http://zimbabwemetro.com
By Investigations Unit ⋅ © zimbabwemetro.com ⋅ July 7, 2008
⋅
Despite the much publicized talks between the MDC and ZANU-PF,state
sponsored terror is raging on and according to a plan by JOC the MDC has to
be destroyed completely.Metro has obtained information from Credible Sources
with the Zimbabwean Security Services.
Soon after arriving back from
the AU Summit in Egypt, Mugabe met with the
ZOC , namely Chiwenga, Chihuru,
Shiri, Mnangagwa, Zimondi and others.
He briefed them on:
AU
Position on Zim
Botswana’s position on Zim
West Africa
(Nigeria)
All anti-Zimbabwe sentiments worldwide
Looming
sanctions
UN Position
Africa’s position
ZANU PF’s
increasing isolation from the rest of the world.
The JOC’s response was
as follows:
To target and eliminate the MDC from the political map in
Zimbabwe.
This operation is to begin at cell, ward, District, province
and national
levels.
To target and eliminate selected MDC MP’s so
that the other MPs are forced
into hiding and after 21 days of being absent
from parliament by-elections
will be held and rigged to regain ZANU PF’s
majority in parliament.
Killing of all critical journalists from both the
public and private media
to silence all independent voices.
Police
internal security intelligence (PISI) have all the names of all the
MDC
activists in the country so targeting them will not be a problem.
This is
meant to cripple the MDC to eventually force it into a government of
national unity where it will be swallowed by ZANU PF and there will be no
MDC in the future.
This operation is being coordinated now and all
logistics are being
mobilized. The operation will begin Monday 7th July 2008
by attacking and
abducting MDC refugees.
The Junta assured Mugabe
that no country in the world can invade Zimbabwe as
their state of
preparedness was second to none in Africa.
It is obvious from this
information that the Mugabe regime is not sincere
about negotiating a
peaceful resolution to the Zimbabwe crisis and is
determined to continue to
wage war against the people of Zimbabwe.
Personnel Identified as being
integrally involved in the past and
forthcoming violent
operations:
Supt Remegio Utsiwembanje - Officer Commanding Police
Protection Units (PPU)
Projects
Supt Absalom Mudzamiri – DISPOL Minor
PPU Tomlinson Depot
Ex-Supt Nyawani – now with the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe
Inspector Patric Maramba – Officer In ChargeTomlinson
Depot
Inspector Marufu – 2nd IC Parliament
Inspector Mbokochena –
Officer Commanding PPU
Assistant Inspector Jongwe – PPU Tomlinson
Depot
Assistant Inspector Madziwana – PPU Police Internal Security
Intelligence
(PISI)
Assistant Inspector Muranganwa – PPU
PISI
Assistant Inspector Ndangana – PPU State House
Assistant
Inspector Maguma - PPU State House
Sgt Nyamunaki – PPU PISI
Sgt
Muridzo – PPU Transport
Sgt Madzinga – PPU Willovale
Sgt Chikazaza
– PPU State House
Sgt Deremete – PPU State House
Assistant
Inspector Mudonhi
Assistant Commissioner Martin Kwaimona
Chief
Superintendent Musvita
Superintendent Linda
Superintendent
Chikerema
Chief Inspector Mukudu
Chief Inspector
Tigwere
Superintendent Mumba
Inspector Ngazi
Inspector
Bonyongwa
Insepector Muzondiwa
Sgt Mudzova
Sgt
Jaji
Sgt Sharara
Assistant Inspector Mutendamambo
Constable
Tarise - Armourer
Constable Matara
Assistant Inspector Matienga –
Armourer Police General Headquarters
Monday, 7 July 2008 09:27 UK
|
Armed militia have raided two camps for people fleeing post-election violence in Zimbabwe, opposition and medical officials have said. Several people were killed in one attack in Gokwe, north of Harare, the opposition said. In Ruwa, near the capital, masked men beat up and abducted people who had previously sought refuge at the South African embassy, a witness said. At least eight people were taken to hospital, the witness said. About 400 people have been sheltering in local squash courts in Ruwa after being moved on from the South African embassy. The opposition Movement of Democratic Change says 5,000 of its members are missing and more than 100 of its supporters have been murdered since elections in March. It accuses the army and ruling party militias of being behind the violence - charges denied by President Robert Mugabe. This led the MDC to pull out of the 27 June presidential run-off against President Mugabe. MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai won the first round of
presidential elections in March, but official results gave him less than the 50%
needed to avoid a run-off.
|
Thinly submerged tensions between Britain and South Africa over how to handle the crisis is Zimbabwe are likely to emerge today at a summit between the leaders of the G8 countries and African nations.
At least five African leaders, including the South African president, Thabo Mbeki, are expected to attend a G8 outreach session on aid to Africa, but the crisis on Zimbabwe is likely to feature prominently.
The G8 is likely to support a UN envoy to work alongside the quiet - and some say ineffective - diplomacy Mbeki has shown over the last six years.
The meeting is likely to test the temperature on whether the UN should impose worldwide sanctions against Zimbabwean leaders, something that will require the support of the reluctant Russians, who are permanent members of the security council.
The US secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, may introduce the sanction resolution in New York today, with British support.
EU sanctions are already being tightened, but UN-level sanctions could hit the bank accounts of the some of the regime's leaders across the world.
The presence of so many African leaders is seen by the British as a golden opportunity to press the Zimbabwe issue hard. Privately many British officials believe fresh pressure has to be put on Zimbabwe because Mbeki is no longer a reliable conduit of international opinion.
Gordon Brown is likely to make this point to Jakaya Kikwete, the Tanzanian leader and current African Union president.
