June 10th, 2011
The information in this report has been gathered by civic activists and credible researchers who wish to remain anonymous for both their security and the security of those who helped them compile the data. Sokwanele is facilitating dissemination of this information.
Click on the following links to download the report and associated documents: Over the past decade since 2000, there have been an enormous number of reports detailing the violence and the gross human rights violations that have accompanied Zimbabwe’s crisis. In all the reports – apart from the face-saving propaganda of the former ZANU PF government – it has been clear that the major victims have been members of the MDC [now MDC-T], as well as members of activist civic organizations such as the NCA, the ZCTU, WOZA, and others. It has also been clear that the overwhelming perpetrators have been supporters of ZANU PF, the youth militia, the so-called “war veterans”, and, most serious of all, state agents such as the police, the army, and the CIO.
This report is the first to demonstrate clearly the interactions between all these various groups of perpetrators, with the unequivocal demonstration that violence in Zimbabwe has been orchestrated by ZANU PF, both as party and as government. Whilst this is the obvious conclusion that can be drawn from the huge number of reports, there has been no evidence of a detailed nature to show this relationship. This is now shown by this report.
The report covers investigations in 15 of the Districts that have repeatedly been shown to have suffered from repeated violence, especially during elections.
The report, with its 11 Appendices, shows who is involved in the perpetration of violence, how it is organized, how it is resourced, and who suffers.
It identifies the bases from which terror is launched, and distressingly shows how many facilities belonging to the citizens of Zimbabwe are turned from their civic purpose into places of repression. Schools, clinics, community centres, police stations, and many other public facilities have been turned into places where gross human rights violations are perpetrated.
It identifies the people that are involved in the enterprise of coercing the ordinary people of Zimbabwe into support for ZANU PF: Ministers, Members of Parliament, policemen, army officers and other ranks, civil servants, Chiefs, village headmen, headmen, and many others. Hundreds of people are named as being involved in the terror apparatus.
Perpetrators by Organisation
Name of organization | Percentage |
Zanu PF | 77 |
Zanu PF Youth | 47 |
War veteran | 10 |
Army | 5 |
CIO | 1 |
ZRP | 1 |
Church leader | 1 |
Councillor | 4 |
Headman | 2 |
Chief | 4 |
Other | 5 |
The report outlines those who are responsible for the terror: the base commanders, those who provide resources, those who carry out the violence, and, above all, those who are ultimately responsible.
The report also demonstrates in detail the manner in which ZANU PF has taken hold of every aspect of rural life, with political control (and the attendant threat of violent retribution for resisting this control) both locally and centrally in the hands of ZANU PF. Small wonder that ZANU PF claims that the rural areas “support” them.
As the report concludes:
ZANU PF has clearly developed a comprehensive strategy for dealing with other parties competing in elections that strongly draws on its control of the structures and processes operating in the rural areas. Each aspect of a villager’s life, from the very ability to occupy land within the area, access to food, agricultural inputs, and, in some instances, access to his or her church, may be subject to the control of ZANU PF. This is accomplished through the control over formal governmental structures as provided by statute, the adulteration of these structures and legislated procedures, through traditional authorities, and through ZANU PF party structures and personnel in the area in question.
Any person attempting to evade this control can be swiftly dealt with by restricting the access to resources, and, in the event of the individual having some degree of independence or autonomy, through overt violence. The degree of pressure exerted appears to be adjusted according to the support or lack of support that ZANU PF has in each ward. For the purposes of elections then, ZANU PF is able, for example, to determine whether subtle pressures, using the control of resources can be used in some areas or whether overt violence is required. This is graphically illustrated if one compares the strategies adopted by ZANU PF in the elections of 2000, 2002 and 2008 with 2005. In the latter instance, ZANU PF clearly utilized the more subtle forms of coercion, which this report has intended to show are available, rather than outright violence.
What is remarkable that, given the power ZANU PF can exercise over villagers, any person living in the rural areas should admit to being an MDC supporter, let alone an activist. That many people still do so is a testimony to their courage and resilience.
http://www.timeslive.co.za
Jun 10, 2011 6:48 PM | By Sapa
Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe accompanied by several of his ministers
paid a courtesy visit to
President Jacob Zuma in Pretoria on Friday
afternoon.
Media were
invited to take photographs and film the leaders, but were barred
from
asking questions.
In a statement released before the meeting, the South
African presidency
said Mugabe and Zuma would engage on a number of issues
ahead of the SA
Development Community Summit and the summit of the Common
Market for Eastern
and Southern Africa (COMESA), the East African Community
(EAC) and SADC.
The South African government is hosting the Second
Tripartite
COMESA-EAC-SADC Summit n Sandton this weekend.
Southern
African leaders would also meet on Saturday evening to lay out a
roadmap for
elections in Zimbabwe, reportedly amid warnings of rising
violence and
intimidation.
Zuma's foreign policy adviser Lindiwe Zulu told the media
that he and Mugabe
would focus only on the mediation process leading to
elections.
Asked about recent criticisms of her by Zimbabwe's ruling
Zanu-Pf party,
Zulu said Zuma had confidence in her efforts to do her job as
a mediator.
Asked if the June 13 sentencing of 87-year-old South African
farmer Philip
Hapelt for illegally farming the land on which he was born
near Gweru would
be raised, Zulu said: "The only issues that will be raised
are issues for
this summit."
French news agency Agence France Presse
reported that SADC members would
consider a report by its security "troika",
which at an earlier meeting in
Zambia lashed out at Mugabe over his failure
to make reforms which would
pave the way for elections.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
10 June, 2011
The Saturday discussions on Zimbabwe, being
held on the sidelines of the
Free Trade Area summit in Johannesburg, have
attracted much media attention.
Civic groups and political parties have
organized activities to ensure that
no aspect of the crisis back home,
especially ZANU-PF abuses, is ignored.
Pressure is also growing on regional
leaders to finally deal with Robert
Mugabe.
The ZANU-PF thugs who
disrupted a Crisis Coalition press conference on
Thursday were captured on
video by activists and a report of “common
assault” has been filed with
South Africa’s police. The complainant,
Rodrick Magaisa, says the ZANU-PF
chairperson for Johannesburg, Ndaba Nyoni,
attacked him with a piece of
glass.
Dewa Mavhinga, regional coordinator for Crisis, said the
disruptions are an
attempt by ZANU-PF to divert attention from their
failings and from
important SADC business.
“We are confident that
SADC leaders are clear about what is happening and
what ought to be done in
Zimbabwe,” Mavhinga explained.
Mavhinga said they expected ZANU-PF to
make further attempts to disrupt
activities. The group’s photo exhibit
titled “Zimbabwe Footprints of Abuse”
opened in Sandton on Friday. Mavhinga
said it includes very upsetting images
of the state-sponsored violence from
the 2008 elections and recent
incidents.
“It is clear evidence that
the maker of violence in Zimbabwe is ZANU PF and
their state machinery,” he
added.
There is also a protest rally scheduled for Saturday in Sandton.
“We are
pleading with SADC leaders to ensure that a credible roadmap for
elections
is produced, that addresses violence and military interference in
electoral
affairs,” Mavhinga said.
Meanwhile, officials from the
Swaziland Democracy Campaign expressed
solidarity with Zimbabwean activists
and called on SADC leaders to ensure
that peaceful elections are held. A
statement from the Swazi Campaign said
they hope the protest “will serve as
a wake up call to SADC” as the grouping
has “virtually destroyed its own
reputation by prevaricating on the need for
democratic change in
Zimbabwe”.
“Those campaigning for democracy in Swaziland share the
frustrations of the
people of Zimbabwe,” the statement said.
The
intensified pressure on SADC leaders is bound to ensure that the
discussions
on Zimbabwe are heated. It remains to be seen whether the region
will
finally act on Robert Mugabe, and ensure he stops the violence and
allows
free and fair elections to be held.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona
Sibanda
11 June 2011
The international community sought on Friday to
put concerted pressure on
SADC to push parties in the Global Political
Agreement to adopt an election
roadmap that will guarantee free and fair
elections in Zimbabwe.
On Saturday Zimbabwe will be discussed on the
sidelines of the SADC summit
in Johannesburg. The crisis was supposed to
have been tackled at the SADC
summit in Windhoek, Namibia, but was postponed
as President Jacob Zuma of
South Africa could not attend. Zuma is the SADC
appointed mediator in the
Zimbabwe crisis.
The regional leaders are
meeting in what analysts hope will be a no holds
barred discussion and the
summit has also attracted the attention of the
world’s leading
states.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was scheduled to meet
Zambian
President Rupiah Banda for talks in Lusaka on Friday. Banda is the
current
chair of the SADC troika organ on politics and
security.
Analysts believe Clinton’s visit to the region ahead of this
crucial SADC
summit in Johannesburg is a US attempt to lean on the regional
bloc to take
a tougher line on Robert Mugabe.
Our sources in
Johannesburg told us other Western nations have also tasked
their envoys in
Pretoria and the region to ratchet up pressure, as it is
vital that SADC
does not reverse the landmark decisions of the Livingstone
Troika
summit.
Zuma and his SADC troika colleagues (Zambian President Banda;
SADC chair and
Mozambican President Armando Guebuza and Namibian President
Hifikepunye
Pohamba) read the riot act to Mugabe in Livingstone in an
unprecedented way,
warning him they were ‘disappointed’ and getting
increasingly ‘impatient’
with him.
Mugabe reacted angrily and lashed
out at Zuma and other SADC leaders, saying
their role was not to “dictate”
to him what to do but only to ‘facilitate’
talks.
Saturday’s meeting
takes place against frantic efforts by Mugabe to down
play the Troika’s
observations. A ZANU PF delegation is already in
Johannesburg to try to
influence the bloc to reverse the damning Livingstone
communiqué and
report.
Mugabe has also moved to avert a public spat with Zuma by lining
up a
pre-emptive meeting with the mediator on the eve of the summit. His
spokesman George Charamba said the two leaders will clear the ground on the
political situation in Zimbabwe at a Friday meeting.
SW Radio Africa
is reliably informed that MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai and
MDC President
Welshman Ncube have held several telephone conversations with
the South
African leader this week.
Both leaders have reportedly told Zuma that
elections in Zimbabwe will only
be feasible when a new constitution is in
place, plus the many other reforms
that are required to enable the
electorate to express themselves freely.
This position was reaffirmed on
Friday by Tsvangirai’s foreign affairs
advisor, Jameson Timba, at a press
conference in Johannesburg, Friday.
Timba told journalists that the MDC-T
will not agree to an election without
fundamental reforms on the
ground.
He said of major concern to them was the resurgence of violence
and the
deployment of soldiers, war vets and militia in the countryside,
instruments
of coercion and intimidation that need to be dismantled before
the poll.
Political analyst Munjonzi Mutandiri told us there is a
likelihood SADC will
push for the adoption of the election roadmap, but will
leave the three
parties to work on the election date.
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Edward Jones Friday 10 June
2011
HARARE – Regional leaders will this week push Zimbabwe’s
political rivals to
adopt an election roadmap guaranteeing free and fair
elections but will
likely restrain President Robert Mugabe and Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
from hurrying to hold a fresh vote without
critical reforms, analysts and
diplomats said.
