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From SW Radio Africa:
We received very alarming information from a resident of Murehwa town, reporting that the residents have been given 24 hours to destroy their homes and leave the area, unless they can provide the legal plans for their building. Most residents do not have any such documents and we hear that the entire town is in a state of shock not understanding what is happening. No questions were allowed as the police said the announcements were final.
The whole tragedy started on Monday when it was announced door-to-door that every household should be represented by someone at the football grounds Thursday afternoon. Thousands of people showed up for the meeting and were addressed by several officials including the ZANU-PF district coordinator for Murehwa named Siwela, plus a health official, a prisons official and the police chief.
As the meeting began, the officials chanted ruling party slogans expecting the crowd to respond. But it is reported that no-one chanted back the ZANU-PF slogans. Then came the bad news.
Siwela told the crowd that the cleanup operation that took place at the flea markets would now be extended to the residential areas of Murehwa town. Anyone who fails to produce the council plans for their home within 24 hours was advised to begin packing their valuables and removing their roofs before the bulldozers arrive on Saturday. Siwela then told them to leave Murehwa and to go back where they came from.
Tererai spoke to Kumbirai, a Murehwa resident who immediately went to the council offices but their were no plans for his house. He said his landlord bought the building from someone who died years ago, and as it stands now, he has to destroy his beautiful brick building and try to save the roofing material. Kumbirai told us that as people left the football grounds they were in shock, angry, confused and beyond depression.
The
Media Monitoring Project
Monday
May 30th – Sunday June 5th 2005
Weekly Media Update
2005-20
CONTENTS
1.
GENERAL COMMENT
2.
CLAMPDOWN
3. FOOD
SECURITY
MORE
confirmation of government’s stranglehold on the public media emerged this week
with The Financial Gazette (2/6) reporting that Deputy Information
Minister Bright Matonga was interfering with the editorial content of the
national broadcaster, ZBH.
The
paper revealed that Matonga was “personally editing stories for the main 8pm
bulletin” because he was not happy with the way ZBH was “covering and
reporting the government’s ongoing blitz on flea markets and perceived illegal
settlements, claiming the coverage was unacceptable to the ruling ZANU PF”.
According
to “sources” quoted by the paper, Matonga had “edited out” footage
exposing the brutality of the police during their demolition of illegal
structures as it portrayed “government in bad light”. The paper also
revealed that this was not the first time Matonga had interfered with the
broadcaster’s editorial independence. Reportedly, he had also edited reports on
the Zimbabwe International Trade Fair in April.
Such
crude and blatant interference has transformed ZBH into an unbridled conduit of
government propaganda.
The
repressive legislative environment and the authorities’ delay in licensing
private broadcasters have ensured that ZBH still enjoys a de-facto monopoly and
denied the citizenry their right to access alternative broadcast media of their
choice.
Although
Studio 7 and SW Radio Africa have tried to give the other side of the Zimbabwean
story, these are niche market radio channels that are only accessed by the few
who have short and medium wave radios.
The
government’s assault on the private Press, which has resulted in the forced
closure of four papers, has left most Zimbabweans with little choice from the
dominant government controlled papers, whose partisan coverage of daily events
is well documented.
THE
Government’s continuing persecution of the country’s urban poor again dominated
the media, which carried 206 stories on the campaign.
Of
these, 124 appeared on ZBH (ZTV, Power FM and Radio
Although
the government papers typically endorsed the exercise to demolish illegally
built houses and destroy flea markets, and largely ignored the scale of human
suffering – which the private Press captured – all media failed to fully assess
the economic cost of the exercise.
For
example, the resulting dislocation of society and its effects on industry, as
illustrated by the displacement of so many workers, was not explored.
Conspicuous too, was the media’s silence on the legality of the so-called clean
up, leaving their audiences in the dark over what by-laws the authorities were
relying on to implement the clampdown.
The
media only raised the legal element in their coverage of court challenges to the
exercise.
This
notwithstanding, the government-controlled media’s reportage of the persecution
was replete with official bias. Most of their stories merely hushed the tragic
realities of the crackdown with reports portraying government as compassionate
and committed to addressing the people’s plight by creating the impression that
the disadvantages of the “clean-up” were nothing compared to the remedies that
the authorities had put in place to help the affected people.
ZBH
alone devoted 32 stories to reporting approvingly of government’s “commitment
to house all” and “providing appropriate structures for informal
traders” following the commissioning of 50 000 housing stands in Harare,
which it said were part of the 250,000 stands set aside countrywide for the
homeless, and the re-opening of Mupedzanhamo flea-market in Mbare. (ZTV 1/6, 6pm
& 2/6, 8pm, Power FM and Radio
But the
state broadcaster never asked the logic behind government’s vicious and abrupt
closure of Mupedzanhamo, only to re-open it almost immediately after
“restructuring”.