In a bid to show his continued leadership over Zimbabwe, Mbeki flew to Harare at the weekend for a meeting between Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai.
However, Tsvangirai boycotted the meeting, saying Mbeki could no longer be trusted and that a new mediation mechanism was needed to tackle the crisis in his country.
British officials believe Tsvangirai's refusal to meet with Mbeki reveals the extent to which Mbeki has lost his exclusive leadership role.
Mbeki had hoped to arrive at the summit claiming a major breakthrough in Zimbabwe, something that British officials feared might prove to be a bogus exercise to get him through an awkward encounter with western leaders.
Mbeki's closest aides attacked Britain and the US, saying their governments had advised Tsvangirai to refuse to meet both Mugabe and Mbeki.
A spokesman for Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), George Sibotshiswe, said the AU should appoint a permanent mediator to work with Mugabe and declared the party would not attend any meeting designed to give legitimacy to Mugabe's presidency.
Britain is still working towards establishing a government of national unity or a transitional government and is heartened that other key African players, such as Nigeria, Botswana, Tanzania and Ethiopia, are refusing to accept Mugabe's explanations for his regime. The Nigerian president, Umaru Yar'Adua, is at the G8.
In a further sign of tension between Britain and Mbeki, the foreign secretary, David Miliband, travelled to South Africa at the weekend to visit the camps that house up to 3 million Zimbabwean refugees. Mbekei has refused to go to the camps, saying the people are not refugees but fugitives.
Reuters
Mon 7 Jul
2008, 6:13 GMT
TOYAKO, Japan, July 7 (Reuters) - British Prime
Minister Gordon Brown called
for the Group of Eight leaders gathered in
northern Japan for a summit to
send a strong message to Zimbabwe, a Japanese
official told a group of
reporters on Monday.
Brown's comment came as
the G8 nations, along with seven African head of
states, met on the first
day of the three-day summit to discuss issues such
as the political crisis
in Zimbabwe as well as rich nations' aid pledges to
Africa.
"I
believe the G8 should send a strong message so as to ensure that
democracy
in Zimbabwe will be protected," Brown was quoted as saying in a
meeting with
Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda.
Japan's foreign ministry press
secretary, Kazuo Kodama, said Fukuda
responded by saying that he was
concerned about the situation in Zimbabwe
and agreed that the G8 nations
should send a message. Zimbabwe has been
condemned by the international
community since Mugabe, who has held power
since its independence from
Britain in 1980, was declared re-elected after a
runoff in June in which he
was the only candidate after the opposition
withdrew.
The G8 foreign
ministers, as well as the U.N. security Council, issued
statements last
month deploring the situation in the African nation.
The African Union
summit issued a resolution last week calling for talks
leading to a national
unity government in Zimbabwe.
But despite heightened African criticism,
Mugabe, who attended the AU
summit, seemed unchastened.
German
Chancellor Angela Merkel, who also met with Fukuda on Monday, told
Fukuda
during the meeting that in addition to the G8 discussing the crisis
in
Zimbabwe, it was important for the African leaders to express their own
views, Kodama said.
The G8's talks on Monday at a luxury hotel have
included leaders of Algeria,
Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa
and Tanzania.
The G8 comprises the United States, Japan, France, Britain,
Germany, Canada,
Italy and Russia. (Reporting by Yoko Kubota)
Reuters
Mon 7 Jul
2008, 7:40 GMT
TOYAKO, Japan (Reuters) - Tanzanian President Jakaya
Kikwete suggested
African leaders and the Group of Eight differed on Monday
over how to
respond to elections in Zimbabwe that President George W. Bush
called a
sham.
Standing next to Kikwete after a meeting between the
G8 and seven African
leaders aimed at assessing the progress of the rich
nations club's pledges
to the world's poorest continent, Bush said Zimbabwe
was discussed
extensively at the meeting.
"I care deeply about the
people of Zimbabwe, I am extremely disappointed in
the elections which I
labeled a sham election," Bush said.
Kikwete, who is also head of the
African Union, said: "I want to assure you
that the concerns that you have
expressed are indeed the concerns of many of
us in the African
continent."
"The only area that we may differ is on the way forward. You
see differently
but for us in Africa we see differently, but I think again
there is still
room for us for discussions."
Kikwete, who called for
a unity government, said discussions would continue,
"and as friends at the
end of the day we'll come to an understanding".
British Prime Minister
Gordon Brown earlier called for the G8 to send a
strong message to Zimbabwe,
a Japanese official told a group of reporters on
Monday.
The G8
nations were meeting on the first day of a three-day summit in
northern
Japan.
"I believe the G8 should send a strong message so as to ensure
that
democracy in Zimbabwe will be protected," Brown was quoted as saying in
a
meeting with Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda.
Japan's foreign
ministry press secretary, Kazuo Kodama, said Fukuda
responded by saying that
he was concerned about the situation in Zimbabwe
and agreed that the G8
nations should send a message. Zimbabwe has been
condemned by the
international community since Mugabe, who has held power
since its
independence from Britain in 1980, was declared re-elected after a
run-off
in June in which he was the only candidate after the opposition
withdrew.
The G8 foreign ministers, as well as the U.N. security
Council, issued
statements last month deploring the situation in the African
nation.
The African Union summit issued a resolution last week calling
for talks
leading to a national unity government in Zimbabwe.
But
despite heightened African criticism, Mugabe, who attended the AU
summit,
seemed unchastened.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who also met with
Fukuda on Monday, told
Fukuda during the meeting that in addition to the G8
discussing the crisis
in Zimbabwe, it was important for the African leaders
to express their own
views, Kodama said.
The G8's talks on Monday at
a luxury hotel have included leaders of Algeria,
Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria,
Senegal, South Africa and Tanzania.