A diplomat who will
attend the meeting in South Africa at the weekend said
the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) bloc was developing
fatigue over Harare’s
political problems and would have preferred a quick
election but is afraid
that without reforms, Zimbabwe’s crisis would
continue to blight the
region.
The 87-year-old Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party are pushing hard for
elections
this year, driven mostly by a need to have the ageing leader
contest the
elections before his health deteriorates.
Mugabe has
travelled several times to Singapore this year on trips some of
his
officials say are linked to treatment for prostate cancer.
Mugabe is
still smarting from the SADC Troika summit in Livingstone, Zambia
in April,
which for the first criticised Zimbabwe’s longtime ruler for a
crackdown on
coalition government opponents.
South African President Jacob Zuma will
present the Livingstone summit
report and the election roadmap for adoption
by the full SADC summit and
push Mugabe and Tsvangirai to fully implement
their power-sharing pact known
as the global political agreement before
holding fresh elections.
“SADC is very keen to see Zimbabwe’s leadership
fully implement the global
political agreement and President Zuma will
impress upon the Summit to adopt
the election roadmap,” the SADC diplomat
said.
The diplomat told ZimOnline that most countries were convinced that
Zimbabwe
was not ready to hold elections this year.
Zimbabwe’s
Parliament would need to pass amendments to the Electoral Act,
clean-up its
voters’ roll, amend the notorious Public Order and Security
Act, remove
military personnel from the countryside, fully comply with the
global
political agreement and adopt a new constitution before going to
elections.
“The feeling among most SADC is that if all these
processes are done
Zimbabwe there is no reason not to have elections the
next day. I don’t want
to put a date to it but it might be that elections in
Zimbabwe could be held
between March and June next year,” the diplomat
said.
ZANU-PF and the MDC send advance delegates to South Africa to lobby
SADC
countries to come up with a decision in their favour.
ZANU-PF
argues that it has complied with the global political agreement and
that it
is the MDC which has not called for lifting of sanctions and
convinced
foreign radio stations to stop broadcasting into Zimbabwe.
But the MDC
says ZANU-PF have failed to appoint MDC officials as provincial
governors
even thought there is an agreement and that Mugabe is resisting
broadcasting
and security reforms as part of a package seen critical to
peaceful and free
elections.
A Zimbabwe government official however said ZANU-PF had
suffered a setback
after one of its allies Angolan President Jose Eduardo do
Santos told Mugabe
that it was in the region’s interest to hold elections
when all outstanding
issues were resolved.
The source said Angola
feared a disputed election in Zimbabwe could ignite
protests that have swept
Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, which could then spread
in the region. Dos Santos,
who has ruled Angola since 1979, has not held a
presidential election since
1992.
Analysts say Mugabe’s advanced age and his failure to groom a
successor has
become the biggest threat to Zimbabwe’s future stability and
its transition
to democracy.
South Africa’s ruling ANC party has
already said the three governing
parties, including Mugabe’s ZANU-PF, fear
that should Mugabe retire or die
in office this could jeorpadise the
adoption of a new democratic
constitution that is being
drafted.
“This summit should reaffirm the decision of the troika in
Livingstone which
ZAU-PF is trying to reverse,” John Makumbe, a political
commentator and
Mugabe critic said.
“I think we will see an outcome
that will in a way force ZANU-PF in
particular to agree to the election
roadmap and put all this election talk
to rest.”
ZANU-PF has prepared
a dossier in which it portrays the MDC as a violent
political party in the
clutches of the West to remove Mugabe from power.
The former liberation
movement has also criticised Zuma, suggesting he was
using information from
the MDC to come up with his reports.
In the aftermath of the Livingstone
summit, the weekly Sunday Mail, which
reflects ZANU-PF thinking, attacked
Zuma as “erratic” while questioning his
role as Zimbabwe mediator and said
he was not a liability to Africans.
“For ZANU-PF I think this will be
more of damage control than anything else.
I don’t see the summit taking a
different decision other than that of the
troika,” Makumbe said. --
ZimOnline
http://www.monstersandcritics.com
Jun 10, 2011, 15:07
GMT
Harare - The Zimbabwean parliament declared Friday that regulations
seeking
to nationalize foreign-owned companies were 'unconstitutional,
unreasonable
and absurd,' and called for them to be repealed or
revised.
The law, which would force all foreign-owned companies to cede
their
majority stake to black Zimbabweans, was proposed by Youth,
Indigenization
and Economic Empowerment Minister Saviour
Kasukuwere.
'We now expect the minister to come to parliament and tell us
what he
(plans) to do,' said Shepherd Mushonga, the head of a cross-party
parliamentary legal committee.
Kasukuwere was unavailable for
comment.
President Robert Mugabe and Kasukuwere say the move is necessary
to ensure
black Zimbabweans benefit from the country's lucrative mineral
resources.
The southern African country is rich in minerals including
diamonds,
uranium, chrome, platinum and gold. The empowerment drive is
targeting major
companies, including Anglo American, Rio Tinto, Implats and
Nestle.
Most companies have adopted a wait-and-see attitude, putting
expansion and
retooling plans on hold until there is clarity on how the
empowerment plan
will be executed.
Firms that fail to disclose how
they plan to transfer shares within the
stipulated period face prosecution,
according to the empowerment
regulations.
'The unanimous finding of
the committee is that this statutory instrument is
both unconstitutional and
ultra vires (beyond legal authority),' reads a
report by the Mushonga-led
committee.
They said the hefty penalties imposed by the law were 'grossly
disproportionate' to the offences, and therefore 'inhumane and
degrading.'
The imposition of prison terms for offenders was
'unreasonable and absurd,'
the committee wrote, adding that this was
unconstitutional, as it neglected
the right to the protection of the
law.
Mushonga said in an interview that the regulations gave the minister
of
indigenization 'too much' power, as they allowed him to impose a penalty
on
businesses which is supposed to be administered by
parliament.
Veritas, a legal monitoring organization, said that the
regulations could be
challenged in the Supreme Court if Mugabe did not
repeal them.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Lance Guma
10 June
2011
A total of 23 Harare residents are now behind bars, as police
brazenly
continue a politicized witch hunt for MDC-T activists. This follows
the
death of Inspector Petros Mutedza in a night club brawl with street
vendors
in Glen View last month.
Three more activists were arrested
Thursday night after Sydney Chirombe, a
councilor in Ward 33 of Budiriro,
and MDC-T employees Abina Rutsito and
Jeffias Moyo, were picked up from
their homes in Budiriro. The party issued
a statement saying their
whereabouts are unknown. Rusito and Moyo work in
the “MDC Excellence Shop”
at the Harvest House headquarters.
Last month at least 20 MDC-T activists
were arrested over Mutedza’s murder,
in what the party says is an attempt to
tarnish their image ahead of the
crucial SADC discussions about Zimbabwe, in
South Africa this weekend.
MDC-T National Executive member Last
Maengahama is still in custody, despite
proof that he was attending a church
service at the time of the murder. His
pastor has confirmed they have video
footage of him in church. Police are
said to be severely assaulting and
torturing those in custody, while also
denying them food and
medication.
The atmosphere in the Glen View suburb remains tense with
police continuing
to make random arrests of innocent residents. An
unofficial curfew is
reportedly in effect as residents limit their own
movements to avoid getting
caught. Thursday’s arrests represented a widening
of the crackdown as police
moved to Budiriro.
Several analysts have
criticized the use of Mutedza’s death for propaganda
purposes by ZANU PF. A
front page report in the state owned Herald newspaper
featured a policewoman
who underwent skin grafting after a suspicious
petrol-bomb attack in 2007.
It was headed “Bombed cop relives horror night”.
Despite no MDC-T
activists being convicted of the bombing the caption used
by the Herald said
it was the work of “MDC-T activists”. The story is being
intricately woven
together with the murder of Mutedza to portray the MDC-T
as a violent
party.
But some commentators have begun exploring the possibility that
Mutedza was
‘sacrificed’ by ZANU PF, for propaganda purposes ahead of the
SADC meeting.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Guthrie Munyuki, News Editor
Friday, 10 June 2011
16:55
HARARE - President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF party faces damning
allegations
of planning to deploy at least 80 000 militia and military
officials across
the country, in a violent bid to force people to vote for
the 87-year-old
octogenarian in the next elections.
Influential
civil society pressure group, Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition –
which compiled
a chilling dossier containing the allegations – yesterday
made a passionate
plea to Sadc and President Jacob Zuma of South Africa in
particular, to
intervene immediately to stop the deployment of the
military, the real
power behind Mugabe.
In the unsettling dossier titled: “The Military
Factor in Zimbabwe’s
Political and Electoral Affairs” — which followed three
months of extensive
investigations — Crisis said the militia would be posted
in all provinces
throughout the country.
Crisis launched the damning
report in Johannesburg yesterday, ahead of a
potentially explosive Sadc
summit on Zimbabwe tomorrow which will, among
other burning issues, touch on
rising violence in Zimbabwe, as well as the
role of security forces in human
rights violations in the country,
especially against pro-democracy groups
and Mugabe’s opponents.
The report and its distressing claims will be
handed over to the Sadc heads
of state at the summit tomorrow.
It
alleges that the military has demanded, and Zanu PF has agreed, that at
least 25 percent of all legislative seats that the party will contest for
must be reserved for serving or retired military personnel.
“The
military plans to deploy senior commanders from either the Zimbabwe
Defence
Forces (ZDF) or the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) in each
of
Zimbabwe’s 59 districts to co-ordinate the fight to retain Mugabe in
power."
“Information from military sources is that more than 80 000
youth militia,
war veterans and soldiers will be deployed across the country
in an army-led
drive to ensure victory for Zanu PF candidate, President
Mugabe in the next
elections."
“A three-month investigation…that
included interviews with cabinet
ministers, senior military officers and
Zanu PF functionaries, revealed a
desperate determination by Zimbabwe’s top
generals to thwart (MDC leader
Morgan) Tsvangirai, with some even openly
bragging that they would topple
the Prime Minister should he somehow triumph
against the planned violence to
emerge the winner of the polls,” the report
says.
Efforts by the Daily News yesterday to solicit comment from defence
Minister
Emmerson Mnangagwa were unsuccessful, as his phone rang
continuously without
being answered. Later in the day, his office said he
had left for the
Johannesburg Sadc meeting. The report warns that the Zanu
PF and military
strategy was to unleash enough violence and terror, worse
than that seen in
the bloody 2008 presidential run-off poll in which at
least 200 of
Tsvangirai’s supporters died and tens of thousands others were
either maimed
or left homeless.
“The move is aimed at ensuring that a
thoroughly cowed electorate will, on
voting day back Mugabe in enough
numbers to save the veteran President from
having to face another second
round vote.”
Crisis claims that former senior military officials (names
supplied) will be
in charge of the election campaign, adding that the
intelligence services
would head provincial command centres.
“Some of
the senior commanders have already started work in the provinces,
meeting
Zanu PF and traditional leaders to plot the way forward. Junior
commanders
and hundreds of lower ranking soldiers, some of whom have already
been
deployed in recent months in villages in some districts, will be at the
disposal of the senior commanders,” it says.
