans by the former opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
party to let the church and civic society steer the sensitive process, it
has been learnt.
ZANU PF, which has been in power since the country's independence from
Britain in 1980, is said to favour a national healing process led by
politicians and political parties in the hope of striking concessions
against prosecution for past human rights crimes.
"We have a ministry bringing together the three political parties - MDC-M
(led by Deputy Premier Arthur Mutambara), MDC-T (led by Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai) and ZANU PF - that was tasked to undertake and facilitate
a national healing process hence there would be no need for a parallel
process," John Nkomo, ZANU PF chairman and one of the three ministers in
charge of national healing and reconciliation told ZimOnline on Wednesday.
But the MDC-M said it was pushing for the Church and civil society to play a
leading role while government merely facilitates the process.
"Politicians should not be leading the healing process. The government
should facilitate and not control the process," said Minister of State in
Prime Minister Tsvangirai's office, Gorden Moyo, on Tuesday.
"The government should play a midwifery role; a midwifery role is to enable
the child to be born but is not the one giving birth, it is an issue we are
debating in government," he added.
Civic groups and churches have said the Church should lead the national
healing and reconciliation process because both ZANU PF and the MDC "lack
the morality to conduct it as they are the originators of this conflict".
They are adamant that the process would only succeed when there is
prosecution of all perpetrators of human rights abuses.
Zimbabwe last weekend had a three day programme of national healing after
Mugabe declared July 24, 25 and 26 official days for Zimbabweans to renounce
all forms of violence and dedicate themselves to working together to ensure
security of all persons and property and refrain from inciting political
intolerance and ethnic hatred.
Both Mugabe and Tsvangirai - who formed a unity government in February to
end months of political unrest following disputed elections last year -
renounced political violence at the official opening of the national healing
Tsvangirai said the event marked the start of efforts to find justice for
victims of political violence.
However, the country's civic groups united under the cluster on National
Healing within the Civil Society Monitoring Mechanism (CISCOMM), snubbed an
invitation by the government to participate in the three-day programme,
saying government only wanted them to legitimise a flawed process.
"We see the government's belated effort to involve civil society . . . as a
lame attempt at legitimacy and a ploy by government or sections of it, to
gloss over the serious and ongoing violations," the groups said in a
statement last week.
CISCOMM added that the national healing initiative was "dangerously flawed"
and "not victim-centered" but left the door open for a "genuine partnership"
with the government only when government agrees that there would be no
"amnesty for genocide, crimes against humanity, torture, rape and other
Political violence flared in the southern African country last year as
Mugabe fought to reclaim power in a run-off vote after being defeated by
Tsvangirai although the veteran trade unionist fell short of the margin
required to take over power and avoid a run-off.
Tsvangirai eventually pulled out of the run-off citing violence that the MDC
says left more than 100 of its members dead and at least another 200 000
displaced, leaving Mugabe to claim victory uncontested.
Western governments and a host of African nations rejected Mugabe's victory
while the African Union and the regional Southern African Development
Community piled pressure on the Zimbabwean leader to form a power-sharing
government with the opposition. - ZimOnline
28 July 2009
By Staff reporter
BULAWAYO - Fuel queues that characterized most service stations before the
announcement of the mid-term fiscal policy review a fortnight ago have
disappeared.The city, like most parts of the country, ran out of diesel, a
development that briefly saw the re-emergence of parallel market activities
Suppliers of fuel had attributed the shortage to unspecified supply
A snap survey by The Zimbabwean revealed that the price of diesel had
slightly dropped and was readily available.
In his mid-term fiscal policy statement a fortnight ago, Finance Minister,
Tendai Biti reviewed excise duty on diesel from US$0, 20 to US$0,16 per
litre with effect from July 17.
Economic commentator, Erich Bloch, said the reduction in the excise duty was
too small and would have little effect on the overall pricing structure of
goods and service in the economy.
He said some of the service stations had not yet reduced their prices since
they were selling old stock and the new price structure would only be
applicable to new stock.
28 July 2009
By The Zimbabwean
HARARE - Zimbabwe's clinical research programme has received a massive boost
following the unveiling of an exchange programme with America. The programme
will see University of Zimbabwe (UZ) postgraduate students receiving further
research training in HIV and AIDS clinical trials at the University of
Buffalo in the United States.
The move is expected to improve Zimbabwe's ability to deal with HIV and
Speaking on the sidelines of the exchange programme launch, UZ Vice
Chancellor, Levy Nyagura, said the programme would see 15 postgraduates from
the UZ benefiting over the next five years.
"The students will in turn offer clinical pharmacology expertise to
multidisciplinary teams to achieve the HIV and AIDS research goals for
Zimbabwe," said Nyagura. Buffalo University Associate Dean, Gene Morse, said
his institution chose to partner with the UZ following what he termed
"reputable expertise associated with the college's medical clinic".