The G8 comprises the United States,
Japan, France, Britain, Germany, Canada,
Italy and Russia.
africasia
TOYAKO, Japan, July 7 (AFP)
US President George W. Bush said Monday after meeting with African
leaders
on the margin of a rich nations summit here that he was "extremely
disappointed" with Zimbabwe's "sham" election.
"I care deeply about
the people of Zimbabwe, I am extremely disappointed in
the election, which I
labelled a sham election," Bush said with African
Union chief and Tanzania
President Jakaya Kikwete.
nasdaq
HARARE, Zimbabwe (AFP)--A top lieutenant to Robert
Mugabe told Western
governments Monday to stop interfering in Zimbabwean
politics amid mounting
international pressure on the president after his
controversial re-election.
"We appeal to foreigners and external forces
to leave the resolution of the
Zimbabwe situation to Zimbabweans alone,"
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa
told the state-run Herald
newspaper.
"Britain, the U.S. and the E.U., in particular, should stop
meddling in our
affairs."
Western governments have refused to
legitimize Mugabe's reelection in a June
27 poll that was boycotted by the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change,
or MDC, leader Morgan Tsvangirai
after deadly attacks on his followers.
U.S. President George W. Bush
again Monday dismissed the one-man election as
a sham while the E.U. has
said it will only deal with a government led by
Tsvangirai who came top in a
first round of voting in March.
Thabo Mbeki, the region's longtime
mediator between the ruling ZANU-PF party
and the opposition, held talks
with Mugabe at the weekend and a breakaway
MDC splinter faction but
Tsvangirai refused to meet the South African
president.
Chinamasa
said that Western powers were trying to wreck the chances of a
negotiated
settlement.
"It is very evident that their hand is involved and
complicating the smooth
dialogue between ZANU-PF and the two MDC
formations," he said.
"We are confident that if we are left to discuss
this matter as Zimbabweans,
we will find a solution sooner rather than
later."
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
07-07-080516ET
New Zimbabwe
By
Mutumwa D. Mawere
(www.mmawere.com)
Last updated: 07/08/2008
10:09:57
AS WIDELY expected, the African Union did not ostracise President
Mugabe at
the Sharm-El-Sheikh summit which concluded last
week.
Instead, the communiqué issued at the end of the two-day summit
called on
him and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) to enter talks to
establish
a government of national unity (GNU) and in so doing implicitly
confirmed
his legitimacy as the head of state.
In calling for the
establishment of the GNU after the universally condemned
run-off elections,
the majority of the AU members had no alternative but to
endorse the
continuation of President Thabo Mbeki's mediation efforts --
confirming the
position that there is a serious disconnect between the
understanding of the
West and the AU as to the real causes of the Zimbabwean
crisis.
The
hunger for social, political and economic change in Zimbabwe is still
relevant today as it has been for the last 8 years and it is must now be
abundantly clear to even a naïve observer of the unfolding Zimbabwean drama
that any expectation that the AU can be a reliable partner in encouraging
President Mugabe to accept and respect that the call for change is not only
in Zimbabwe's but the continent's interest is misplaced.
President
Mugabe has been resolute and clear about what he stands for. The
AU has
implicitly accepted Mugabe's version that the Zimbabwean crisis has
less to
do with democracy, justice, corruption, economic mismanagement, and
governance but with what he has framed as an outstanding bilateral dispute
with the UK government on how the land reform programme should be financed
and managed.
At face value, it would seem as if President Mugabe now
supports the
proposal for the establishment of a GNU but the devil lies
really in the
details. In fact, he must have convinced the AU that a GNU was
attainable
and, in any event, the opposition has never been able to speak
with one
voice on what kind of Zimbabwe they want to see and the role, if
any, of
Zanu PF in any transitional arrangement.
He must have
informed the AU that there was consensus on the need for a new
constitution,
a signed copy of which no doubt must have been distributed at
the summit,
and in the circumstances there could be no dispute that the
process that led
to the March 29 elections must be pursued aggressively.
President Mugabe
must have convinced his colleagues that he had no real
alternative but to
proceed with the 27 June elections as required by
Zimbabwean law and he was,
therefore, placed with no viable alternative by
his opponent who
unilaterally decided to pull out of the electoral process
for political
expediency. On the question of violence, President Mugabe must
have made the
case that Zanu PF members were also victims but more
importantly that the
violence was allegedly initiated by MDC particularly
its white sponsors who
cannot wait to reassert their land rights.
It is significant that
President Mugabe wants Tsvangirai to accept that he
is the legitimate head
of state as a starting point to any negotiations and
there is nothing to
suggest that President Mbeki does not share the same
view.
Whereas
Tsvangirai's starting point is the 29 March elections, it is not
clear how
President Mugabe will be persuaded to accept any other
construction that may
not serve his interests.
President Mugabe's calculation that it would be
easy for him to intimidate
the AU into accepting him as the legitimate head
of state irrespective of
the means used seems to be paying off. His strategy
is to divert attention
from the real economic challenges that face Zimbabwe
which have resulted in
the mass exodus of predominantly black Zimbabweans
for whom independence was
expected to bring a brighter day.
Zimbabwe
is mired in its worst economic crisis with no viable prescription
on the
radar screen and yet the AU, in a predictable manner, chose to focus
on the
establishment of a GNU as if to suggest that the outcome of the 29
March
elections did not accurately reflect the will of the Zimbabwean
people. It
must be accepted even by President Mugabe that the post-colonial
state in
which he has had the privilege of leading has created its own
sufferers who
must be transformed into builders of a new Zimbabwe.
What Zimbabweans
clearly need at this defining hour in the country's history
is a government
that they can own and not one that is imposed on them.