It says the deployment
of Vice Air Marshall Muchena to the party is to
ensure that the military
takes direct control of rebuilding party structures
from cell, to branch,
ward, district, provincial to national level.
Muchena and former CIO
director Sydney Nyanungo have allegedly been tasked
with reviving Zanu PF
structures at its headquarters ahead of elections
whose date is yet to be
announced.
Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP), a civic society group with
monitors across the
country, has reported that the army has stepped up its
presence in villages
while Zanu-PF militia have set up torture camps in some
parts of the
country — in a chilling reminder to voters of the unprecedented
violence
that swept Zimbabwe in 2008.
In 2008, Zanu PF supporters
went on a retribution campaign against MDC
supporters in the country,
especially in the volatile provinces of
Mashonaland Central and East, where
hundreds of innocent people were killed
in cold blood.
Mugabe had
lost to Tsvangirai in the first round of presidential elections,
prompting a
run-off which the MDC leader was forced to pull out of days
before polling,
citing violence and intimidation against his terrified
supporters.
Zuma, Sadc’s facilitator to the Zimbabwe political crisis
and the
negotiators from the three parties in the inclusive government have
placed
security sector reform at the top of the agenda of the
talks.
On Sunday morning, a bomb exploded at the home of finance minister
and MDC’s
lead negotiator in the GPA, Tendai Biti, who alleged that the
military was
out to kill him.
Although no arrests have been made in
connection with the bombing, police
have already put doubts on their probe,
claiming that they only received a
report 17 hours after the incident.
Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum
10 June 2011
Officers from the Law and Order Section of the ZRP (Zimbabwe Republic
Police) and
Riot Police today (10 June 2011) raided a house in Bulawayo
where members of
Women
of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) were having a private
meeting. All members of WOZA
managed to escape, but the police still
proceeded to assault innocent tenant
at the
house.
Zimbabwe Lawyers
for Human Rights deployed two of its legal practitioners to
the
scene of
the raid; these however were denied access and ordered to leave by
the
police.
WOZA is appalled by the behavior of the police, particular at this
point in
time when
SADC is attempting, in South Africa, to broker a
roadmap whose aim is to
create
conditions for sustainable peace in
Zimbabwe.
For any further details, please contact Jenny Williams on 0772 898
110
End//
http://www.thezimbabwemail.com
10/06/2011
14:32:00 Staff Reporter
HARARE – Zimbabwe constitution making body
COPAC has suspended operations
after a deadlock was reached following
fundamental differences over the
issue of dual citizenship between the
MDC-T's and the former ruling party
Zanu PF.
Zanu PF select committee
co-chairperson, Paul Mangwana, who revealed to The
Zimbabwe Mail that data
analysts will return to their provinces on Friday,
said the MDC-T is
frustrating the process by always changing goal posts in
order to protect
partisan selfish interests.
"Although the MDC-T is not clear on issues
that they have problems with, the
party is advocating for the adoption of
the dual citizenship clause with the
hope that the provision will work in
favour of the party during the next
elections if people with dual
citizenships are allowed to vote," said
Mangwana.
He said it is
disheartening that the MDC-T wants to equate popular views
with minority
views by pushing for a data analyses template that ignores the
frequency on
the issues that were raised by the people.
Mangwana said it is surprising
that the MDC-T has brought back the issue
that was resolved last
month.
He however said Zanu PF would want to see views of minority ethnic
tribes
being captured in the country’s new constitution.
Mangwana
said the issue has been referred to the management committee
comprising of
negotiators who will look into the issue next week as they are
attending the
SADC extra-ordinary summit that will commence this weekend in
South
Africa.
Efforts to get the views of the MDC-T have been not been
successful.
Data analyses to produce district and provincial reports will
only be
conducted after the stalemate.
http://mg.co.za
MOYAGABO MAAKE JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA - Jun 10 2011
11:29
Zimbabwean economic growth would most likely decelerate in
2011 if the
government's policies remained unchanged, the International
Monetary Fund
(IMF) said on Thursday.
The IMF executive board, after
a visit to the country and discussions with
officials, has estimated
Zimbabwe's real GDP growth at 6% for 2009 and 9%
for 2010.
But the
board warned that an inefficient composition of expenditure, rising
vulnerabilities in the financial system, and the recent announcement of the
fast-track indigenisation of the mining sector would be a drag on the
country's recovery and cause growth to decelerate to 5.5%.
Zimbabwe
introduced the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act last
year,
requiring all foreign firms valued at more than $500 000 to sell 51%
of
their shares to locals.
The IMF said vulnerabilities in the country's
banking system had recently
intensified, partly due to weak enforcement of
prudential regulations. It
prioritised the restructuring of the financially
distressed Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe -- to which banks are exposed -- and
strengthening and enforcing
prudential regulations to contain liquidity,
solvency, and credit risks.
"These steps will help mitigate financial
sector vulnerabilities and ensure
the medium-term viability of the
multi-currency system," the IMF said.
The IMF suggested returning to cash
budgeting and implementing strong
expenditure controls, including
elimination of ghost workers, to close the
likely financing gap in the
short-term.
The IMF added that Zimbabwe needed to reduce its wage bill
relative to
revenues, tighten budget constraints on state-owned enterprises,
and
implement public finance management reforms to generate fiscal surpluses
in
the medium term. This would help raise international reserves and
increase
resilience to economic shocks.
"Improving the business
climate is necessary for strengthening
competitiveness and boosting growth
potential," the IMF directors
concluded. -- I-Net Bridge
http://mg.co.za/
RAY NDLOVU Jun 10 2011 14:54
The
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) is severely hamstrung by a debt bill of
$1.5-billion owed to a host of local companies and non-governmental
organisations. The debt, lawsuits and property seizures threaten the central
bank's very survival.
Three years ago, under the leadership of Gideon
Gono, RBZ was the country's
single most powerful institution. Now, the pile
of debt amassed by the bank
from 2004 to 2008 as a result of its "non-core
fiscal activities" has rubbed
away its shine.
The latest figures from
Finance Minister Tendai Biti have highlighted the
debt bill. There are also
allegations that the RBZ pocketed $7.3-million
from the United Nation's
Global Fund, intended to be used in the fight
against malaria and
tuberculosis in the country. In its glory days the
central bank shored up
ailing parastatals such as Air Zimbabwe and National
Railways of Zimbabwe
and spearheaded a farm mechanisation programme to
support Zanu-PF's land
seizures.
The Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries has been vocal in
demanding that
the RBZ pay its debts. The confederation's president Joseph
Kanyekanye said:
"The money that the RBZ owes companies must be returned. It
is a little bit
difficult to quantify, I will leave that to the RBZ, but
given the outcry,
those amounts must be substantial."
Last week, in a
case that underscores the central bank's ongoing financial
woes, it
announced the sell-off of seven of its private companies. In March,
Biti
alluded to the sale as a means to raise money and "clear up the RBZ's
balance sheet". The sale includes its flagship Homelink company, a money
transfer and house-building concern that targets Zimbabweans in the
diaspora.
It comes shortly after 1 500 workers were retrenched from
the institution in
February, in the single largest retrenchment exercise in
the country.
Meanwhile, Zimbabwe's banking sector has been rattled by a
scam involving
Renaissance Merchant Bank (RMB), in which its directors and
shareholders
allegedly misappropriated depositors' funds. RMB has been
closed for two
weeks while investigations take place. Patterson Timba and
Dunmore
Kundishora, RMB's chief executive and director, have been fingered
in an RBZ
report that exposes large-scale looting by the bank's top
brass.
Allegations include an inappropriate shareholding structure in
which Timba
and Mundishora own 68.9% of the RMB group; gross
undercapitalisation -- the
bank is technically insolvent, with a negative
capital base of $16.7-million
instead of the stipulated $10-million for
merchant banks and requires an
additional $55.1-million to meet regulatory
capital requirements; the
violation of banking regulations, in particular
section 16 (2)(b) of the
Banking Regulations Act, which stipulates that
advances given to the insider
and any of his relatives should not exceed 5%
of the bank's capital base
unless it has been disclosed and approved by the
board. Timba lent money to
friends and relatives amounting to $12.4-million,
which exceeded RMB's
capital base by 25%.
The Bankers Association of
Zimbabwe has, however, urged depositors not to
panic, saying the RMB scam
was an isolated incident of poor corporate
governance.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Tendai Kamhungira, Court Writer
Friday, 10
June 2011 17:15
HARARE - A Minerals Marketing Corporation of Zimbabwe
(MMCZ) diamond
evaluator and his wife are among four people who appeared in
court
yesterday for allegedly fleecing the state agency of stones worth over
US$50
000.
Aaron Mubaiwa and Lydia Zingwe, mentioned in the
charge sheet as his wife,
are facing fraud charges. The state accuses
Mubaiwa and Zingwe of lying to
authorities on the status of FreeLife
Investments (Pvt) Ltd, where Zingwe is
director to access diamonds from the
state minerals marketing firm.
FreeLife Investments (Pvt) Ltd is a
diamond cutting and polishing firm.
They were not asked to plead when
they appeared before Harare magistrate
Shane Kubonera on fraud
charges.
Another duo, MMCZ sales executive Patrick Marufu and acting
marketing
manager Ezekiel Manomano Mafara are jointly charged with Mubaiwa
on another
record, where they are facing criminal abuse of duty, stemming
from the same
facts of fraud.
Allegations against Mubaiwa and Zingwe
are that between January 1 and April
19, the two connived to defraud MMCZ by
misrepresenting that Freelife
Investments (Pvt) Ltd met requirements to be
registered as a diamond cutting
and polishing company.
MMCZ
subsequently engaged the firm.
The court heard that Mubaiwa allegedly
authored a sweetheart inspection
report favouring Freelife Investments,
resulting in the company obtaining a
dealer’s licence, without fulfilling a
required MMCZ Regulations, Statutory
Instrument 157 of 2010.
The
report contained false information, the court heard.
On the other record,
the state alleges that Mafara and Marufu intentionally
recommended Freelife
Investments to the Ministry of Mines and Mining
Development to be granted a
licence to deal in precious stones and
fraudulently approved the inspection
report.
The approval was contrary to the required standards set by
MMCZ.
On 30 March this year, Mubaiwa allegedly authorised the release of
81, 68
carats of diamonds without the approval of another evaluator fromMMCZ
as per
company procedure. As a result of the misrepresentation, Zingwe
managed to
acquire 593,33 carats of rough diamonds, thereby prejudicing MMCZ
of money
worth US$57 292.23.
Magistrate Kubonera ordered the four to
pay $200 each, surrender title deeds
for their immovable properties, report
once a week to the police and
surrender their passports as part of bail
conditions. They are expected in
court on 15 June, when they are to make an
application for refusal of
remand.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Chris Ncube
Friday, 10
June 2011 15:09
Johannesburg - A leading Swaziland civil society
organization on Friday
pledged its support for proposed marches to
demonstrate against the
violation of the terms of the Global political
Agreement by President Robert
Mugabe and his Zanu (PF).
The Swaziland
Democracy Campaign (SDC) urged all its supporters and
progressive forces to
participate in the march to the venue of Saturday's
SADC gathering to draw
attention to the need for a clear programme for free
and fair elections in
Zimbabwe.
