SABC
June 15,
2007, 17:15
Zimbabwe's High Court today heard allegations of a military
coup to
overthrow the government of Robert Mugabe, the Zimbabwean president.
Zimbabwe's media and internet news sites have been abuzz with reports that
authorities in Zimbabwe had foiled a coup by junior military
officers.
The State alleges six coup plotters had been recruiting army
officers to
carry out Project 1940. Charles Warara, the lawyer of the
accused, said his
clients denied the treason charges.
Court documents
obtained by a local newspaper and published today allege
that the coup
plotters intended to invite a leading Zanu-PF politician to
run the country,
but party insiders believe the coup allegations could be a
smear campaign
against leading contenders in the race to succeed Mugabe.
The government
has not made any public statements about the alleged coup.
But this week,
Sydney Sekeramayi, the defence minister, was quoted in a
local newspaper
confirming that some army officers had been arrested for
indiscipline and
misconduct.
By Tichaona
Sibanda
15 June 2007
The country's security chiefs are reported to
have met in Harare Friday to
try and carry out a post-mortem of events that
led to a foiled coup against
Robert Mugabe.
Amid reports of the
foiled coup, several Zanu (PF) officials aligned to one
particular faction
have been seen at the World Economic Forum on Africa in
Cape Town, South
Africa this week briefing delegates there that Mugabe would
be gone before
the end of this year.
The Joint Operations Command (JOC) meeting is held
on a weekly basis and is
attended by the heads of the Army, Airforce,
Police, and the Central
Intelligence Organisation. It is usually chaired by
Robert Mugabe and is
also attended by the defence and security
ministers.
A source told us the seriousness of the attempt to force
Mugabe out and the
subsequent witch-hunt that followed reports of the coup
had forced the
hierarchy of the country's security forces to invite
influential former
Defence Forces generals Solomon Mujuru and Vitalis
Zvinavashe to the
meeting.
The same source said it was highly
unlikely that Mujuru, as reported on
Thursday, was under house arrest as he
had been seen in public in
Mashonaland East but was saying nothing about the
coup plot.
Giles Mutsekwa, the MDC's chief of security and intelligence,
said apart
from what is in the public domain, the army had apparently
managed to
suppress the reports of coup. He said if it is true there was a
coup plot
the perpetrators would be charged under military rules and not a
civilian
court.
'A coup plot is a treasonable charge and the alleged
perpetrators will
certainly be court marshalled. But the problem with the
latest coup reports
is that it's not exactly clear who is behind it because
of the factional
fighting in Zanu (PF),' Mutsekwa said.
As we said on
Thursday accurate information about the country's military
activities is
notoriously difficult to find. There are conflicting and
different reports
about the coup, suggesting that this is all part of the
bitter infighting in
Zanu (PF) as both factional leaders have been mentioned
as being involved.
It is known Mujuru and Mnangagwa don't see eye to eye and
that both men are
reportedly plotting behind Mugabe's back to oust him from
power. It also
seems one camp is now blaming the other for this plot.
But eyebrows have
been raised by the extraordinary sight of several Zanu
(PF) functionaries in
Cape Town brandishing what they called was a recovery
plan once Mugabe was
out of the picture.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
International Herald Tribune
The Associated
PressPublished: June 15, 2007
HARARE, Zimbabwe: A lawyer said
Friday he was representing suspects held on
allegations of treason, the
first indication there may be some basis to
months of speculation about a
foiled coup against President Robert Mugabe.
Harare lawyer Charles Warara
told The Associated Press he had been
representing the suspects since late
May. He refused to elaborate.
Unconfirmed reports of a coup plot have
been a main topic of discussion for
the past month, fueled by rumors of an
uprising in the military said to have
led to several arrests.
The
Zimbabwe Independent newspaper, a respected business and political
weekly,
said Friday one of its journalists saw court documents relating to
two
recent hearings held behind closed doors.
The documents identified the
alleged leader of the plot as a former army
officer, and the paper said the
documents showed he was arrested with two
serving soldiers last
month.
Another four men were arrested in connection with state
allegations of
treason on May 29, the paper reported.
All seven men
denied allegations of treason, which carry a possible death
sentence.
The court documents seen by The Independent gave no
information on how the
alleged plotters intended to wrest power from Mugabe
and his powerful
loyalists, who included top police and army
commanders.
The Independent said Defense Minister Sydney Sekeramayi only
acknowledged
there was "an issue of indiscipline and misconduct" in the
military and
Security Minister Didymus Mutasa said he knew nothing of a coup
plot.