Instead,
ZTV (2/6, 7am) claimed “accommodation problems faced by many cities and towns
are set to be a thing of the past as government will make available 250 000
stands across the country at zero deposit” without reconciling this with the
country’s reported two million housing backlog.
The
government papers followed suit. They carried seven unquestioning stories in
which they reported government as having set aside housing stands for the public
and opening new vending complexes for informal traders. No attempt was made to
fully inform readers about the location of the stands or the criteria to be used
to allocate them. Neither did the papers challenge the authorities’ logic of
first making Zimbabweans homeless before declaring that new plots would be
available.
Instead,
The Sunday Mail and The Sunday News (5/6) passively welcomed the
allocation saying it was a “blessing in disguise to prospective house
owners” as government had come up with “comprehensive plans” to
“boost provision of housing” by relaxing “municipal requirements
governing the allocation of stands and construction of houses” and reducing
the cost of building a new house by “at least 60 percent”.
To
present the clean-up as paying dividends, The Sunday Mail reported that
police had recovered “fuel with a street value of $55 million” destined
for the black market as the authorities’ clampdown moved to Harare’s “crime
ridden Highfield high-density suburb”.
The
government media’s excitement over the alleged success of the clampdown resulted
in them failing to establish the exact operational framework of the exercise,
which appears to have mutated rapidly to include seemingly ad hoc
measures.
This was
illustrated by the passive manner in which ZTV (3/6, 6pm & 4/6, 7am), Power
FM (3/6, 8pm) and Radio Zimbabwe (4/6, 6am) reported warnings to property owners
by City of Harare public relations manager Leslie Gwindi to refurbish and paint
their properties or face legal action.
Even the
national broadcaster appeared to be setting the agenda of the clampdown by
recommending issues that it felt should be investigated. For example, although
ZTV (30/5, 7am) Radio Zimbabwe (30/5, 6am) claimed there was a public outcry to
have the “clean-up” encompass phone shops because they were charging
exorbitant rates, no one was quoted saying this.
In fact,
the government media’s partisan coverage of the matter resulted in them relying
heavily on the authorities for comment almost to the exclusion of other
pertinent sources. See Fig 1 and 2.
Fig. 1
Voice distribution in government controlled Press
Police |
Ordinary
people |
Govt |
Local
Govt. |
Alternative |
ZANU
PF |
MDC |
Judiciary |
Foreign
|
17 |
15 |
18 |
4 |
4 |
1 |
2 |
1 |
2 |
Notably,
almost all the ordinary people quoted were victims of the clampdown who endorsed
government’s operation and called on the authorities to find them alternative
accommodation and vending stalls.
In
addition, the papers carried seven editorials and opinion pieces that supported
the exercise.
Fig. 2 Voice distribution
on ZBH
MEDIA |
Government |
Local
Govt |
Police |
Zanu
PF |
Opposition |
Ordinary
people |
Alter native |
Business |
Professional |
Foreign |
ZTV |
9 |
3 |
14 |
5 |
4 |
49 |
8 |
0 |
2 |
0 |
Power
FM |
4 |
3 |
5 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
2 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
Radio
|
4 |
2 |
12 |
2 |
2 |
0 |
2 |
0 |
4 |
1 |
Similarly,
ZBH stories were dominated by official comments, all defending the operation.
Professionals such as the government-controlled Scientific and Industrial
Research Development Centre (SIRDC) and pro-governments analysts also supported
the operation.
Although
ZBH appeared to have made attempts to balance official opinion with that of the
opposition MDC on the clean-up exercise, its insincerity was clearly illustrated
by the way it misrepresented and editorialised the MDC’s contribution. For
example, ZTV (1/6, 8pm) only stressed the MDC’s purported acknowledgement of the
“on-going clean up exercise” but ignored the party’s strong objections to
the manner in which it was being conducted.
This was
only revealed later in the bulletin when the station quoted MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai dismissing the exercise as an “an indiscriminate abuse or assault
on the people’s basic survival…actually making a lot of people destitute,
desperate…where there are no jobs, no options of basic survival.”
The
government media’s attempts to portray the opposition party as supporting the
crackdown were also evident in the Chronicle (30/5 and 31/5). The paper
claimed that the MDC dominated Bulawayo City Council, which has always conducted
annual demolitions of “illegal tuck shops in
The
city’s MDC mayor, Japhet Ndabeni-Ncube was not given space to respond to the
allegations. But the Zimbabwe Independent (3/5) did, and quoted him
categorically refuting that his council supported the clampdown. The Standard
(5/6) also quoted the MDC’s Gweru mayor, Cecil Zvidzayi, saying his council
was equally against the operation.