The polls should be held in an atmosphere where voters are not
subjected to
intimidation, manipulation, or the anti-democratic measures of
Zanu(PF) and
state military forces that have marred previous elections,
officials said.
Civil society organizations in Zimbabwe and the region are
organizing the
protest march.
"We hope this protest will serve as a wake
up call to SADC. SADC has
virtually destroyed its own reputation by
prevaricating on the need for
democratic change in Zimbabwe, and by
endlessly pandering to the prejudices
of Robert Mugabe. In the face of
irrefutable evidence of violence, including
physical abuse, blatant
interference and widespread fraud, SADC failed to
defend the democratic
majority who voted for real change, and failed to
unambiguously condemn the
terror unleashed by forces loyal to Mugabe.
A range of respected human rights
organisations and many eye witnesses have
drawn attention to the way that
ZANU-PF supporters used the worst possible
means to intimidate poor
communities, including rape and illegal
abductions," Stephen Faulkner,
spokesperson of SDC told The Zimbabwean in
Johannesburg. He welcomed the
tough stance taken against Mugabe and his
party when the SADC troika met in
Livingstone, Zambia, earlier this year.
"We note the critical report that has
been developed by the South African
Government which now appears to have
taken a reality check, and has produced
a report that offers some hope. SADC
now needs to make amends for its
chronic indecision and appeasement, and
especially so given the leading role
of the South African Government in this
travesty of justice. The SADC must
now strive to rescue its reputation and
put its weight behind the people of
Zimbabwe so that they are able to
exercise their democratic rights in a
conducive environment. The South
African Government must stand firm, and
stop protecting Mugabe, and
decisively side with the people of Zimbabwe
against his barbarous
rule."
Swaziland and Zimbabwe, where human rights violations characterize the
countries; political landscapes are the region's two problem countries.
Faulkner urged SADC to act on Mugabe and the Swaziland dictator, King Mswati
III. "SADC must make a decision. It can either continue to be part of the
problem and effectively do nothing, or it can break with its own sorry past,
and be part of a popular solution that puts the needs of the people first.
Either way, the democratic forces of our continent will push ahead and
assert their rights."
http://www.ipsnews.net/
By Tariro Madzongwe
HARARE
, Jun 10, 2011 (IPS) - For Mathew Marufu, who has a disabled
10-year-old
son, owning a second hand Japanese car has been an ‘answer from
God’.
"My son has to travel across town to a special school for
disabled children
and it was a nightmare these past years to take him there.
You know in
Zimbabwe we have no reliable public transport and also if one
uses it it's
not friendly to the disabled," Marufu said.
He bought a
second hand; imported Japanese car for 3,000 dollars and it has
changed his
family’s life. "So this second hand car … has helped my family
in a huge
way, my son can now go to school comfortably and never get to miss
any
lesson."
Over the last four years the importation of cheap second hand
cars from
Japan has meant that cars are no longer just for the wealthy in a
country
where unemployment is as high as 90 percent. But the high carbon
emissions
and high accident rates of these used cars has led government to
announce a
ban on further importation. And it has caused an uproar among
Zimbabweans.
Environment minister Francis Nhema told IPS the ban would
target vehicles
that are more than five years old and those that do not pass
a set carbon
emissions threshold, which his ministry is yet to agree
on.
He said Zimbabwe had been turned into a dumping site for the second
hand
cars some of which are at least 10 years old and this had negative
effects
on the environment.
According to the environment ministry,
Japan, which has strict carbon
emissions laws, has created a massive
industry in second hand car exports to
poor third world countries like
Zimbabwe.
"A greater number of these Japanese cars have been banned on
the roads in
their original country with Zimbabwe turning into their dumping
site. It’s
up to us to aggressively stand up against such kind of
exploitation. We have
a duty to save lives, protect ourselves and our
environment," said Nhema.
However, there are no official figures to
support governments claims that
the used cars are involved in a number of
accidents. Police spokesperson
Chief Superintendent Andrew Phiri could not
furnish IPS with statistics.
A brand new car in Zimbabwe costs between
15,000 and 50,000 dollars,
depending on the type of vehicle. It is a price
far beyond what the country’s
majority can afford. Workers employed in the
civil service earn an average
of 200 dollars a month.
Second hand
cars from Japan are bought at anything from 900 dollars with an
extra 1,000
dollars for shipping and import duty, if one buys directly from
the Asian
country. Those that buy from car dealers pay 4,000 dollars or
more.
Thousands of Zimbabweans now own these second hand cars from
Japan.
George Tigere a primary school headmaster is one of them. He
bought his
first car two years ago thanks to the cost of the second hand
cars. He said
if government bans the importation of the cars it would be
tantamount to
shooting itself in the foot.
"Why do they want to ban
these cars when they have given us the poor a
chance to own a car? Over the
past nine years or so owning a car had become
a privilege for the rich in
Zimbabwe. But now a headmaster like me who earns
an average 350 dollars
monthly managed to save a whole year and got a small
loan from my bank and
managed to buy myself this Toyota Vitz," he said.
He said it has made a
huge difference to his life. "Life has changed
somewhat for the better
because it gives me respect in society. It was very
humiliating for me (to
be) seen standing in queues for transport with my
students."
Official
statics from the country’s Zimbabwe Inland Revenue Authority show
that the
country imports at least 400 second hand cars daily. The revenue
authority
receives on average 200,000 dollars weekly. It is much-needed
revenue for a
country with a floundering economy.
The need for this revenue is one
reason why government has pushed the
deadline on the ban on importing the
cars forward by four months to October
31.
Minister of transport,
communication and infrastructure development Nicholas
Goche said another
reason was that government needed to consult widely with
stakeholders. He
did not say why government had not consulted initially
before announcing the
first cutoff date of June 31.
"I want to advise all concerned that no one
will be barred from importing
vehicles which are more than five years old
until the consultative process
is completed," the minister said.
An
official, from the Zimbabwe Inland Revenue Authority speaking on the
condition of anonymity said Toyota was the most imported brand.
He
added: "We don’t really understand why the minister of environment wants
these cars banned. These cars have made so many Zimbabweans’ dream of owning
a car come true, yet he always complains about the effects to the
environment forgetting the positive effects these cars have brought to the
nation."
A fuel attendant at a service station along Samora Machel
Avenue in Harare's
central business district who identified himself as John
said ever since the
mass importation of the Japanese cars business has been
booming for them.
"Although the many cars mean a lot more service
stations being opened
demands still remains high. On average we sell 5000
litres of petrol a day,
since a majority of the cars use petrol. Before this
during the harsh
economic conditions we would sell less than a 1000 litres
of fuel a day
because they simply were no cars."
For 28-year-old
Catherine Jaravaza her second hand Japanese car has meant
total
freedom.
"Before we knew about these second hand cars I never dreamt of
buying myself
a car but I have managed to save for a year and bought myself
one."
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Staff Reporter
Friday, 10 June 2011
07:52
Report on a Visit to Zimbabwe in March 2011 by Members of the
United Kingdom
All-Party Parliamentary Group on Zimbabwe.
Funded as a
Fellowship by the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association –
United Kingdon
Branch
Members of the Delegation
• Kate Hoey MP - Member of
Parliament for Vauxhall (Labour Party) and
Chairman of the All-Party
Parliamentary Group on Zimbabwe
• Oliver Colvile MP - Member of
Parliament for Plymouth Sutton and
Devonport (Conservative
Party)
• Lord Joel Joffe - Member of the House of Lords (Labour
Party)
Abbreviations used in this report
AU African
Union
COPAC Constitution Parliamentary Select
Committee
GPA Global Political Agreement
JOC Joint
Operations Command compromising senior military, police and
intelligence
chiefs. Under the terms of the GPA it was supposed to have been
replaced by
a National Security Council including the Prime Minister.
MDC Movement
for Democratic Change, formed in 1999. In 2005 the party
split. Thelarger
mainstream element remained loyal to the founding leader,
Morgan Tsvangirai.
The smaller breakaway faction chose Arthur Mutambara as
its
leader.
MDC-M Movement for Democratic Change - breakaway faction of
the MDC
formerly led by Arthur Mutambara (currently Deputy Prime Minister in
the
Inclusive Government) now led by Welshman Ncube (currently Minister of
Industry & Commerce in the Inclusive Government)
MDC-T
Movement for Democratic Change - led by Morgan Tsvangirai
(currently Prime
Minister in the Inclusive Government); with 100n seats it
is the majority
party in the Zimbabwe House of Assembly
ZANU-PF Zimbabwe African
National Union - Patriotic Front - led by Robert
Mugabe (currently President
in the Inclusive Government)
SADC Southern African Development
Community
Introduction
2011 marks the twentieth
anniversary of the 1991 Harare Commonwealth
Declaration.
To mark this
anniversary three members of the All-Party Parliamentary Group
on Zimbabwe
from Westminster visited Zimbabwe in March 2011.
Our visit was made
possible by a grant from the Commonwealth Parliamentary
Association – UK
Branch andwas a response to the invitation by Commonwealth
Heads of
Government in Article 12 of the Harare Declaration which, having
set out the
vision and aims agreed by Heads of Government assembled under
the
chairmanship of President Robert Mugabe, said:
“We invite the Commonwealth
Parliamentary Association and non-governmental
Commonwealth organisations to
play their full part in promoting these
objectives, in a spirit of
co-operation and mutual support”
The purpose of our visitwas to examine
with our counterparts in Zimbabwe the
role of parliamentarians in fostering
open and accountable government
through participatory and accessible
parliamentary democracy as set out in
the 1991 Harare Commonwealth
Declaration:
“We believe in the liberty of the individual under the law,
in equal rights
for all citizens regardless of gender, race, colour, creed
or political
belief, and in the individual's inalienable right to
participate by means of
free and democratic political processes in framing
the society in which he
or she lives”
We also set our discussions
against the background of the Introduction to
the SADC Principles &
Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections which reads:
SADC region has
made significant strides in the consolidation of the
citizens’ participation
in the decision-making processes and consolidation
of democratic practice
and institutions. The Constitutions of all SADC
Member States enshrine the
principles of equal opportunities and full
participation of the citizens in
the political process.
The Southern African countries, building upon
their common historical and
cultural identity forged over centuries, agreed
to encapsulate their
commonality into a single vision, that of a shared
future. In this context,
in 1992 the Southern African countries meeting in
Windhoek, the Republic of
Namibia, signed a Treaty establishing the Southern
African Development
Community.
Article 4 of the Treaty stipulates
that “human rights, democracy and the
rule of law” are principles guiding
the acts of its members. Article 5 of
the Treaty outlines the objectives of
SADC, which commits the Member States
to “promote common political values,
systems and other shared values which
are transmitted through institutions,
which are democratic, legitimate and
effective. It also commits Member
States to “consolidate, defend and
maintain democracy, peace, security and
stability” in the region.
The Protocol on Politics, Defence and Security
Cooperation provides that
SADC shall “promote the development of democratic
institutions and practices
within the territories of State Parties and
encourage the observance of
universal human rights as provided for in the
Charter and Conventions of the
Organization of African Unity [African Union]
and the United Nations.”