Embattled Zimbabweans were facing deepening hardships in the worst
economic
crisis since independence in 1980. Information is tightly
controlled - the
state owns the main newspapers and the sole broadcasting
station.
The coup plot reports added jitters to business and commercial
dealings
Friday, business executives said. Even illegal black market money
dealers
reported a slump in activity.
Official inflation announced in
April of 3,714 percent, the highest in the
world, was expected already to
have surged after prices generally doubled
across the board in April and
continued to rise at a similar pace. Official
calculations for May have not
yet been released by the Central Statistical
Office.
On Wednesday,
private consultants commissioned by aid agencies, charities
and
nongovernment organizations to produce an update on the economic crisis,
produced a report that said questions remained over the role of police and
the military in the face of the spiraling crisis.
An ordinary police
officer routinely earned less than aid workers paid their
housekeepers and
domestic staff, the consultants said.
"The military are not much better
off .... What are the likely scenarios for
the uniformed forces?" the report
asked.
Last year, soldiers were sent home from their barracks as the army
ran out
of food and supplies and police have recently reported cases of
absenteeism
in their ranks.
Critics say the law threatens freedom of
expression |
They say they would not be able to afford the expensive monitoring equipment, which the bill says they can be forced to install.
The government says it is similar to anti-terror laws in the UK and US.
But internet providers argue it is a violation of human rights and privacy and "another act of oppression".
Zispa spokesman
Zimbabwe Internet Service Providers Association (Zispa) spokesman Jim Holland told the BBC News website that the changes he had suggested to the proposed bill had all been ignored.
If the Interception of Communications Bill is passed by the Senate, seen as a formality, the government will be able to monitor e-mails, telephone calls, the internet and postal communications.
Chinese technology
China is apparently providing Zimbabwe with some of its web-monitoring technology.
"Potentially they [government] could insist that anyone operating as an internet service provider (ISP) would be forced to monitor it, which is beyond business's budgets," Mr Holland said.
He said the act was very broad and "so we wait to see what happens when the details are revealed.
"We know it will be used against human rights and opposition activists. Any of the government's comparisons to terrorism is just a smokescreen."
The telephone calls of government critics are often monitored already.
Correspondents say Zimbabweans could use an encrypted overseas-based web-mail to get round the new law.
Are you worried about the bugging law? Or do you think it will be easy to get round? Send us your experiences using the form below.
To the ISP's cost? This will stop any further expansion and
enhancement of the use of internet services in Zimbabwe. If the ISPs cannot
afford it and go broke, Zimbabwe being left without internet services will shut
down. How will we send money, buy fuel etc when the internet had made this all
possible?
Karl, Milton Keynes
I am getting my old man a laptop, webcam and fully subscribing
his internet for the whole year for father's day for use in his house in
Bulawayo, Zimbabwe . I will phone him everyday and berate the government at
every available opportunity and will send him e-mails of all that anti-Zimbabwe
propaganda. This should give Mugabe and his spooks something to do and then
maybe they will stop wrecking havoc on the country. You know what they say - an
idle mind is a devil's workshop.
BM, Crawley West Sussex
I am not worried but maybe one day... Anyone out there 2
enlighten me on how "encrypted overseas-based web-mail" work?
AK,
Gitarama, Rwanda
The so called "bugging" has been in place for a number of years.
People calling from outside of Zimbabwe to Zimbabwe, have always been careful in
what they have to say so therefore conversations are guarded and often limited.
i don't think it will effect the average citizen but then again the zim
government are becoming more paranoid/vigilant by the day.
Anonymous,
Ex Zimbabwe - currently in Cambridge UK
I have no problem with that. Most countries have such a law in
place and so why not Zimbabwe? We are dealing with a section of society that now
sees politics in everything that government does. The opposition just want to
gain political mileage at the expense of progress. Government must govern and
life must go on. The opposition must debate these issues in parliament and not
in western capitals. They must not blame anyone if they loose the next election
in 2008.
Arnold Mutaviri, Harare
I believed it is a very important step toward cracking down
enemies who were used by the so called west to destabilise their country. go
ahead Mugabe don't give them chance even a second.
Alhagie Ceesay,
Gambia Banjul
It just keeps getting worse! The phrase used to be Ce La Vie!.
African style, as a friend of mine says, - Ce L'Afrique!