No amount of
intimidation can force citizens to believe in the country and
as such
President Mugabe and his colleagues in the AU must know that it is
not
sufficient to frame the crisis solely in political terms of who has won
or
lost but to locate the problem in a broader context of what is required
to
make citizens believe again in the promise of majority rule.
Nation
building is a complicated task requiring an investment in financial
literacy
and regrettably it must be accepted that, in the mind of President
Mugabe,
Zimbabwe's brighter day will come not only from assimilating the
opposition
into a rudderless ship but from the ill conceived notion that the
state can
promote economic and social progress through nationalisation of
productive
assets.
The disastrous socialist/communist experiments in many sister
developing
nations should have taught President Mugabe some valuable lessons
about what
is required to build progressive and successful nations but he
seems not to
be alone in Africa in maintaining that imperialism can forever
be used as
currency for explaining failure.
The Berlin Wall no longer
exists because citizens in Europe did in our
lifetime come to the
inescapable conclusion that sustainable economic
progress must necessarily
be underpinned by the initiatives of citizens and
not the benevolence of the
state.
With the AU now having accepted President Mugabe's version, it
must be said
that President Mugabe has now conveniently boxed Tsvangirai in
the corner
where he is at his weakest i.e. at the mercy of the so-called
imperialists
whose voice is carried on global newswires calling for new
targeted
sanctions against a seemingly weak government defending its
citizens against
the domination of its resources by
foreigners.
Notwithstanding the facts on the ground that Tsvangirai must
enjoy the
support of the majority of Zimbabweans, President Mugabe's
investment in
fear at the domestic level and intimidation at the continental
level has had
the undesirable effect of leaving Tsvangirai exposed as a
surrogate of the
west and positioning Mugabe as a reliable custodian of
national sovereignty.
An observation has been made that the only
consistent thing about the West's
foreign policy is its inconsistency and
President Mugabe has no doubt many
examples to demonstrate the hypocrisy of
Tsvangirai's alleged masters on
foreign policy issues for him to easily
dismiss the allegation that it is
through his administration's policies that
Zimbabwe finds itself in the
current crisis.
If President Mugabe can
use violence to reverse the 29 March electoral
verdict then it should be
accepted that he is capable of sinking even lower
in a bid to remain in
power.
The first strategy is obviously to bait Tsvangirai using the
tested and
tried diplomatic skills of President Mbeki into negotiations that
President
Mugabe would symbolically prefer to be held at a government
building.
President Mbeki has clearly no problem acknowledging President
Mugabe as the
legitimate head of state and in as much as he would like to be
neutral, it
cannot be said that the 27 June elections were free and fair
allowing him to
recognise the outcome there from.
Tsvangirai had no
choice but to be unavailable when President Mbeki met
President Mugabe last
weekend. It was left to the Arthur Mutambara faction
of the MDC whom I
believe made the point that the starting point had to be
the 29 March
results and insisted that Tsvangirai was necessary for any
credible
resolution of the legitimacy and governance crisis facing President
Mugabe.
Mugabe is acutely aware that he needs Tsvangirai as much as
Tsvangirai is
also aware that Mugabe and Zanu PF are in a corner and the
Zimbabwean people
were not so stupid in deciding to give parliamentary
control to the MDC.
There is still a temptation for President Mugabe to
reverse the outcome of
the 29 March elections through further violence and
also using the judiciary
but it must be said that this strategy has already
been exposed.
History will be the ultimate judge of whether the decision
by Tsvangirai to
withdraw his name from the run-off elections was a wise one
but it must be
accepted that conditions for a free and fair elections did
not exist and, in
any event, President Mugabe had taken the position that
the end justified
the means. He had already conditioned his party and
himself that he had to
emerge as the winner at all costs.
President
Mugabe has no history of losing an election or accepting that his
version of
reality does not represent the universe.
Understanding the mind of
President Mugabe may be beneficial in better
predicting whether the
continuation of the Mbeki-led mediation is likely to
produce a positive
outcome for Zimbabwe.
Rightly or wrongly President Mugabe is not
convinced that there is any
better Zimbabwean to lead or protect the country
than him. He feels strongly
that he was democratically elected and the
decision by Tsvangirai to
withdraw his name from the run-off was principally
motivated by the
realisation that he was going to lose the
elections.
President Mugabe believes that if he were to leave office,
white Zimbabwean
commercial farmers will reassert their land rights.
Furthermore, he is of
the view that black economic rights are perishable
without the active
support of the state led only by him.
The
experience, albeit short, from the land reform programme suggests that
the
mere transfer of asset ownership from white to black hands does not
necessarily lead to production gains or efficiency.
What does the
country need to go forward? Is a GNU a positive force for
change? Who should
lead the GNU?
It must be accepted that beyond the conversations on
democracy, the crisis
facing Zimbabwe is unique and to a large extent a
reflection of the impact
of bad policies and a deep seated misunderstanding
of the role of the state
in nation building. It is evident that the crisis
will not be remedied
without a change of direction in terms of
policies.
The absence of serious policy and ideological debates in the
post-June 27
elections clearly suggests that the future of Zimbabwe may
continue to play
hostage to the whims of a few men and women privileged to
lead but
challenged by the distortion created by the force of Mugabe's
personality on
the values and principles that ought to have informed the
post colonial
state.
Mutumwa Mawere's weekly column is published on
New Zimbabwe.com every
Monday. You can contact him at: mmawere@global.co.za
http://zimbabwemetro.com
By Staff ⋅ © zimbabwemetro.com ⋅ July 7, 2008
⋅
Kenya has joined
Botswana,Liberia,Uganda,Tanzania,Norway,Canada,Germany,Japan to say that
they will not to recognise the government of President Robert Mugabe as
legitimate.