In addition, the Strategic Indicative Plan for
the Organ, as the
implementation framework of the Protocol, emphasizes the
need for democratic
consolidation in the region. The development of the
principles governing
democratic elections aims at enhancing the transparency
and credibility of
elections and democratic governance as well as ensuring
the acceptance of
election results by all contesting
parties.
Context
The current Inclusive Government of Zimbabwe
operates under the terms of the
GPA between the two MDC formations and
ZANU-PF. The GPA was facilitated by
President Mbeki of South Africa on
behalf of SADC and the AU. These two
international organisations stood as
guarantors of the Agreement which
sought to resolve the political crisis in
Zimbabwe resulting from a disputed
outcome to the Presidential elections of
2008.
The agreement allowed a transitional process to be established
during which
all parties represented in Parliament are formally committed to
sharing
power and working together on overcoming the political and economic
challenges facing Zimbabwe while a new constitution is negotiated sothat in
due course fresh and credible elections can be held.
Despite having
signed up to the agreement ZANU-PF and its leader, President
Mugabe, have
refused to honour many of the terms of the GPA; theyhave
repeatedly acted
unilaterally and continue to ignore the requirement for
consultation and
consensus with MDC-T and MDC-M. The GPA was given full
legal force and
incorporated into the Constitution of Zimbabwe pending
enactment and
ratification of a new constitution following the current
nationwide process
of consultation.
When we arrived in Harare parliamentarians and issues
relating to
parliamentarians were at the top of the news agenda in Zimbabwe.
This meant
the timing of our visit turned out to be particularly opportune
and made our
dialogue particularly topical. The themes we were examining
were set out in
bold relief.
Furthermore being able to observe
developments as they unfolded during our
brief stay gave immediacy to our
discussions and greatly enhanced our
understanding of the experience of
parliamentarians in Zimbabwe and those
who work with them in the process of
defending and maintaining democracy.
Speaker of the House of
Assembly
We arrived in Zimbabwe on 13 March. Three days beforehand the
Supreme Court
had ruled by a majority of 3-2 that the election
ofLovemoreMoyo (Chairman of
MDC-T) as Speaker of the House of Assembly in
2008 was null and void.
Theruling overturned an earlier High Court
decisionwhich held that the
election was valid. The Supreme Court decided
that of the 208 MPs voting six
had displayed their marked papers before
depositing them in the ballot box
and thus the secrecy of the ballot had
been compromised.
The Supreme Court ruling seemed to us a peculiar
decision. On that basis by
displaying their marked voting papers before
depositing them in the ballot
box and thereby ‘breaching’ the secrecy of the
ballot a few voters could
render any General Election null and void. A
ballot is secret to protect the
voters. If they choose to disclose how they
are voting that is their
business.
Many of those we met told us that
the rise in arrests of MPs was part of a
plan to change the voting strengths
of the parties in the House of Assembly
so as to facilitate the election of
a ZANU-PF candidate as Speaker.
The Zimbabwean Speaker currently holds
the chairmanship of the Southern
African Parliamentary Forum. Several people
we spoke to were of the opinion
that ZANU-PF was keen to wrest control from
MDC-T since the Parliamentary
Forum plays a crucial role on behalf of SADC
in planning, deploying and
reporting on election monitoring programmes for
the region.
Following our departure, and despite actions by the Clerk of
Parliament that
seemed less than even-handed in terms of serving all members
and parties
represented in the House of Assembly,LovemoreMoyo was reinstated
as Speaker.
The voting figures showed that he had been backed not only by
colleagues in
MDC-T and the small breakaway faction MDC-M but also by some
ZANU-PF MPs.
This shows that the longing for reform and a country that
works is now
spreading to the ranks of Mugabe’s own party. We came across
this attitude
in ZANU-PF MPs we met. While they were less robust in their
support for
democratic processes than their MDC-T counterparts we gained a
clear
impression that they too are weary of living in a country paralysed by
failed policies and an ageing, intransigent leadership.
Joint
Operations Command and Reform of the Security Sector
It became clear to
us that voting in the election for Speaker was unlikely
to be strictly
according to party allegiance. Some ZANU-PF MPs expressed
willingness to
consider supporting LovemoreMoyo and there also seemed to be
a degree of
suspicion and exasperation towards Jonathan Moyo, seen as the
engineer of
the plot to depose LovemoreMoyo as Speaker.
Jonathan Moyo was elected as
an Independent MP in the 2008 parliamentary
elections but after a
controversial political career (including a spell as
Minister for
Information when the crackdown on freedom of the media was
particularly
severe) is now aligned to the ZANU-PF faction led by
EmmersonMnangagwa and
closely associated with the Joint Operations Command .
The JOC is
composed of the high command of the military, police and Central
Intelligence Organisation. Many people we met regarded it as a de facto
ruling junta with the ability to overrule and countermand any decisions of
government ministers which run counter to the vested political and business
interests of the ZANU-PF political and military oligarchy.
During our
visit we were honoured to meet Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
We visited
him at his residence shortly before his departure on a tour to
meet heads of
government in the SADC region, including President Rupiah
Banda of Zambia,
who chairs the SADC Troika on Politics, Defence and
Security, and the
leaders of Botswana, Swaziland and Mozambique.
On his return from that
tour Prime Minister Tsvangirai said:
“While I was away in the last four
days, it appears the civilian authority
is no longer in charge and dark and
sinister forces have engaged in a
hostile take-over of running the affairs
of the country, with or without the
blessing of some leaders of the civilian
authority.”
Arrests of MPs
The very different experience of MDC-T
and ZANU-PF elected representatives
was brought home to us very starkly
during our time in Zimbabwe. While
ZANU-PF representatives seem to be above
the law MDC-T MPs are frequently
arrested and detained in custody on trivial
or trumped-up charges.
We were given figures showing that in the past two
years 28 MPs from MDC-T
have been arrested. That is 28% of the majority
party in the house of
Assembly. We tried to imagine the international outcry
if 85 Conservative
MPs had been arrested in that same
period.
Judiciary & legislation
These arrests appear to be
politically-motivated because very few if any of
the prosecutions seem to
have succeeded and many have been dismissed on the
grounds that there is no
case to answer. While some judges’ views appear to
have been influenced by
ZANU-PF loyalties or pressure – or by the lure of
patronage and grants of
land – there is still a significant politically
impartial element in the
judiciary maintains a professional approach and
applies the law
impartially.
There is a problem with PresidentMugabe thwarting the
democratic process
bywithholdingapproval from some laws.Legislation approved
by Parliament is
not gazetted and consequently cannot be brought into force.
We were told,
for example, that the Public Finance Management Act, which
would introduce
new financial management measures and budget monitoring, was
approved by
Parliament in June 2010 but had not been signed into
law.
Consultation on a New Constitution
The COPAC consultation
programme on a new constitution is a vital element in
the GPA and has to be
completed before new parliamentary or presidential
elections can be
held.
Shortly before our visit President Mugabe claimed that he could
call for
elections whether the new constitution is ready. However his
position was
contradicted by Marius Fransman, South African Deputy Minister
of
International Relations and International Cooperation, who
said:
“The South African position and that of SADC is to ensure that the
next
elections as envisaged in the GPA are held under a new constitution
that
would have been the product of the constitution-making process
supported by
the Zimbabwean electorate through a referendum. In this regard,
any calls
for elections without the finalisation of the constitution-making
process
are in breach of the GPA as well as the constitution of Zimbabwe
Amendment
number 19, which gives legitimacy to the inclusive
government.”
Capacity of MDC-T
When we asked a ZANU-PF MP why so
many MDC-T MPs were being arrested he
retorted that it was because they were
not really up to the job. He told us
that until they were elected most had
been ticket touts at bus stops and so
they did not understand how to behave
properly.
This is typical of the way ZANU-PF has tried to smear the MDC-T
as
incompetent. In the media and through diplomatic channels it constantly
suggests that they lack the capacity to be ministers or to form a
government. This line that has been picked up and repeated far too readily
by academics and commentators, but it is wrong and very damaging to
Zimbabwe.
There are many very talented men and women in MDC-T, we met
some of them.
They are highly capable and one only needs to look at what
ZANU-PF has done
to the country over the past 31 years to see how ridiculous
it is to say
MDC-T could not do better.
The capacity of ZANU-PF
ministers and MPs is best demonstrated by the
destruction of the economy
over the 10 years from 1999 until the formation
of the Inclusive Government
in 2009. Between 2000 and 2008 GDP declined by
over 40%, agricultural output
and industrial production were both halved.
Consumer price inflation was
running at 11.2 million per cent in 2009. It
was fuelled by the maintenance
of a ludicrous official exchange rate that
bore no relation to the rate
prevailing on the street. Favoured ZANU-PF
functionaries were granted
licenses allowing them to access hard currency at
the distorted official
rate which they then exchanged at prevailing parallel
market
rates.
The arbitrage opportunity offered by this huge differential,
allied to state
protection for those licensed to deal at distorted official
rate as part of
the ZANU-PF system of patronage, meant the printing presses
could simply not
meet the demand for Zimbabwean dollar banknotes. In the
face of these
activities efforts such as lopping zeroes off the local
currency – or even
declaring inflation illegal – were inevitably
futile.
The economic turnaround achieved by MDC-T Secretary-General
TendaiBiti as
soon as he took office as Minister of Finance was dramatic.
The Zimbabwean
Dollar was abandoned and the use of the US Dollar and South
African Rand
made official. Inflation fell to 5% per annum. Shops where for
years the
shelves were bare are now well stocked with full ranges of food
and consumer
products.
Western ‘sanctions’
The economic
disaster was blamed on what President Mugabe and ZANU-PF
portrayed as
Western economic ‘sanctions’. Together with the
state-controlled media they
claimed measures imposed by the EU and USA
prevented foreign investment.
Senior members of ZANU-PF we met even claimed
that pharmaceutical imports
had been blocked by such measures.
This view of the economic recession is
unfounded. The restrictive measures
imposed by some Commonwealth members, by
EU member states and the USA are
carefully targeted at named individuals
(around 200 people and 40 companies
under their control). They apply only to
those closely associated with abuse
of human rights and are designed not to
harm the economy of Zimbabwe.
The destruction of the economy was the
result of disastrous policies
implemented with the short-term political aim
of maintaining ZANU-PF’s grip
on power through patronage and reward for
party loyalty. There was also a
concerted effort to undermine trade unions –
the springboard from which the
MDC was formed.
The assault on
commercial agriculture was as much about destroying the power
of the
agricultural workers, the largest unionised sector of the workforce,
as it
was about land redistribution. Being able to dress up this assault on
black
African workers as the completion of the process of decolonisation was
a
political bonus for the ZANU-PF propaganda machine. It also disguised an
unpleasant tribalist political agenda. Many agricultural workers are
descended from earlier generations of migrant workers from Malawi and were
stigmatised as being ‘not true Zimbabweans’.
If the agricultural
sector is to be revived a new system of secure land
tenure will need to be
devised. Investment in infrastructure and borrowing
for inputs of seed and
fertiliser are not possible under a system where
possession can be revoked
at any time and where land holdings cannot be
utilised as collateral for
agricultural loans.