Osman Ahmed,
Addis Ababa
Mr Zenawi has blocked all the free Ethiopian news website but we
still manage to get access to any internet site through www.anonymouse.com But
the funniest thing is always if something happened in Zimbabwe it is a news for
the west but if equivalent things happens in Ethiopia , it is covered up as our
prime minister is a favoured leader by the west.
Abebe Eyasu, Addis
Ababa
If the UK and USA use these tools, there sure is nothing wrong
in Zimbabwe doing the same. No one should play big brother over
others.
Golden Nyambuya, South Africa
It is common knowledge that the properties surrounding the official presidential residence have their telephones bugged. I remember friends of my wife (foreign nationals) who moved out of their rather nice apartments for this very reason.
Paranoia is setting in! I think that web-based mail, because of
it's very nature, will be harder to monitor. People just won't use their normal
POP3 e-mail for sensitive topics and could easily setup Yahoo or hotmail
accounts with pseudonyms. Duh!
Leonard, Harare, Zimbabwe
98% of the Zimbabwean landmass does not have telephone or
internet access by terrestrial means, and VSAT (satellite) technology is
required. This technology bypasses all governmental or other monitoring systems
and is completely secure. There are at least 500 privately owned VSATs in
Zimbabwe, these internet and email users have nothing to worry.
Maarten
Elffers, Almere, The Netherlands
VOA
By Peta
Thornycroft
Southern Africa
15 June
2007
Zimbabwe this week passed a new law allowing the government
to monitor
telephones, mail and the Internet. For VOA, Peta Thornycroft
reports that
the Zimbabwe government justifies this new law by saying it is
necessary to
protect national security.
President Robert Mugabe
regularly tells his country that Zimbabwe's
sovereignty is under threat,
which is the reason he uses when he puts the
army and police on
alert.
He says the main opposition political party, the Movement for
Democratic
Change, is a "puppet" of the west, and that its leaders take
their orders
from Washington and London.
The new law, the
Interception of Communications Act, sailed through both
houses of
parliament, where the ruling ZANU-PF has a large majority.
Opposition
Movement for Democratic Change legal secretary David Coltart said
the new
law was what he described as "typically fascist legislation." He
said this
law gives enormous powers to "a tiny coterie of people" to
intercept e-mails
and all other communications.
Coltart said the law was "not subject to
review in any way by any
independent authority." He said he had no doubt it
will be abused to
"interfere with legitimate democratic
activities"
Transport and Communications Minister Chris Mushohwe said
similar
legislation existed in the west. He said Zimbabwe needed the
legislation to
prevent crime and guard national security.
Few
Zimbabweans have access to telecommunications, and those that do have
long
believed that the government was already monitoring phone calls and
e-mail.
This week riot police interrupted a stage play, called "The
Good President"
at a theater in the country's second largest city, Bulawayo,
saying it was a
political gathering and that police permission was needed
before it could go
ahead.
Most opposition political meetings and
rallies are presently banned in
Zimbabwe.
Comment from The Star (SA), 14 June
Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe: A report on
the disturbances in Matabeleland and
the Midlands, 1980-1988
A
housewife who does all sorts of good works for people in distress told me
at
a breakfast club in Harare late last year that she was "ashamed". She
said
had "done nothing" about Robert Mugabe's killing spree in Zimbabwe's
two
Matabeleland provinces shortly after independence. "I didn't know about
it,"
she said, with real regret. She was living in Harare at the time when
appalling violence was raging across rural Matabeleland, particularly
between 1982 and 1984. She is not alone. Activist Elinor Sisulu -
blacklisted as a commentator on Zimbabwe by the SABC last year - poignantly
and profoundly confronts her own "silence" in the contemporary introduction
to Gukurahundi, a most welcome book on Mugabe's early atrocities against his
political enemies of that era. ". the plight of the victims and survivors
was and continues to be unacknowledged. They are still suffering from the
wounds of silence. And who is responsible for inflicting these wounds? The
perpetrators obviously have a vested interest in maintaining this silence.
But what about the rest of us who lived through those years and continued
our lives as if nothing was happening. Are we not equally responsible for
the wounds of silence both while the horrific events of Gukurahundi were
unfolding and in their aftermath? Even today many of us continue to be
silent."
There were others with far easier access to the
information than Sisulu,
then a young civil servant living in Harare and
enjoying the exuberance of
liberation from white rule. A few weeks ago a
veteran Zimbabwe journalist
now living in Britain and widely used as a
commentator on his troubled
homeland told BBC World's Have Your Say slot
that he had "worshipped"
Mugabe, describing him as a personal "friend" who
had gone wrong from 1990.