Kenya’s foreign Affairs Minister Moses Wetangula said
Kenya would not
recognise Mugabe’s government as
legitimate.
Wetangula said the presidential election re-run in Zimbabwe
was not free and
fair.
He urged Mugabe to demonstrate political
maturity and look for “real
solutions” to the crisis facing his
country.
“Kenya is ready to help and show Mugabe how to solve the
crisis,” said the
minister.
He said Kenyans experienced problems
after last year’s disputed elections
and had acquired crisis resolution
experiences that Mugabe could borrow
from.
Wetangula said Mugabe
should opt for a coalition government to solve the
political impasse. “If he
accepts a power-sharing formula, Kenya is ready to
offer advice and also
mediate,” he said.
The Zimbabwean
Monday, 07 July 2008 06:59
INTERVENTION AT THE 11th
ORDINARY SESSION OF THE ASSEMBLY OF AFRICAN
UNION
BY HIS HONOUR,
LT. GEN. MOMPATI S. MERAFHE, VICE PRESIDENT OF THE
REPUBLIC
OF
BOTSWANA, ON BOTSWANA'S POSITION REGARDING THE SITUATION IN
ZIMBABWE.
Mr. Chairman, Your Excellencies
1. I
wish to prefix my remarks by informing this meeting that Botswana
has over the years enjoyed cordial and fruitful relations with Zimbabwe
and these have been characterised by cooperation in various
sectors.
2. Our two countries are united by a common historical and
cultural
heritage which has brought our people together over
centuries.
3. Botswana, like other Frontline States, played an
important role to
promote the cause of Zimbabwe's struggle to attain
self rule and
independence.
4. We are proud to have played
our role in that regard.
5. Our support for Zimbabwe's liberation
was informed by our own
national interests, for without a
free, democratic and stable Zimbabwe, we
could not hope to enjoy
the same in our own country.
6. It is for these reasons, Mr.
Chairman, Your Excellencies, that
Botswana has made some
public pronouncements prior to the recent presidential
run-off
elections, condemning the acts of violence and intimidation, and
urging
the Government of Zimbabwe to ensure an environment that is conducive
to
the holding of free, fair and credible elections.
7. The Election Observers, in particular those from the Pan African
Parliament and SADC, have concluded that the election process did not
meet the required minimum standards and did not reflect the
unfettered will
of the people of Zimbabwe.
8.
Botswana's position, therefore, is that the outcome of these
elections does not confer legitimacy on the Government of President
Mugabe.
9. In our considered view, it therefore follows that
the
representatives of the current 'Government' in Zimbabwe
should be excluded from attending
SADC and African Union
meetings.
10. Their participation in the meetings of the two
organisations would
give unqualified legitimacy to a process
which cannot be considered
legitimate.
11. Botswana's position
is that such a scenario would be unacceptable.
12. Botswana
supports the consensus that seems to be emerging, which
calls
for the two parties to be brought together in a mediation process to
find
a political solution to Zimbabwe's problems.
13. The
personalities for the mediation process should be acceptable
to
both parties.
14. It is also Botswana's strong view that the
mediation process must
treat both parties as
equals.
15. I wish to conclude by urging both parties to seriously
reflect on
the plight of the people of Zimbabwe.
16. The people of Zimbabwe have suffered long enough.
17. As a
neighbour and a friend, Botswana stands ready to offer any
assistance
to the mediation process within the limits of her
capabilities.
18. Mr. Chairman, let me conclude by saying that Zimbabweans are our
friends and we would not be genuine friends, and in fact, we would not
live with our conscience if we did not express our views honestly
and
objectively at this critical hour of need in the history of
Zimbabwe and Southern
Africa, and indeed our tortured
continent.
iafrica.com
Article By:
Mon, 07 Jul 2008
08:12
British Foreign Secretary David Miliband's visit to Zimbabwean refugees
on
Sunday was a "malignant political lie" tailored to coincide with the
opening
of the G8 Summit in Japan, charged Zimbabwe's ambassador to South
Africa
Simon Khaya Moyo.
"There are no Zimbabwean refugee camps in
South Africa. We only know of
centres for displaced African foreign
nationals from all over the continent
following the recent xenophobic
violence," he said.
"So, Mr Miliband must stop his mischief and attend to
the problems affecting
his Labour Party in the United Kingdom.
"He
has no business to come to South Africa and lecture about
Zimbabwe.
"Zimbabwe is no longer a British colony and shall never be
again.
"Let the mediator on Zimbabwe, President Thabo Mbeki, as mandated
by (the
Southern African Development Community) and recently by the African
Union
Summit in Egypt, execute his task without British
interference.
Miliband met with about 2000 refugees at a centre in
Johannesburg.
It was "imperative" that a solution be found to the
worsening crisis in
Zimbabwe, he said afterwards.
He added that
Britain would intensify its efforts to ensure Zimbabwean
President Robert
Mugabe's regime was not seen as "a legitimate
representation of the will of
the people of Zimbabwe."
Miliband also called on the international
community to support United
States-proposed sanctions on Zimbabwe to be
tabled at the United Nations
Security Council in New York.
He arrived
in South Africa on Sunday for the eighth session of the SA-UK
Bilateral
Forum on Tuesday in Pretoria. Zimbabwe is likely to be on the
agenda of the
talks.
Britain does not want Mugabe to be part of any power-sharing deal,
as a
condition of economic aid.
Sapa
http://zimbabwemetro.com
By Philip Mangena ⋅ © zimbabwemetro.com ⋅ July 7,
2008 ⋅
Despite the much publicized talks between the MDC and
ZANU-PF,state
sponsored terror is raging on,ZANU PF militia bases have not
been dismantled
and police continue to defy court rulings.