Role of MPs in Zimbabwe
An important point
that came to light in our discussions with MPs,
particularly those from the
Movement for Democratic Change, was that they
did not feel sufficiently
engaged or consulted by the implementing agencies
of aid
programmes.
Of course those responsible for aid programmes are anxious
that their work
should not be seen to be in any way interfering with the
internal politics
of countries where they operate. However there can be
dangers if local
circumstances are not acknowledged.
Normally aid
agencies will consult with local officials since it is they who
are seen as
being professional rather than political. However this is not
the case in
Zimbabwe. A deliberate ploy of ZANU-PF has been to politicise
every level of
life and government in Zimbabwe. This means that District
Officers and
officials in healthcare and education are all apt to represent
a ZANU-PF
view.
To counter this it is really important that elected MPs and
Councillors, who
have a mandate from the people, should be consulted.
Otherwise there is a
risk that the ZANU-PF line is fed into the consultation
via officials while
the alternative MDC view is excluded because it is
regarded as political.
One thing that particularly struck us in the
course of a full morning’s
consultation with Zimbabwean MPs was that they
described themselves as being
‘engines for development’ in their
constituencies. In our experience there
are not many countries in the world
where MPs would describe themselves in
that way.Special budgetary provision
is made by the Ministry of Finance
granting MPs allocations to enable them
to fund developmental projects in
their constituency.
Another area
where both MDC and ZANU-PFMPs we met clearly feel able to make
use of their
experience and position in parliament is as members of
parliamentary
portfolio committees. They felt important work was done in
holding the
executive to account and partisan politics could be put aside to
challenge
performance and policy implementation by ministers regardless of
party
affiliation.
Shepherd Mushonga, who we met, is an MDC MP and chairs the
Parliamentary
Legal Committee.Paddy Zhanda a ZANU-PF MP, who we also met,
chairs the
equally important Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Budget and
Finance
Visit to Chegutu West Constituency
We travelled two hours
south west out of Harare to visit the Chegutu West
constituency of Takalani
Prince Matibe. He is an example of the promising
young generation of
Zimbabwean parliamentarians determined to play their
part to the full in
restoring Zimbabwe and making it work again. He
explained to us that he
wanted to see a Zimbabwe that can stand proudly on
its own feet; that can
feed its people and provide them with jobs.
We visited the
newly-established Borden Primary School built using part of
Takalani’s
constituency development fund of $50,000 for which all MPs are
eligible. We
met the headmaster and some of the children and also the local
councillor, a
member of ZANU-PF, who praised the project and was clearly
fully engaged
with the project.
It was notable that constituents were very hesitant to
speak to us about
matters relating to government. This seemed to indicate
deep-seated anxiety
about retribution if they were in any way critical of
authority.
Visit to Glen View South Constituency
Paul Madzore,
another very energetic and impressive MDC MP, showed us round
his Glen View
South constituency, a high density suburb on the south-eastern
outskirts of
Harare.
We were warmly welcomed by the staff and pupils of Glen View High
School.
The good manners and smart uniforms of the pupils were a delight to
see and
their hard work and dedication made it all the more sad that for
many there
will be no jobs when they finish their
education.
Outstanding results are achieved in O & A Level exams –we
felt it might be a
good idea to send our UK Education Ministers on a visit
to see what lessons
they could learn from the headmaster there. The school
has a roll of 3,200
with the staff and premises being used to educate two
sittings; a morning
session starting early and finishing at midday and an
afternoon session
finishing in early evening.
There is still a thirst
for education among children in Zimbabwe and
literacy rates remain high
despite the lack of resources and huge classes
and economic pressures on
family life.Unfortunately the new text books paid
for by taxpayers in the UK
and donated to Zimbabwe schools via the Education
Ministry in Harare had not
yet arrived at either ofthe two schools we
visited in Glen View South
andChegutu East.
Resources to support the electoral process
Both
Paul Madzore’s constituency office in Glen View South and Takalani
Prince
Matibe’s constituency agent in Chegutu West were clearly desperately
short
of resources. Communication with constituents is severely hampered if
there
are no resources, material or financial, for producing leaflets or
newsletters. This difficulty is compounded if, as in the case of Chegutu
West, there are no funds to travel to the outlying districts of a large
rural constituency.
However Zimbabwean political parties are
precluded by law from accepting
foreign funding which makes external support
for the essential processes of
democracy, electioneering and voter
engagement very difficult.
Election monitoring
Shortly before our
visit to Zimbabwe Vice President Motlanthe of South
Africa said, speaking of
the next presidential and parliamentary elections
in Zimbabwe:
“The
conception is that these elections would be a watershed like the 1980
elections that happened when the old Rhodesia became Zimbabwe. There would
be a need for an international presence of the same scale, to ensure a
bridge with the past. The next elections are viewed by all parties as
watershed elections, and therefore they have to prepare for them thoroughly
to ensure that there will not be any more violence and intimidation during
the course of the election campaign.”
We feel it is vital for the
Commonwealth, whose membership overlaps with
both SADC and the AU,with its
long experience of monitoring elections and
providing technical assistance,
to engage in planning for a protracted
presence in Zimbabwe as envisaged by
Vice President Motlanthe.
The period before campaigning begins in earnest
will be important in
establishing confidence among voters that they will not
face retribution or
persecution for the outcome of the electionl in their
ward or district.The
presence of technical advisers, electoral monitors and
international
observers needs to be carefully planned. Adequate resources
should be
allocated for a large contingent to be present in Zimbabwe for
several
months.
The period after polling day will also need to be
observed to ensure that
any political transition is not marred by violence.
The police, military and
state security sector must not be allowed to impede
the peaceful transfer of
power in accordance with the democratically
expressed will of the people and
they must notnot, as has been threatened,
withhold recognition from those
elected to government office.
Since
substantial financial support for the electoral process will be
provided by
Commonwealth member states (as well as by the EU and USA) we
feel it is not
unreasonable that provision should be made by SADC in its
roadmap for
significant presence by Commonwealth representatives in Zimbabwe
during the
extended period leading up to elections and following the poll.
Freedom
of assembly and association
Freedom of expression and freedom of
association are fundamental to the
conduct of credible elections. We heard
reports from many sources of
meetings and rallies organised by the
MDC-Tbeing banned or broken up. MDC-T
party workers told us that even where
police permission is sought well in
advance it is frequently refused and for
no good reason.
Article XII of the GPA is entitled ‘Freedom of Assembly
and Association’.
These freedoms are fundamental to the agreement and yet
the police and
security sector conspire with the ZANU-PF old guard to thwart
these most
basic rights. Such difficulties were obviously forseen when the
agreement
was drawn up and the article commits the contracting parties
to
“work together in a manner which guarantees the full implementation and
realisation of the right to freedom of association and assembly; and that
the Government shall undertake training programmes, workshops and meetings
for the police and other enforcement agencies directed at the appreciation
of the right of freedom of assembly and association and the proper
interpretation, understanding and application of the provisions of security
legislation”.
Furthermore even routine meetings of local committees of
political parties
and civil society activists are broken up using draconian
legislation which
means that any gathering of more than three people can be
deemed illegal if
permission has not been granted by the police – and even
where it is sought
it is often denied or the process delayed to such a
degree that compliance
with the law is, in practice,
impossible.
Press and media freedom
Some progress has been made
toward freeing the print media from the
repressive control imposed in 2003.
However, although the Media Commission
envisaged under the GPA has now been
set up, and has granted licenses to
some independent newspapers, the
broadcast media remain outside its remit
and are consequently firmly under
the control of government officials and
management loyal to ZANU-PF. MDC-T
ministers and commentators who might
balance the heavily pro-ZANU-PF
editorial line are denied access to the
broadcast media. News broadcasts are
little more than crude propaganda and
all commentary on the Zimbabwe
Broadcasting Corporation radio and television
broadcast monopoly is
dismissive of the MDC at every level and presents only
the ZANU-PF world
view.This is a particularly serious shortcoming in
outlying rural areas
where access to newspapers is very limited and other
sources of information
such as the internet are not widely available.
Again fundamental elements of
the GPA are being ignored. ZANU-PF as a
contracting party signed up to a
commitment obliging it to ensure:
“that the public media provides balanced
and fair coverage to all political
parties for their legitimate political
activities [and] that the public and
private media shall refrain from using
abusive language that may incite
hostility, political intolerance and ethnic
hatred or that unfairly
undermines political parties and other
organisations”.
Prospects for the future
The view of people we met,
confirmed by our own observation,is that there is
a widespread yearning for
truly democratic government in Zimbabwe and that
this would undoubtedly lead
to a very rapid revival of the economy. The
speed of the possible turnaround
has been foreshadowed in the dramatic
changes seen following the measures
such as the dollarisation of the economy
introduced by TendaiBiti and fellow
MDC ministers in the Inclusive
Government.
At present uncertainty over
indigenisation proposals acts asan additional
deterrent to inflows of
capital. Conflicting messages from ministers in the
Inclusive Government
over this area of policy continueto frighten away
potential investors as
well as unsettling major existing investors in
significant sectors of
business and industry and.
Zimbabwe is blessed with significant natural
resources and a well-educated
population. The reassurance of political
stability and respect for the rule
of law would release a flood of
investment and growth is likely to be rapid
and sustained. This would have a
beneficial effect across SADC as a whole -
both economically and socially
-providing sustained support for regional
development, food security and
healthcare provision.
Recommendations to the Commonwealth
1.
Commonwealth member states that are also members of SADC or the AU
should
discharge their responsibility towards the people of Zimbabwe, and
more
widely to the people of the region, as guarantors of the GPA by
supporting
the efforts of President Zuma and his facilitation team tohold
all Parties
to their obligations under the Agreement and their commitments
to plan and
implement a roadmap to credible and internationally recognised
elections in
Zimbabwe.
2. The wider Commonwealth should use its good offices to
promote a
peaceful and vibrant multi-party democracy in Zimbabwe, with
balanced access
to print and broadcast media.
3. The wider
Commonwealth should stand ready to offerlong term monitoring
programmes
before, during and after parliamentary, presidential and local
government
elections in Zimbabwe and mobilise adequate financial support to
ensure
nationwide coverage through extended observation of campaigning, of
the
electoral process and any subsequent political
transition.
Acknowledgements
We wish to express our gratitude
to the Commonwealth Parliamentary
Association - UK Branch for their grant of
a fellowship to fund our visit.
We are also enormously grateful to the
number of Zimbabweans, from the
highest levels of government, parliament and
civil society, who generously
found time to meet us in their busy schedules.
Our cordial and frank
discussions with them were most valuable and we
believe helped in our mutual
understanding of the challenges and
opportunities faced by parliamentarians
in Harare and at
Westminster.
The readiness of officials to make themselves available and
to engage in
dialogue meant our visit was a great deal more than simply an
academic
exercise. We came away feeling that in the short time we were in
Zimbabwe we
had done useful work that will help lay the foundation for
further progress
in strengthening parliamentary democracy and development in
Zimbabwe and
relations between our respective parliaments.
During our
visit to Zimbabwe we had discussions with a good number of
Zimbabwean
parliamentarians. We held a well-attended workshop with Members
of the
Zimbabwe House of Assembly which was co-chaired by the Chief Whip of
the
majority party in the House of Assembly, Innocent Gonese MP, and the
chairman of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Zimbabwe at Westminster,
Kate Hoey MP.