The appalling cruelty Mugabe and his service
chiefs unleashed against the
smaller Ndebele tribe, largely loyal to
nationalist Joshua Nkomo and his
Zimbabwe African People's Union (Zapu),
continues to seep poison through the
nation's political fabric. It also
contributed to the split in the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change
just two years ago. No one can
fully understand Zimbabwe today without
knowing what happened then, and take
on board that those who organised these
crimes against humanity are the same
people in control of Zimbabwe today. So
it is a relief to see South African
bookshops stocked with such a
well-produced commercial edition of the
original 1997 report and have called
it Gukurahundi, which translated from
Shona means, "the first rain that
washes away the chaff of the last harvest
before the spring rains". The
telling name was given to the newly created,
North Korean-trained 5th
Brigade in the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA), which
only recruited members of
the Shona tribe and was sent to the three
provinces: Matabeleland North,
South and parts of the Midlands.
This book will fill a gap for many
who are still not sure exactly what sin
it was that Mugabe committed all
those years ago as the original report was
released long after the events,
in a tiny print run by the Catholic
Commission for Justice and Peace and the
Legal Resources Foundation. Some
Catholic bishops outside Matabeleland, in
particular the archbishop of
Harare, Patrick Chakaipa, who was close to his
parishioner - Mugabe - didn't
want it released at all and delayed access to
a wealth of crucial witness
statements collected by the church's human
rights watchdog, the CCJP. When
it was eventually published, Chakaipa and
his allies refused to allow it to
be displayed in the CCJP shop window. The
logistics of collecting
information and corroborating earlier reports and
names was a massive task.
Even after a small research grant by Amnesty
International came through,
researchers could still only seriously examine
what went on in one
district - Tsholotsho - while touching on a second -
Matoba. The brutality
in some of the worst-hit areas around Lupane, on the
way to Victoria Falls,
Kezi, Nkayi, etc, still remains
untold.
Gukurahundi contains all material from the original report
and is enriched
with Sisulu's introduction and an angry foreword by Pius
Ncube, archbishop
of Bulawayo. "The motive for these killings was to crush
the people of
Matabeleland so that they would conform to the Zanu PF
government and give
up their tribal identity and their attachment to Zapu."
The "Historical
Overview" starts with the liberation war and the fragile
ceasefire between
Rhodesian forces and those loyal to Mugabe and Nkomo. Only
eight months
after independence in April 1980, Enos Nkala, a Zanu PF member
of Mugabe's
first cabinet, referred to Zapu in a public speech as "the
enemy" which
sparked the first violence between the three armies (actually
two guerrilla
forces and the Rhodesian Army, which had never been stood
down). The
overview examines the deepening isolation of Nkomo's returned
fighters, so
many of whom were excluded from the new army, the arrests of
his senior
lieutenants, discovery of arms caches, and then the emergence of
a violent
group dubbed the "dissidents," which certainly had some of Nkomo's
men in
their ranks. Researchers estimate the group was never more than 400
and the
report fully acknowledges their violent campaign. In addition to
"dissidents" there was a loose group of about 100 South African-trained and
financed "Super Zapu," fighters including some frustrated Nkomo loyalists,
border jumpers and workseekers.
And of course there were many
pseudo operations to justify Mugabe's
determination to wipe out Nkomo's
power base. While Nkomo claimed 20 000 had
been killed in Mugabe's purge of
his supporters, the report established
names of nearly 3 000 killed in the
two districts where it gathered evidence
together with an unknown number who
disappeared . never to return. The final
death count is still unfinished
business, but by extrapolating the
statistics gathered so far, Nkomo's
estimate may not have been far off.
Villages were razed, bodies were found
stuffed down mineshafts, people
starved as food was confiscated and curfews
were enforced at gunpoint. Some
of what went on was reported in the
international press, mostly by South
African and British journalists who
took considerable risks to get the story
out to a world which wasn't much
interested in a suddenly tarnished African
hero. Some non-governmental
organisations simply denied the extent of
Mugabe's role, and the local state
press laid the blame on the "dissidents"
and South Africa.
The
backbone of the evidence presented comprises extracts from testimonies
of
people whose names are safely stored overseas. More than 1 000 braved
reprisals by sharing what they witnessed.