MDC
activists being held in Lupane and Jotsholo went to court today. There
were
two separate cases The 14 from Lupane who were being accused of
inciting
violence and then MP Pearson Mbalekelwa and two others who were
been charged
with inciting and sponsoring violence.
Six of the fourteen were released
after the court dismissed the case.
On the second case the court
proceedings went ahead and the Magistrate
dismissed the case against all 14
activists from Lupane and ordered that
they should be released. As they were
being realized a Police officer named
Hoko flouted his professionalism and
halted the whole procedure and
instructed for them to be locked up again as
per instruction from Assistant
Commissioner Veterai. and said that all of
them are to be moved to Hwange.
All MDC vehicles in Matebeland North have
been impounded by the police.
Last week South Africa ’s deputy Minister
of foreign affairs had said ZANU
PF must stop violence and said if violence
does not stop they will be forced
to ‘act’.
“It is up to Zimbabwe to
take immediate steps to stop the violence. If they
do not stop it, we will
take action, whatever action is possible to stop
it,” Deputy Foreign
Affairs Minister Aziz Pahad said on Friday.
Pahad also added his voice on
the arbitrary arrest of MDC activists and
their continuous harassment and
warned that it will disrupt talks.
‘So, we believe that logically, an
important element of getting the
Zimbabweans to sit down and seriously talk
is to create the necessary
conducive environment in which this can happen
and that includes all these
aspects - the violence, the humanitarian
situation and the issue of arrests.
I am also sure that if you want these
discussions to succeed then you would
have to create the conducive
climate.’
State sponsored violence had been on the rise.This week Buhera
South
MP,Naisaon Madziva was abducted and two MDC supporters were killed
last
night,police today said they want to arrest seven MDC MPs on
unspecified
charges.20 MDC MPs are behind bars.
Vanguard, Nigeria
Written by Tordue Salem
Monday, 07 July
2008
The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Ojo Maduekwe has attributed
Zimbabwean President, Robert Mugabe's reluctance to concede power to the
opposition, to Mugabe's conviction that leading African Countries had not
shown a good example for him to follow.
The Electoral Commission of
Zimbabwe, had on Saturday, June 27, 2008,
extended the twenty-eight year
regime of President Mugabe by 5 years, after
the 84-year old ZANU-PF
candidate went through a run-off election held
without the
opposition.
Chief Maduekwe at a Press Conference at the Federal
Ministry of
Foreign Affairs at the weekend, disclosed that Mugabe insisted
at a recent
African Union Meeting in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt that Nigeria and
other
African Countries were unqualified to advice him to step down for the
opposition led by Movement For Democratic Change(MDC) candidate, Morgan
Tsvangirai, even after the opposition won 47% of the vote against his
party's
43% in the general elections.
The Former Secretary of
the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), recalled
that, attempts by Nigeria and
other "well-meaning" African Countries to
prevail on Mugabe fell on deaf
ears, as the old freedom fighter, kept on
throwing counter-accusation
punches.
Maduekwe's words: Some attempts were made to blackmail us
based on the
situation in our Country. The President of Zimbabwe Robert
Mugabe dared
other African Countries who are leaving in glass houses to
throw stones. We
told him that even though we were bad, we have repented of
our sins and we
have the right to throw stones.
Monday, 07 July 2008 06:53
5 July 2008
On Monday 30 July 2008
negotiators from the two MDC formations met
with the negotiators from ZANU
PF informally to explore the possibility of
the resumption of the
negotiations in order to resolve the political crisis
in
Zimbabwe.
It was agreed at the meeting that the negotiators should
go back to
their political parties to seek a mandate for the resumption of
the
negations. It was formally agreed that the negotiators should meet again
on
Wednesday 2nd July 2008 to report back to each other on whether or not
they
would have been granted the said mandate.
The MDC
Management Committee met on Wednesday morning 2 July 2008 and
formally
mandated its negotiators to return to the negotiating table and
seek to
negotiate political settlement that would bring an end to the
national
crisis.
The negotiators from the two MDC formations and ZANU PF
dully met on
the evening of Wednesday 2 July 2008 whereat the ZANU PF
negotiors reported
that they had been mandated by their party to proceed
with the negotiations
and we also reported on the mandate given by the
management committee.
MDC Morgan Tsvangirai reported that Mr
Tsvangirai and President Mbeki
had had a telephone conversation during which
they had agreed, at the
request of Mr Tsvangirai, that the facilitator
should organize a meeting
between President Mugabe and Mr Tsvangirai before
the negotiators could
resume formal dialogue. The informal meeting was
further advised that
President Mbeki was in the process of organizing such a
meeting and
therefore the negotiators had to await the holding of that
meeting. This
position was later confirmed to us by the South African
facilitators.
On the evening of Friday the 4th of July 2008 the
facilitator advised
that President Mugabe, President Mbeki and Mr Morgan
Tsvangirai had since
agreed to a meeting of the three principals, namely the
Presidents of the
three political parties represented in Parliament, and
that the meeting had
been set for the 5 of July 2008 at 3pm at the Zimbabwe
House. We were
requested to ensure that our President and our negotiators
are present at
that meeting. At the appointed time, President Mutambara,
Secretary General
Professor Ncube and Deputy Secretary General Priscilla
Misihairabwi-
Mushonga presented themselves at Zimbabwe House as requested
by the
mediator. After the appointed time had lapsed, they were advised that
Mr
Tsvangirai had indicated that he was no longer coming to the meeting as
he
had reached an agreement with Mr Ping of the African Union Head Quarters,
that the meeting should be cancelled until such a time that the African
Union had appointed a special envoy to Zimbabwe to assist President Mbeki
with mediation. We were also advised that MDC -T negotiators namely
Secretary General Tendai Biti and Deputy Treasurer General Elton Mangoma had
presented themselves at the South African Ambassador's residence for a
negotiating meeting at 14 30 hours which they had been asked to attend by Mr
Morgan Tsvangirai. As a result it was agreed that the meeting could not
proceed in the absence of Mr Tsvangirai and his negotiators.