We met leaders of civil society including the Director
of the Zimbabwe NGO
Human Rights Forum, the President of the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions
and the Chairman of the National Constitutional
Assembly. Our discussions
helped build on good relationships established
during visits by
representatives of these organisations to the All-Party
Parliamentary Group
on Zimbabwe at Westminster.
We are particularly
grateful to HM Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Mark Canning, for
generously hosting
two extremely useful working dinners at his Residence and
to staff at the
British Embassy for helping arrange meetings and providing
us with
background briefings.
We are also grateful to the UK High Commissioner in
South Africa, Dr Nicola
Brewer, for finding time to meet us in
Johannesburg.
Dave Fish the Head of the UK Department for International
Development (DFID)
in Zimbabwe made an important contribution to the success
of our visit
through being readily available for dialogue with us and with
our Zimbabwean
counterparts and explaining the operation of UK support for
development in
Zimbabwe.
John Makamure, Henry Ndlovu, RongaiChizema
and PlaxedesDhlamini of the
Southern African Parliamentary Support Trust
(SAPST) greatly assisted our
dialogue with Zimbabwean parliamentarians and
provided superb support with
practical arrangements, technical briefings and
accompanying us during
meetings and on our visits to
constituencies.
Appendix
Arrests of MPs
Elton
Mangoma
Elton Mangoma was under arrest while we were in Zimbabwe. As well
as being
MP for Makoni North and Minister of Energy and Power Development
Elton
Mangoma is co-negotiator with TendaiBiti appointed to represent MDC in
the
talks on the implementation of the Global Political Agreement (GPA)
facilitated by President Zuma of South Africa under the auspices of
SADC.
His arrest and detention in custody was not only having a serious
impact on
the working of the Inclusive Government but was also exacerbating
the
already protracted delays in making progress with President Zuma’s
facilitation team on a roadmap towards full implementation of the
GPA.
During our time in HarareMangoma was granted bail but then
rearrested. When
he was granted bail the state prosecutors then invoked
Section 121 of the
Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act (which suspends bail
orders for seven
days). He was subsequently arrested on a further charge but
the State
Prosecutor’s attempts to have him denied bail were dismissed by
the High
Court.
Douglas Mwonzora
Douglas Mwonzora MP (MDC),
co-chairman of the Constitutional Parliamentary
Committee (COPAC), had been
arrested outside parliament a month before our
arrival. Mwonzora had gone
to the police to make a formal complaint after a
meeting he held in his
Nyanga North constituency had been disrupted by a
militia sent by Hubert
Nyanhongo, the ZANU-PF MP who represents Harare
South, but ended up being
charged himself.
Progress on constitutional reform is fundamental to the
roadmap for new
elections. The process has already fallen behind schedule;
further diversion
or stalling through the arrest of the co-chairman has
serious implications
for the resolution of the political crisis. This will
in turn delay economic
revival and so has a negative impact on the lives of
millions of
Zimbabweans.
Shepherd Mushonga
Shepherd Mushonga
is MDC MP for Mazowe Central and chairman of the
Parliamentary Legal
Committee. We met him just after his release on bail and
he is a lovely
cheerful man. The charge against him was that he had stolen
$700 worth of
excess quarry stones donated for building a nurses’ home in
his constituency
and used them to build a primary school.
MunyaradziGwisai
Another
prominent topic during our time in Harare was the arrest, three
weeks before
our arrival, of MunyaradziGwisai and 45 other social and human
rights
activists. Gwisai was formerly MDC MP for Highfield, a high density
suburb
of Harare.
Gwisai, now an official of the International Socialist
Organisation (ISO),
was been arrested together with members the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade
Unions (ZCTU), the Zimbabwe National Students’ Union
(ZINASU) and other
unions.
The Zimbabwe Republic Police spokesman
said:
“On February 19 it is said Gwisai invited people from ZCTU,
students from
ZINASU, Medical Professionals and Allied Workers’ Union and
International
Socialist Organisation to attend a meeting with a theme — ISO
calls on
workers, students and the working people to support the struggle in
solidarity with Egyptian and Tunisian workers.”
“The agenda of the
meeting was the revolt in Egypt and Tunisia — what
lessons can be learnt for
the working class in Zimbabwe and Africa. Videos
of the uprising in Egypt
and revolts in Tunisia were being shown to the
guests who attended as a way
to motivate the people to subvert a
constitutionally-elected
government.”
The ZRP spokesman was reported as saying police would not
allow any plots to
take Zimbabwe the Egypt way and would clamp down
mercilessly on plotters of
any revolts.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
Dear Colleagues,
An
update on the case of a ZANU-PF thug who attempted to disrupt our press
conference earlier today:
Complainant Rodrick Magaisa has formally
filed a report of common assault
against Ndaba Nyoni, the ZANU-PF
chairperson for Johannesburg who attacked
him with a piece of glass. Police
at Johannesburg Central Police ( John
Vorster) have opened a file under case
number 96/2011. Crisis Coalition
reporters have captured the incident on
video and have evidence at hand to
prove the assault.
This clearly
was an attempt by ZANU-PF to divert attention from its failings
and from
important SADC business of crafting a clear roadmap for Zimbabwe,
but it has
failed. Ndaba Nyoni was not invited to the Crisis in Zimbabwe
Coalition
press conference, but demanded entry and tried to cause confusion.
We
rejected totally any attempts by Ndaba to smear civic groups or members
of
the MDC who attended the press conference by blaming them for ZANU-PF
violence exported from Zimbabwe.
We are aware that ZANU-PF will make
further attempts to disrupt our
'Zimbabwe Footprints of Abuse Photo
Exhibition' to be held tomorrow at the
Hilton Hotel, Ballroom 1, from 10am.
We appeal to the South African Police
to deal with these criminal elements
who thrive on chaos, lawlessness and
confusion. We are not deterred, our
peaceful campaigns and our March and
Rally on Saturday in Sandton will go
ahead as planned.
We thank members of the South African Police and Hotel
Security who reacted
swiftly to restore order and who quickly ejected him
from the hotel.
Meanwhile, we welcome with great appreciation words of
solidarity and
support by the Swaziland Democracy Campaign ( please see
press statement
below and attached). Also attached is a photo of the ZANU-PF
thug Ndaba
Nyoni ( picture by Oswald Chikosi).
Dewa
Mavhinga
Regional Information and Advocacy Coordinator Crisis in Zimbabwe
Coalition,
South Africa Office
http://mg.co.za/
RAY NDLOVU Jun 10 2011 00:00
Edgar Tekere (74),
one of Zimbabwe's liberation struggle icons and a
founding member of
Zanu-PF, died this week after a two-year battle with
prostate
cancer.
His death is certain to be a litmus test for Zanu-PF, which
repeatedly
crossed swords with the veteran nationalist and is now struggling
over how
it should acknowledge him.
Tekere's political career, which
spanned four decades, involved imprisonment
under Ian Smith's Rhodesian
government in 1957 in the Gonakudzingwa prison
camp and in 1964 in the
HwaHwa state prison.
He played an instrumental role in kick-starting the
liberation war from
Mozambique, was a member of the Lancaster House
Conference delegation in
1980 and served as a Cabinet minister after
independence.
But his murder of a white farmer, Gerald Adams, in 1980 led
to a
controversial trial and his anti-government rhetoric, slamming both
President Robert Mugabe's attempts to create a one-party state in Zimbabwe
and the growing corruption in Zanu-PF, stirred up controversy.
In
1988 he was fired from Zanu-PF but he emerged two years later as the
founder
and leader of the Zimbabwe Unity Movement party and faced off with
Mugabe in
the 1990 presidential elections.
Although he lost the election, Tekere
continued to be a dominant player in
the country's political scene well into
the new millennium and remained an
outspoken critic of Mugabe and Zanu-PF
structures.
After his readmission to Zanu-PF in 2005 he was regarded as
closely aligned
to the Simba Makoni-led faction of the party. His political
clout within
Zanu-PF even then was still covertly acknowledged by Mugabe
sympathisers. A
prerequisite for Tekere's readmission was that he could not
hold a
leadership position within Zanu-PF for five years.
Despite
this, the following year the ambitious Tekere, accustomed to the
life of a
leader, declared his wish to contest a senatorial seat. But
Zanu-PF hawks,
afraid of a revival of his political career, swiftly blocked
his efforts and
denounced his candidacy.
In 2007 the release of his autobiography, A
Lifetime of Struggle, stoked
fresh controversy. He claimed that he
personally aided Mugabe's ascendancy
to the leadership of Zanu-PF. He also
criticised Mugabe for being cold,
hard-hearted and manipulative and pointed
to this as the central pivot of
the president's continued stay in
power.
The outspoken Tekere, nicknamed "Twoboy", announced in the run-up
to the
2008 presidential elections that he had "appointed himself the
principal
campaigner for Mugabe's downfall" and endorsed Makoni's
candidature.
Tekere's appeal overlapped political party lines, which saw
him invited to
the 10th anniversary celebrations of the Movement for
Democratic Change
(MDC) in 2009. To many Zimbabweans he was also the man who
brought Bob
Marley to the country for his memorable independence
celebration concert
and helped to unite a divided country.
Reacting
to the news of his death, Didymus Mutasa, the Zanu-PF secretary for
administration, described it as a "national loss", although he did not say
whether the late nationalist would be buried at Heroes' Acre.
"It's
too early for us to say much about his hero's status because that must
come
from his provincial leadership and after consultations with his family.
"Everything will be announced in due course," he said. But other political
parties have been quick to confer hero status on Tekere and to support his
burial at the national shrine.
Douglas Mwonzora, the spokesperson for
the MDC, said: "He sacrificed
personal comfort for the greater good of the
people of Zimbabwe and he
deserves to be accorded national hero
status."
Dumiso Dabengwa, the Zapu president and also a veteran
nationalist, recalled
Tekere as a "wise man from the east", saying: "I have
no doubt that he is a
hero and he takes the top marks among those who
participated in the
liberation struggle."
Zimbabwe's private daily
newspapers, NewsDay and the Daily News, both
declared Tekere a hero -- an
apparent dig at Zanu-PF's dilly-dallying over
his status. But in recent
years the late Tekere himself said he did not want
to be buried "among
thieves and killers" at Heroes' Acre.
Earlier this year Mugabe declared
that the national shrine was for Zanu-PF
members only, which led to an
outcry by the MDC and civil society.
Eddie Cross
Bulawayo, 10th June 2011
It
often seems to outsiders that despite all the changes in the past decade,
“Zanu is still in charge” in Zimbabwe. They are past masters at strategy and
seem to be able to react with speed to changing events and are always very
disciplined when it comes to message and media management. By contrast we in
the MDC seem to muddle through, are constantly debating the issues and
consulting everyone. We seem to be always reacting to what Zanu does and do
not often appear to take the initiative.
But somehow we always seem
to land on our feet, we muddle along but come to
the right decisions, we do
not attack yet we constantly see Zanu PF pushed
backwards in the struggle
for democracy and change. Even so, it has been
rather pleasant in recent
weeks to see Zanu PF in such a shambles and unable
to react effectively to
events.