"February
1983
Neshango Line (next to Ningombeneshango Airstrip) - Mass beating
of
villagers and shooting of two young pregnant girls, followed by their
being
bayoneted open to reveal the still-moving foetuses. These two girls,
(already pregnant) and several others had been raped by members of the ZNA
(Zimbabwe National Army) in November of 1982, who reportedly left by
helicopter after several days of raping these girls.
Gulakabili
(approx 20km SSW of Pumula Mission) - Whole village abducted to
the Pumula
Mission area where they were beaten. Some were then forced to dig
a mass
grave, made to climb in and were shot. They were buried while still
moving
and villagers were made to dance on the grave and sing songs in
praise of
Zanu PF. One victim locked in a hut and burned to death.
Solobonni -
5 Brigade rounded up entire village to the borehole. Six people
were chosen
and bayoneted to death and buried in one grave. Five people were
beaten to
death. Another man who wept to see his brother killed was severely
beaten
and died a few weeks later . one old lady who was found in her hut
was raped
and 5 Brigade then set fire to a plastic bag and burned the old
lady with
it, setting fire to her blanket. She died three weeks later."
And it
goes on . including children who starved to death.
In addition to
Mugabe, other top leaders intimately involved in planning the
campaign
include former security chief Emmerson Mnangagwa, Perence Shiri -
head of
the 5th Brigade, now chief of the air force - and retired army
commander
Solomon Mujuru. The original commentaries used moderate,
restrained language
to describe the civil war of the 1980s - "disturbances
in Matabeleland and
the Midlands 1980-88" - reflecting hope still flickering
10 years ago that
those responsible would find a formula for reconciliation.
For many - and
one can read this almost every day in the world's media when
Zimbabwe is
reported - Mugabe was a good guy who went bad when he launched
violent
invasions of thousands of white-owned farms in early 2000 after he
lost a
referendum to new kid on the opposition block, the MDC. Many in the
top
echelons of the ANC in exile in those days broadly knew what had been
going
on in Matabeleland when they came down to Harare from Zambia for
shopping or
went to conferences. They, too, may have either been preoccupied
or, like
many outside Matabeleland, not familiar with the scale of the
Gukurahundi
campaign. As the government has now finally roused itself to
attempt a
solution to its neighbour's crisis, its mediating team should
urgently read
this book - otherwise they will never understand the
complexity of the
problem they hope to solve.
The Zimbabwean
(14-06-07)
By Marcus Mushonga
HARARE
ZIMBABWE could plunge into
another time of violent clashes between the state
and anti-Mugabe regime
activists this weekend as youths have planned rallies
across the country to
commemorate the June 16 1976 massacres of youths in
South Africa.
MDC
national youth chairman Thamsanqa Mahlangu said that the commemorations
would be held in five cities but excluding the capital Harare which has a
ban on political rallies on being effected against the opposition parties
and civil society.
Police were notified and have not objected to the
commemorations being held
in Bulawayo, Masvingo, Gweru, Mutare and Kadoma
but gave a stern warning on
the organisers threatening them 'we will not
hesitate to apply the law if
there are intentions to cause
problems.
However police turned down a request to hold the same event in
Harare on the
basis of the ban on political rallies despite several meetings
and rallies
being held by Zanu (PF).
'This is a very unique day
especially to us the youths of Zimbabwe who have
suffered immensely from the
Mugabe regime,' Mahlangu.
'We call upon all the youths to come to the
various venues and be part of
this important event. We commemorate the June
16 1976 Sharpeville Massacres
by the apartheid regime in
South
Africa.'
The venues for the rallies shall be as follows: White
City Arena in
Bulawayo, Mkoba Stadium in Gweru, Chisamba Business Centre in
Mutare and
Rimuka Stadiumin Kadoma.
Mhlangu said that the
commemorations will be led by the MDC youth assembly
in the other three
cities, save for Mutare where they will be done under the
Save Zimbabwe
coalition.
'We have the solidarity and support of our South African
colleagues who are
worried about our situation here. We are commemorating
this day when many of
our members and colleagues are languishing in prison
over trumped-up charges
based on political repression,' he
added.
More than 700 students were massacred by the apartheid regime in
SA after
massive protests against abuses and repression, a situation similar
to what
is currently unfolding in Zimbabwe.
It was not immediately
clear how the state plans to respond to the weekend
commemorations with
memories still fresh of how it brutally cracked down on
opposition and civil
society leaders on March 11 after they had planned a
prayer meeting in
Harare.
MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai was injured together with other
leaders when
police cracked down on the meeting, a move which President
Mugabe
praised-CAJ News.
By Lance
Guma
15 June 2007
Online publication Zim Daily reports that war
veterans and Zanu PF militias
unleashed violence on teachers at Mutondwe
Secondary School in Mt Darwin.
According to the news site, a Zanu PF
district coordinating committee youth
chairman Lameck Reza led the group
demanding a meeting with teachers in the
staff room. They made allegations
that teachers at the school sympathise
with the opposition and that a former
student who visited the school wearing
a Zanu PF T-shirt was ridiculed by
one of them. Its alleged the teachers
refused to have the meeting and the
war veterans and militias started
beating them up.
Several teachers
and students bolted out of the schoolyard and are said to
have sought refuge
in a nearby mountain. Zim Daily also quoted Perkins
Nyamupfukudza one of the
victims who works at the school as a history
teacher. He alleges that since
the violence broke out 12 out of 19 teachers
have since fled the school.
'They accused me and fellow teachers of being
arrogant and disrespecting war
veterans and said they were going to teach
everybody a lesson. I was dragged
by the belt and humiliated in front of the
students that we teach everyday.
They were beating up every teacher,' he is
quoted as saying.
The
Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) is reported to be
organising a
safe house for 5 of the teachers. 'We are in the process of
organizing a
safe house for the five teachers who currently housed here at
our national
offices. They have nothing to eat and no-where to go. They are
traumatized
and they urgently need psychological therapy,' Majongwe is
quoted as saying.
The Mashonaland Central Provincial Education Director is
reported to have
confirmed receiving a report on the incident from the
school head but
insisted all was now under control.
Newsreel spoke to Majongwe on Friday
and he confirmed the PTUZ 'accepting 5
teachers'. He said he was yet to be
briefed on the full details of their
ordeal and could not comment in full.
Harare Province Chairperson for the
PTUZ Jacob Rukweza also confirmed the
incident. He said teachers nationwide
are facing similar threats to their
safety and this was not helped by coming
parliamentary and presidential
elections in 2008. Asked if the Ministry of
Education was offering any
protection for teachers, Rukweza said the
minister responsible was actually
at the forefront of threatening teachers
who are perceived to support the
opposition.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
By Violet
Gonda
15 June 2007
The Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede announced on
Wednesday that a mobile
voter registration exercise would start on Monday.
This is despite ongoing
talks mediated by South Africa's president Thabo
Mbeki, which are supposed
to lead to free and fair elections.
The
opposition is calling for a new and independent electoral commission to
conduct elections in Zimbabwe. The MDC has in previous elections accused the
ruling party of using a fixed voters' roll to rig elections. But ZANU PF
seems to be going ahead with preparations for next year's elections
regardless, using the same tactics.
Mudede said the countrywide
exercise, which would include the inspection of
the voters roll would end in
mid August. The opposition says this shows that
ZANU PF is moving with
'supersonic speed' and is on 'auto-cruise' to rig
election.
Nelson
Chamisa the spokesperson of the Tsvangirai MDC said: "What we must
understand is that rigging is not an event, it is a process and it is in
that context that we in the MDC would view this as a gimmick to try and
manipulate the election to produce a pre-determined
outcome."
Presidential and parliamentary elections are sheduled to be
held
concurrently next year, but the main opposition parties have threatened
to
boycott if the electoral environment is not free and fair.
The two
main political parties are due to meet in South Africa this weekend
to
negotiate conditions leading to the elections, among other issues.
Chamisa
said: "And we have said we don't want Mudede to have anything to do
with the
registration of voters. The registration of voters should be done
by an
independent electoral board which is agreed upon and this is what we
have
submitted to SADC through President Mbeki."
Chamisa alleges the people
who are to conduct Mudede's voter registration
exercise were thoroughly
vetted to make sure they are "ZANU PF-compliant."
Opposition parties have
said people should just produce their identity cards
and vote on the basis
of these identity cards as in 1980.
The opposition says it is not cast in
stone that elections should be held by
March, therefore there is
no need
for the fast-track registration exercise. Stakeholders say there is
sufficient time to agree on the fundamental framework within which the
elections should be held. Chamisa added: "But this kind of arrogance, this
kind of defiance and unilateralism being done and being shown by ZANU PF
clearly shows and continues to rupture and undermine the confidence people
are supposed to have in the electoral process."