The facilitator undertook to continue consultations with both MDC
formations
and the African Union to resolve the misunderstanding over the
appointment
of an African Union envoy to Zimbabwe.
Edwin Mushoriwa
Secretary for Information and Publity
New Europe
7
July 2008 - Issue : 789
The European Union will not
withdraw its delegation from Zimbabwe,
despite the illegitimacy of President
Robert Mugabe's election victory and
acts of intimidation perpetrated
against its staff in Harare, officials
said. Addressing journalists directly
through a video link with Brussels,
Xavier Marchal, the EU's head of
delegation in Harare said, "The coming
months will be difficult for
Zimbabwe, so I think we need to provide
assistance to these people." "The
(European) commission delegation should
remain here and should be as active
as it has been hitherto, if not more,"
he added. The European Union's
executive, the Commission committed 90
million Euro (USD 142 million) in
funds last year to help pay for a variety
of projects covering health, basic
education, food aid and the upholding of
human rights. "I haven't met
anybody in Zimbabwe, irrespective of their
political views, who has said
that what we have done over the last few years
hasn't been a good thing,"
Marchal said. Italian Foreign Minister Franco
Frattini has been among those
calling for EU member states to withdraw their
ambassadors from Harare in
protest at the latest presidential runoff, which
election observers say was
neither free nor fair. Marchal said that while
Mugabe "definitely does not
have a clear mandate to govern the country," he
did not agree with
Frattini's view, noting that his office tended to
recognise states rather
than governments.
BILL WATCH 27/2008
[5th July 2008]
Following the 27th June Elections
Swearing in of President
Mr Mugabe was sworn in as President on the afternoon of Sunday 29th June by Chief Justice Chidyausiku, following the Chief Elections Officer's declaration that he had won the Presidential run-off election. His term of office is five years, ending at midnight on 28th June 2013.
Commencement of Parliament
The five-year term of the new Parliament commenced on Sunday 29th June, the day the President was sworn in. [Constitution, section 63(4)]
Opening of Parliament
The first session of the new Parliament [Zimbabwe's Seventh Parliament] must commence before 17th July. [Section 62 of the Constitution prohibits a gap of more than 180 days between sittings, and the last sitting of the old Parliament was on 17th January.] The date will be announced by the President by proclamation in the Government Gazette. On that date the session commences with a ceremonial opening of Parliament performed by the President. In his opening address the President will announce his Government's legislative programme for the session.
Swearing-in of MPs and Senators
Before the ceremonial opening of Parliament, MPs and Senators must be sworn in. The Clerk of Parliament will notify MPs and Senators when this will take place, and will preside over the swearing-in ceremonies in the House of Assembly and Senate chambers. The date for these proceedings has not yet been announced.
Election of Speaker of House of Assembly and Deputy
Also before the ceremonial opening of Parliament, the Speaker of the House of Assembly and Deputy Speaker must be elected. As soon as MPs have been sworn in and a quorum of 25 MPs is present, the Clerk of Parliament will preside over the election of the Speaker.
· The Speaker must be chosen from among persons who are or have been members of the House of Assembly. Members of the Cabinet, Ministers and Deputy Ministers are disqualified. [Constitution, section 39(2)].
· If more than one person is proposed and seconded, the Clerk of Parliament must conduct the election by secret ballot.
· If a sitting MP is elected Speaker, his or her seat immediately falls vacant, and the vacancy will have to be filled by a by-election. If a former MP is chosen, there is no effect on the membership of the House.
Following the election of the Speaker, the Deputy Speaker is chosen from among MPs. He or she remains an MP.
Election of President of Senate and Deputy
Also before the ceremonial opening of Parliament, the President of the Senate must be chosen, by Senators, from among persons who are or have been members of the Senate or the House of Assembly [Constitution, section 36(2)]. Members of the Cabinet, Ministers, Deputy Ministers and Provincial Governors are again disqualified. If a sitting Senator is elected, his or her seat falls vacant and must be filled by by-election [if an elected Senator] or appointment [if an appointed Senator]. The proceedings for the election of the President and his or her Deputy correspond to those for the election of the Speaker. The quorum is 11. The Deputy President is chosen from among Senators, and remains a Senator.
Composition of House of Assembly
The by-elections conducted on 27th June resulted in one seat for the MDC-T and two for ZANU-PF, making the final breakdown of the 210 seats in the House as follows:
MDC-T 100
MDC 10
ZANU-PF 99
Indep. 1
The combined MDC majority may be rendered ineffectual by the inability of some MPs to attend Parliament for reasons ranging from abduction, arrest and detention to hospitalisation as a result of post-election violence [some 10 MDC-T MPs have been arrested in recent weeks and 7 more are said to be on a police "wanted" list].
Effect of pending election petitions on House membership
An MP's right to take his or her seat is not affected by the lodging of an election petition challenging his or her election.
Composition of Senate
The breakdown of the 60 elected seats in the 93-member Senate is as follows:
MDC-T 24
MDC 6
ZANU-PF 30
The remaining 33 seats are made up as follows:
Chiefs 18
Provincial Governors 10
Presidential appointees 5
No announcement has been made regarding the 5 Senators to be appointed by the President, or new Provincial Governors.