It has been coming for some time, but somehow it takes us by
surprise when
things actually start to happen. First it was the steady build
up of
pressure from the SADC States on the government here to accelerate
progress
in implementation of the GPA, then it was the growing discord
between the
South African government and Zanu PF culminating in a clumsy and
ill
considered attack on the SA leadership and facilitation team. Second was
the
shock of seeing a visibly older and more frail President Mugabe coming
back
from his annual junket to the Far East and then flying backwards and
forwards to see his specialists and having his “eyes tested”.
His
increasing frailty has given rise to a new reality in Zanu PF – the
reality
that succession is no longer a swear word but has become a plan for
a
contest they know they cannot win. Five candidates are in the ring, with
Mr.
Mugabe, the ever-cunning ringmaster in this circus, playing mind games
with
everyone. Favoring this one, then another, pushing forward an unknown
and
squashing the ambitions of another. With Zanu PF trying to give the
impression that the issue of succession is important because they still
control the Presidency and give no hint that they think that situation will
change anytime soon.
The reality is that, like Ian Smith in the 70’s,
Robert Mugabe has left it
too late to be able to control who takes over the
reins in Zanu PF and too
late to influence the end game for Zanu’s continued
existence as a viable
political Party. As a consequence he has allowed
control over both events to
be taken over by time and outsiders and when the
end comes he, like Smith,
will be a bystander watching events rather than
making them happen.
That does not mean that he does not have the
influence and power to make
mischief but what it does mean, is that if those
to whom power is moving
take due notice and effective action, his negative
influence can be
contained and the dangers averted.
It is clear that
three alternatives are open to the Zanu PF leadership at
this moment in time
and they have been considering all options in recent
days and weeks. These
include:
• Walking out of the discussions with the SADC leadership this
weekend in
Johannesburg, repudiating the GPA, dissolving the government and
kicking the
MDC out of the Cabinet and forming a new government on their own
and running
the country until the next elections with MDC in
“opposition”.
• Accepting the SADC advice and coming back to the country
after the weekend
to finish the constitution, implement required reforms and
then launch an
all out war on the MDC across the country using all the means
at their
disposal. Diamonds would fund this operation, which would see
disappearances, detentions and imprisonment, beatings and fear tactics,
manipulation of the media and information and finally control of voting and
counting.
• Accept that the SADC game plan leaves no escape routes
and fall back on
the strategy already proposed by the MDC that we hold a
Presidential
election as soon as possible, under SADC rules and supervision
(which means
they loose) and begin negotiations with the MDC to get a new
GNU in place
for the next five years, survive as a Party and try to rebuild
with at least
their dignity intact.
Option one requires a divided
SADC and the covert support of China and
Mozambique to handle the subsequent
fall out. Option two requires a united
but weak SADC without the capacity to
enforce their demands and conditions
on the ground in Zimbabwe. Option three
will happen if the SADC remains
united and firm, South Africa holds its
position and uses its considerable
clout to enforce adherence.
The
one option that Zanu simply cannot live with is what is on the table in
Johannesburg – a road map to new elections under free and fair conditions.
If that is what happens then Zanu knows full well that they might well be
eliminated in any subsequent harmonized elections.
I have spoken with
many who were in the armed forces in March 1980 and they
all say that the
Rhodesian army had the capacity and the plan in place for a
military coup.
That it did not happen was due to a variety of factors all of
which must be
in place for success today. The people running the
transitional process
(South Africa) must have good intelligence, they must
know what all parties
are thinking and doing. The region must be united and
firm in their resolve
that all parties to the Zimbabwean crisis should be
held to their agreements
and forced to play ball. Finally, the more remote
powers with influence must
ensure that the international community stays out
of the crisis and gives no
comfort to the hardliners who might want to
perpetuate the situation in the
country for their own security and
interests.
For our part we cannot
sit back and watch events, it’s a change to be
watching Zanu PF on the
defensive and in a corner but believe me, they can
still come out biting and
scratching and if they do, we are in the front
line. However they cannot win
this one, we only hope that they will accept
defeat gracefully and
retire.
Written by International Crisis Group |
Friday, 10 June 2011 10:59 |
1. The Current
Situation 2. What Should Be Done (Pictured: President Mugabe and Prime Minister Tsvangirai) 3. History of the Crisis 4. Crisis Group Analysis 5. News and Other Reporting 6. Important Documents and Websites 1. The Current Situation Overview The situation in Zimbabwe is deteriorating again under a new wave of political violence organised by Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party that threatens to derail the Global Political Agreement (GPA). Mugabe’s calls for early elections have raised fears about a return to 2008’s violence, and the country faces the prospect of another illegitimate vote unless credible, enforceable reforms can first be implemented. Without stronger international pressure on ZANU-PF, the tenuous current coalition may collapse, triggering further violence and grave consequences for southern Africa. The GPA was signed by the three political parties (ZANU-PF, and the two wings of the former opposition, MDC-T and MDC-M) in September 2008, after Mugabe was “re-elected” in an uncontested run-off following violence that caused Tsvangirai (who led the first round) to withdraw. It was intended to provide a foundation for response to the multiple political and economic crises, but it has become a battleground for control of the country’s future. As in 2008, ZANU-PF’s ability, in partnership with the unreformed security sector leadership (the “securocrats”), to thwart a democratic transfer of power remains intact. The state media is still grotesquely unbalanced, and the criminal justice system continues to be used as a weapon against ZANU-PF opponents, in particular the MDC-T. The centrepiece of GPA reforms is a parliament-led constitution-making process under the direction of the Constitution Parliamentary Affairs (Select) Committee (COPAC). That body launched an outreach program in the latter half of 2010, but several civil society organisations and the MDC-T criticise it for falling far short of being inclusive and open and accuse ZANU-PF of having captured and manipulated the process. Both MDC parties argue that COPAC must finish its work before elections are held, but ZANU-PF says elections can proceed with or without a new constitution and links its cooperation on democratic reforms to removal of targeted international sanctions, over which the parties have no control. The lack of political progress has been coupled with an alarming upsurge in political violence organised by ZANU-PF. The March 2008 elections were followed by an unprecedented campaign of violence targeting MDC-T, including at least 300 politically motivated murders, that eventually forced the party to withdraw from the June second-round vote. Violence has risen again following the early 2011 visit of the SADC facilitators, including arrest of MDC-T supporters and attacks on party and civil society figures. There are also reports of youth militia deployments across the country ahead of the constitutional referendum, including induction of many of these young people into the police and army through ZANU-PF’s control of security force recruitment and the civil service. This correlates with allegations about deployment of army officers into rural areas to coordinate intimidation, though these are vehemently denied by Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa. The facilitation team recognises that it needs a constant presence in Zimbabwe. Its roadmap should propose an audit of what has and has not been done, what the parties can and cannot achieve. If further power-sharing is inevitable, a pragmatic assessment of the current arrangement’s failure is needed. The guarantors and facilitation team have relied on the Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee (JOMIC), set up by the GPA – four members from each of the three signatory parties – for evaluations, but it has not fulfilled its mandate, due to inadequate monitoring capacity, no enforcement leverage and problems navigating the distorted balance of power within government. In recognition of its poor performance, the SADC troika recommended strengthening the facilitation team’s monitoring and reporting capacity, so it could work closer with the JOMIC. The annual progress review the Periodic Review Mechanism should provide in consultation with the guarantors has not been done, though the party leaders recently agreed to correct this. The guarantors must ensure a comprehensive review. (Download) Concise monthly summaries of the situation in Zimbabwe are available in Crisis Group's monthly bulletin, CrisisWatch. |
Friday June 10th 2011
The recall of
parliament some two weeks ago set up a flurry of speculation
here in the
diaspora and also at home I gather. Only the president has the
right to
recall parliament so there must be something going on we said to
each other.
Perhaps he was finally going to announce that he was tired and
it was time
for him to retire kumusha to spend the rest of his days in
peaceful
retirement? Or perhaps he was going to dissolve the House
preparatory to
calling elections? Or - a more sinister option – perhaps he
was going to ban
the MDC and declare a State of Emergency?
In the event it was none of
those things but a case of ‘rubber stamping’ ie,
parliament being used to
endorse an agreement that had already been signed
and sealed between the
Zimbabwean and Chinese governments for a loan of $98
million for the
construction of a defence college in the Mazowe Valley. Just
exactly why
Zimbabwe needs a new ‘Defence College’ was not made clear since
as far as
one can judge there is no imminent external threat to the country.
Schools,
roads and hospitals are surely priorities in a country where the
infrastructure is collapsing around you? But, unsurprisingly, it soon became
very clear that the ‘enemy’ was of course the MDC that was ‘the enemy
within’.
An opposition ‘star’ rally had been planned for Sunday June 5th.
There was a
massive police presence with water cannons, armoured cars and
Zanu PF thugs
beating up anyone seen to be making their way to the rally in
Highfield. The
‘star’ was Morgan Tsvangirai, of course, but he failed to
attend because, so
we are told, the police laid down totally unacceptable
conditions: there
would be no toyi toying; there would be no derogatory
speeches against other
political parties and probably he most insulting
condition laid down by the
police: that Morgan Tsvangirai, who is after all
the Prime Minister of the
country, should report all incidents of
‘hooligansim’ to the police.
That was on June 5th., needless to say
attendance at the rally was
apparently very sparse - another propaganda
victory for Zanu PF. Tendai
Biti, the Minister of Finance, was a speaker at
that rally and the next day
his home in Harare was bombed. Coincidentally -
or not – there was no police
guard at Biti’s home with the police claiming a
shortage of manpower. As
with last week’s story about the killing of the
police inspector, it is
almost impossible to discover the precise truth.
Glen View continues to be a
very dangerous place and this week the police
picked up another 8 people
bringing the total of suspects to 20 for the
killing of the policeman.
Perhaps the truth will come out when the 20
suspects are brought before the
court. As for the Biti bomb, I wonder if we
will ever know the truth. What
sort of bomb was it? One Zanu PF official
said the explosion wasn’t even
powerful enough to kill a rat and what is
more, Zanu PF claim the whole
incident was ‘staged’ by the MDC in order to
highlight Zanu PF’s violence
before the SADC Summit this weekend. President
Zuma is said to be concerned
at the level of violence in Zimbabwe. That’s
not surprising when even
normally docile magistrates order an investigation
into the apparent abuse
of suspects and police set the dogs on innocent
villagers loitering around
the diamond mines at Chiadzwa where 80 people
were badly mauled by police
dogs.
So after weeks of intensifying
violence in Zimbabwe, the SADC Summit is upon
us. Prepare for lies and
half-truths from Zanu PF and possible violence in
the streets as opposing
groups meet head on in South Africa. Speaking
personally, I have no great
hope that Zimbabwe’s problems will be solved by
the SADC leaders; it seems
to me that they have neither the courage nor the
will to tackle Mugabe. As
the Daily News describes the confrontation between
the GPA partners, it will
be a ‘titanic battle’ and it’s hard to believe
that the ‘big men’ of Africa
will back anyone other than the Liberation
Hero - but we live in
hope.
Yours in the (continuing) struggle PH. author of the Dube books
available
from Lulu.com