SW
Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
The Zimbabwean
(15-06-07)
Harare - Zimbabwe's electoral authorities have come under fire for
practices
that the opposition and an observer group claim could be used to
rig the
ballot, a day after Registrar General Tobaiwa Mudede announced he
was
starting registration of voters and inspection of the voters roll fort
next
year's key joint parliamentary and presidential elections.
Mudede
announced yesterday that nationwide mobile registration exercise
would start
next Monday. Mudede told a press briefing in Harare that his
office would be
issuing birth and death certificates during the exercise. He
said anyone
above 18 was free to vote.
He said those who lost their citizenship by
default when they failed to
renounce their foreign identity in the
stipulated one year in 2001 when the
citizenship act was amended to prohibit
non-Zimbabweans from voting will
regain their citizenship.
Inspection of
the voters roll was also underway.
"In order to be registered as a voter a
national identity card or valid
Zimbabwe passport and proof of residence are
required, but a driver's
license is not acceptable," said Muded.
To get
access to inspect the voter's roll one has to produce a valid
Zimbabwean
passport or a national identity card. A driver's license is again
not
acceptable.
But opposition groups cited as reasons for concern unmonitored
voting by
soldiers, the influence of traditional chiefs on voting.
"There
will be all sorts of tricks in this election if the past election is
anything to go by," said David Coltart, legal director of the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change
Officials of the MDC have confirmed that
more incidents of violence have
been reported in the run-up to this
election. Critics it will get worse as
we approach the election and that
Mugabe will cheat in other ways.
Electoral authorities are appointed by
Mugabe, and soldiers are among staff
running polling stations.
Soldiers,
police and prison officers are allowed to cast postal votes ahead
of
elections when they are based outside their constituencies. But
Zimbabweans
in the diaspora do not have this right.
Judge George Chiweshe, chairman of
the state-run Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission, said the "the postal ballots
have already been concluded".
According to Zimbabwean law, the uniformed
services need only to be
monitored by "a competent witness". There is no
provision for independent
observers or election agents to observe.
"There
is a high possibility the secrecy of the vote has been compromised
and we
are closely following that," said MDC spokesperson Paul Themba
Nyathi.
"If there are any anomalies, we want that vote
discounted."
Registrar-general Tobaiwa Mudede said registration was
"continuous and that
those being registered now would not be allowed to vote
".
Business Day
15 June 2007
Chris van
Gass
--------------------------------------------------------------------
Cape Correspondent
CAPE TOWN - President Thabo Mbeki's
initiative on Zimbabwe on
behalf of the Southern African Development
Community was the best chance in
many years anyone had to find a solution to
Zimbabwe's economic and
political woes, Francois Grignon of the
International Crisis Group on
Zimbabwe told the World Economic Forum on
Africa held in Cape Town
yesterday.
Grignon said that
while many had hoped the initiative would
create the momentum to put
pressure on Zimbabwe's president, Robert Mugabe,
momentum for a solution had
to come from Zimbabweans themselves.
Grignon said in a debate
that, while it was too early to judge
the effect of Mbeki's quiet diplomacy,
it was necessary to create the
platform on which the international community
would be able to channel their
contributions in the search for a
solution.
He said the responsibility of the international
community was to
facilitate change by Zimbabweans
themselves.
Grignon also said that in seeking a solution in
the country,
people should try to desist from continually personalising the
problem -
they should rather create the space and environment to build up
institutions
"so that Zimbabweans can choose their own
rulers".
Zanu (PF) member Ibbo Mandaza said the key to the
solution of
Zimbabwe's problem lay in the succession battle - and whether
Mugabe
continued with a fourth term.
Arthur Mutumbura,
leader of one faction of the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), said that
the major problem was the crisis around
leadership and the "political
illegitimacy" of Mugabe's government.
Simba Makoni, a member
of the Zanu (PF) decision-making
committee and a former finance minister,
said there was a grasp within Zanu
(PF) that a rebuilding process had to
take place in Zimbabwe.
Makoni admitted that on the surface
there were no indications of
progress. "However, there is a process under
way within the party and within
the country and with our neighbours for a
solution to be found.
There is engagement within the nation
that the current state of
affairs cannot and must not go on."
SABC
June 15, 2007, 17:30
Zimbabwe
is again under the spotlight at the International Labour
Organisation (ILO)
for alleged violation of its convention. The seriousness
of the allegations
pertaining to violation of workers' rights placed
Zimbabwe under the
so-called special paragraph.