Vice-Presidents, Ministers, Deputy Ministers and Provincial Governors
· The existing Vice-Presidents, Ministers and Deputy Ministers have continued in office, unaffected by the Presidential swearing-in on 29th June. That is in accordance with the Constitution. [Section 31E(1) states that Vice-Presidents, Ministers and Deputy Ministers continue in office until "a new President" assumes office. Mr Mugabe is not "a new President" for the purposes of this provision; he has merely commenced a new term of office. There is a Supreme Court decision confirming this.].
· However, Vice-Presidents, Ministers and Deputy Ministers hold office at the President's pleasure and can be removed from office at any time. Traditionally there has always been a post-election Cabinet reshuffle.
· Ministers who failed to gain seats in the House of Assembly or the Senate will automatically forfeit their Ministerial status when the new Parliament first meets [Constitution, section 31E(2)] - unless by then they have secured seats. The only seats available are the five Senate seats for Presidential appointees.
· Provincial Governors at the moment are also continuing in office, but they too are subject to removal at the President's pleasure. All ten Provincial Governors are ex officio members of the Senate.
Local Authority Councils
Under both the Urban Councils Act and the Rural District Councils Act, councils must meet "as soon as is practicable" after a general election and elect mayors or chairpersons. These inaugural meetings must be presided over by provincial administrators [Harare and Bulawayo] or district administrators [all other councils]. There is no provision for the meetings to be delayed waiting for a Ministerial order.
Nevertheless, the Ministry of Local Government delayed the swearing-in of the new councillors elected in the harmonised elections of 29th March until the result of the Presidential run-off election of 27th June was known and the successful candidate sworn in. The legal basis for the Ministry's stance was not publicly spelled out.
Following Mr Mugabe's swearing-in as President on 29th June, the Ministry gave the go-ahead for councillors to be sworn in and mayors and chairpersons elected. This has already happened in Harare, where a non-councillor, Mr Muchadeyi Masunda, was chosen as mayor. A non-councillor may be elected as mayor of a municipality. In all other cases the council chairperson must be a councillor.
The new mayors will not be executive mayors; the institution of executive mayor was abolished by the Local Government Laws Amendment Act passed in January. Their principal function will be presiding over council meetings [Urban Councils Act as amended, section 104].
Any "caretakers" [previously called "commissioners"] recently appointed by the Minister of Local Government to run council affairs, cease to hold office as soon as a newly elected council commences functioning [Urban Councils Act, section 84].
Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied.
Tearfund
Date: 07 Jul 2008
On the opening day of
the G8 Summit in Japan, Zimbabwean church workers at
the forefront of aid
efforts in the country issued an impassioned call to
world leaders for
decisive action to stop the violence in the country.
Seven African heads
of state, including the leaders of South Africa,
Tanzaniaand Ethiopia, will
today join the 8 leading industrialised nations
for discussions to tackle
poverty in Africa.
Speaking from Zimbabwe, a spokesman for the Zimbabwe
Christian Alliance
(ZCA), a partner of British aid agency Tearfund, said,
'We call on the G8
leaders to leave no stone unturned in their efforts to
address the double
disaster of the political and humanitarian crises in the
country.
'Our people are suffering terribly, but the ongoing violence is
preventing
us from reaching those who are in desperate
need.'
Economists estimate Zimbabwe's inflation to be running at over 9
million per
cent, with food in very short supply.
The ZCA
spokesperson expressed deep concern at talk of forming a Government
of
National Unity in the country at last week's African Union Summit. He
said,
'A Government of National Unity dismisses the will of the people. They
want
change, as demonstrated in the March election. We need a government
that
will put the needs of our people first.
'Our hope is that the G8 and
African leaders will urgently appoint a team of
mediators to facilitate a
transitional Government, to pave the way to free
and fair elections.
Anything less will only serve to legitimise the Mugabe
regime,' he
said.
The United Nations estimates that 5 million people - approximately
half the
population of Zimbabwe- will require food aid over the next 9
months.
However, many aid agencies have been ordered to cease their
operations by
the Government.
Commenting on the situation from Japan,
Peter Grant, the International
Director of Tearfund, said that, 'Further
sanctions being discussed at the
UN will be too little, too late. They will
not be enough to resolve this
urgent crisis. We strongly support our
Zimbabwean partners' call for a
transitional government.'
Other
Tearfund church partners in Zimbabweare being severely hampered in
their
efforts to reach 35,000 AIDS orphans with life-saving food supplies.
Workers
trying to deliver aid have been intimidated and safety concerns have
led
them to closing rural offices.
Ongoing violence is exacerbating the
crisis, driving people from their homes
in search of safety. Tearfund's
partners have had to suspend long-term aid
operations, to provide shelter
for 800 people who have fled the violence. A
steady stream of new arrivals
continues.
Also, sharp rises in food prices and riots in several
countries will bring
into sharp focus discussions in Japanabout the global
food crisis between
the G8 and African leaders. Just last month, the UN
warned that 4.6 million
people face shortages in Ethiopia.
Mesfin
Shuge, Assistant Director of Food Security for the KaleHeywetChurchin
Ethiopia, a Tearfund partner, said, 'The change in our climate means that
the rains do not come when they should. So there is very little food to eat.
Now the world food crisis means that the price of wheat flour and maize has
quadrupled in the last few months alone, so the very poorest are simply
unable to afford it.
'Recently, I met 30 people in my church who
hadn't eaten for three days. We
collected money from the congregation and
were able to help them. This is
not an isolated case and this situation
cannot go on. We need help to do
more.'
Tearfund is urging the G8
leaders both to take action to address the current
food crisis and to tackle
the underlying causes, especially climate change.