But the
official media remained relentless in its distortion of the MDC’s position.
Commenting on the opposition party’s plan to sue government over the crackdown,
ZTV and Radio Zimbabwe (3/5, 8pm) cynically accused the MDC of being
“insensitive to the plight of ordinary people as they are wasting billions of
dollars on court cases instead of funding developmental projects that benefit
the people”.
However,
Studio 7 (30/5, 1/6 & 3/6) reported
the opposition party as having launched an appeal for assistance to help those
affected by the crackdown.
The
three reports by Studio 7 formed part of the 53 stories that the private media
carried on the authorities’ assault on the country’s urban
poor.
Except
for an editorial in The Daily Mirror (1/6) endorsing the destruction of
people’s homes under the operation, the rest of the private media’s stories were
informative as they brought to the fore the tense political atmosphere, public
outcry, human suffering and rights abuses sparked by the
exercise.
Unlike
ZTV (30/5, 6pm, 8pm), Radio Zimbabwe (3/6, 6pm & 8pm) and The Herald
(3/6), which reported more people as “voluntarily” and “willingly”
pulling down their illegal structures and therefore “complying” with the
government exercise, Studio 7 carried six stories that revealed that it was
actually a result of coercion and fear.
For
example, the station (3/6) reported the police as ordering “people to tear
down their own homes at gunpoint”.
Besides,
it was only the private media that exposed the policy contradictions riddling
the authorities’ implementation of the exercise. For example, Studio 7 (2/6)
questioned government’s demolition of Hatcliffe Extension, an official holding
camp of former inhabitants of squatter settlements set up as a joint project
between the Harare City Council, the World Bank and USAID.
In the
same vein, the Zimbabwe Independent (3/6) noted that when “all these
illegal settlements mushroomed across the country we had the same self-righteous
government in power”. The Standard (5/6) raised similar sentiments
and revealed plans by civic and political organizations to protest against the
operation.
Radio
The
critical manner in which the private Press handled the matter was reflected by
the way they sought to balance the authorities’ comments with independent views
as shown in Fig 3.
Police |
Ordinary
people |
Govt |
Local
govt. |
Alternative |
MDC |
Foreign |
8 |
17 |
6 |
7 |
16 |
5 |
1 |
However,
as Fig 4 shows, Studio 7’s stories were unbalanced because they lacked official
comment, especially on allegations of the aggressive and violent nature with
which the government operation was being conducted.
Media |
Government |
Police |
Opposition |
Ordinary
People |
Alternative |
Business |
Lawyers |
Professional |
Foreign
Diplomats |
Studio
7 |
0 |
0 |
8 |
7 |
5 |
0 |
2 |
0 |
1 |
THE
government media’s attempts to downplay
All 10
reports in the government-controlled media (six by ZBH and four by its print
counterparts) gave the impression that Morris’ visit was inconsequential because
government was already importing food on its own and was unwavering in its
rejection of food aid attached to “political” conditions.
For
example, all of ZBH’s stories on Morris’ visit were punctuated by its reporters
repeating President Mugabe’s declaration that “no one would die of
hunger” and emphasising that government would only accept food assistance
“without political strings attached”.
In
addition, ZBH’s stories on ZTV (1/6, 8pm) and Power FM (2/6, 1pm) passively gave
the impression that the WFP was forcing its food aid onto
The
Herald and
Chronicle (2/6) also suppressed the authorities’ apparent U-turn on food
aid in their coverage of the government’s meetings with Morris. For instance,
they gave more prominence to President Mugabe and Goche’s belligerence on the
food issue at the expense of providing details of the meetings.
In fact,
despite quoting Goche as telling Morris that
In this
vein, a comment in The Herald (3/6) claimed that Morris’ visit
would “go a long way” in “thwarting” the “nefarious
designs” of some Western countries as he “found first-hand, that the
Government has put in place various measures to ensure that people do not
starve” in spite of “floods, droughts and illegal
sanctions”.
It was
only the private media that openly discussed the food situation in the 12
stories they carried on the subject.
For
instance, Studio 7 (2/6) and the Independent revealed that government’s
meeting with Morris was “a humiliating climb-down” by President Mugabe
who rebuffed assistance before the election and predicted a bumper harvest.
And
while the government Press projected Morris as being satisfied with Zimbabwe’s
situation, the Independent quoted him telling journalists in South
Africa, after his meeting with President Mugabe, that he intended to pass on to
Kofi Anan, the UN Secretary-General, calls by civic leaders that the UN should
send a “special rapportuer to investigate Zimbabwe’s humanitarian
crisis”.
The MEDIA UPDATE was produced and
circulated by the Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe, 15 Duthie Avenue, Alexandra
Park, Harare, Tel/fax: 263 4 703702, E-mail: monitors@mmpz.org.zw
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