"University of Zimbabwe has a history of credibility. It has also become a
universal phenomenon that the world concentrates on research to do with
dealing with the pandemic," said Morse.
DUMISANI MULEYA Published: 2009/07/30 06:44:04 AM
THE gloves are off in Zimbabwe's hotly contested constitutional reform
process, with major political players engaged in heated exchanges over the
At stake is how to proceed with the process, which is expected to lead to a
new constitution and free and fair elections by 2011.
The battle for the control of the process escalated this week after the
leader of the National Constitutional Assembly , the largest civic group
involved in the exercise, Lovemore Madhuku, accused Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai of selling out the "struggle" by joining forces with President
Robert Mugabe's repressive Zanu (PF) to block "a people-driven
Tsvangirai and Mugabe are now working together in the shaky inclusive
government, which came to office in February. The new government is
struggling to pull Zimbabwe out of the economic doldrums .
Madhuku told a National Constitutional Assembly convention in Chitungwiza,
outside Harare, which drew about 4000 people, that Tsvangirai had abandoned
the struggle and was now enjoying the trappings of power.
He said Tsvangirai was collaborating with Mugabe to deny people the right to
write their own constitution beyond the reach of political manipulation.
"Tsvangirai is now getting carried away. He is now trying to create problems
for us. As NCA our problem is now Tsvangirai and the MDC (Movement for
Democratic Change)," Madhuku said. "We used to work together, we were also
arrested and beaten up together and we fought together, but now he is
speaking a different language.
"He is now saying Mugabe is a good guy, yet he forgets the MDC was created
to remove Mugabe from power," Madhuku said.
There was no comment from Tsvangirai's spokesman.
The NCA is opposed to the current constitution-making process, which is
being driven by Zanu (PF) and the two MDC factions via a select
The group wants what it describes as "an open, inclusive, participatory and
Zanu (PF) and the main MDC wing are also fighting among themselves for
control of the process.
Mugabe and his party want the Kariba draft constitution, produced under the
guidance of former South African president Thabo Mbeki , to be the basis for
the constitution-making process, while Tsvangirai and the MDC are rejecting
the document .
Negotiators from the three parties in government have now come out saying
the Kariba draft will be the reference point during the constitution-making
"We want to place it on record that the agreement of the parties was that
the Kariba draft which was negotiated, agreed to and initiated by all three
parties to the GPA (global political agreement) would be used by the parties
through the Parliamentary Select Committee to consult people on the new
content of a new constitution of Zimbabwe."
The select committee would use the Kariba draft to gauge "which provisions
were acceptable or not to the people, who would be accorded unrestricted
rights" to accept or reject any provision and to put forward alternative
The Ministry of Information, Communication Technology has launched a
"We need to use this way of communicating to tell the world about the Global
Political Agreement GPA which is a peaceful way of solving problems," said
Mr Nelson Chamisa, Information, Communication Technology Minister.
July 30, 2009
A HUMBLE but extremely reliable phone has landed Zimbabwe's Deputy Minister
of Youth Thamsanqa Mahlangu in hot soup.
The Nokia 2310 is described as "trendy and fun", "sleek and fashionable" and
"in tune with style" on the Nokia website. But its users appear to barely
recognise that branding - many of them seemingly attracted by its
reliability than anything.
It is certainly a phone fit for Joseph Chinotimba, who is trying a hand at
farming after terrorising the country's white farming community since 2000
when he emerged as the self-styled "commander of the farm invasions".
The phone which can be considered basic in today's technology rush, has an
alarm clock which is handy for a farmer. When fully charged, its battery
will give Chinotimba 4-5 hours of talk time.
It is available in five colours, including pink, which can be particularly
useful for a farmer should it get lost in the hay and he has to search for
it. That's not all, says a reviewer from Pakistan writing online: "It is a
very ROMANTIC mobile set. That's it."
The 2310 weighs just 85 grams, comes with an integrated hands-free speaker
and supports SMS, picture messaging, animated screensavers and has three
pre-installed games - just the sort of entertainment a farmer needs when
taking some rest from the baking African sun.
For games, Chinotimba can choose between Nature Park, Snake Xenia, and
Bounce. Computer geeks have discovered with Bounce, you could activates
"cheat mode" and make the ball indestructible and go to next level without
completing the current one. Great!
The 2310 can store up to 200 numbers - enough for the leader of the Zimbabwe
National Liberation War Veterans Association to keep numbers of his comrades
countrywide. The phone will allow him 60 stored text messages before sending
out a warning that its memory is full.
But perhaps the biggest attraction for the 2310 is its price. Although in
Zimbabwe it retails for between US$80-$100, it can be bought for as cheap as
£5 in most of Europe.
A user from the UK wrote on a product review website: "This phone does
exactly as it says on the tin. Phone calls, messages. It's designed to be
simple and no-frills . I can't fault it."
By Daniel Misi, NewZimbabwe