To add insult to injury, Zimbabwe refused to
appear before the Committee on
the Application of Standards. Zimbabwe has
appeared before the committee for
six consecutive years, but this time it
felt it was enough.
The employers seem to be caught in the middle. All
they want is a return to
productivity, which will ensure the revival of the
country's economy.
Zimbabwe is not the only country accused of workers'
rights violations. The
Democratic Republic of Congo, Belarus and Myanmar
were also listed.
The Zimbabwean
(14-06-07)
By Peter
Kadiki
HARARE:
MOVEMENT for Democratic Change (MDC) president Morgan
Tsvangirai has blasted
the Zanu (PF) government, which he says is being
contemptuous and
pre-emptive of the Sadc dialogue being spearheaded by
President Thabo Mbeki
of South Africa.
Tsvangirai told a press
conference in Harare on Wednesday that the
endorsement by the Mugabe cabinet
of a proposed Constitutional Amendment
Number 18 that Zanu (PF) is pursuing
an agenda aimed at undermining the
legitimate and widely-backed dialogue
initiative of the Sadc grouping.
Mugabe's cabinet gazetted the amendment
bill last week, which among other
things seeks to lay the foundation for
holding harmonised elections next
year as well as increase numbers of
parliamentary and senate
representatives.
Tsvangirai said that the
Mugabe regime is trying to avoid the mandatory
constitutional reforms and
just do some cosmetic alterations.
"The bill is being gazetted in the
background of unprecedented economic
meltdown. The same period has seen
unmitigated water and electricity
shortages," he said.
"There are
thousands of Zimbabweans of Zimbabweans fleeing the country and
being
deported.
Zimbabwean hospitals are now death beds. Given this background,
Constitutional Amendment Number 18 is not about food or jobs it is about
power and its maintenance by Zanu (PF).
"This country is tired of
piecemeal constitutional amendments. As far as we
are concerned, Zimbabwe
needs a new people-driven constitution.
Constitutional Amendment 18 is both
pre-emptive and contemptuous of the Sadc
dialogue
initiative."
Tsvangirai called on Sadc leaders to be careful about Zanu
(PF)'s tactics of
diverting attention. "We therefore call on Sadc to remain
focused on the 29
March resolution on dialogue to solve the crisis in this
country," he said.
The Sadc heads of state met in Tanzania in March for
an emergency meeting to
deliberate on the Zimbabwean political logjam
worsened of late by Mugabe's
refusal to go despite even opposition from
within his party.
The Dar-es-Salaam meeting resolved to mandate Mbeki to
mediate between the
ruling party and the opposition but Zanu (PF) has been
absconding from
meetings to establish the agenda for dialogue-CAJ News.
By Tererai Karimakwenda
June
15, 2007
Amakhosi Theatre's new play The Good President was officially
banned by the
government on Friday when a High Court in Bulawayo ruled that
it was
political. As we reported, police shut down the play on Wednesday
when it
opened in Bulawayo saying it was a political gathering that needed
permission from the Commanding Officer. Sihle Nyathi from Amakhosi said the
police argued in court that the play contravenes the Public Order and
Security Act because there are references to Zimbabwe and economic issues in
the script. Their lawyers argued that the Constitution of Zimbabwe allows
freedom of speech and the play should continue. But the High Court did not
agree.
Nyathi said on the ground it seems reality is different from
what the law
says. She explained that the play had been allowed to run in
Harare, and
asked: "Is the law applied selectively in this country? What is
the
difference between Harare and Bulawayo?" Nyathi told us their lawyers
are
consulting different bodies and would make recommendations soon. But in
the
meantime, Nyathi said Amakhosi would distribute DVDs of the Play and go
on a
regional tour so The Good president can be seen regardless of this
ruling.
Nyathi also said the state run newspapers in the country had
refused to run
adverts for the Play saying its content would bring the
President into
disrepute and they were protecting him. Independent
newspapers made no
objections to the adverts.
The Good President was
written and directed by Cont Mhlanga, who described
it as a play about an
old woman who wants to go vote and talks to her
grandson about the
President. Audiences were invited to participate in a
discussion of the Play
after each performance. Mhlanga said he believes
theatre is a great way to
get people talking about the issues affecting
their
lives.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Remembering Soweto 1976,
and thinking of Zimbabwe's youth in
2007
Sokwanele Article: 15 June 2007
Tomorrow is Youth Day in South
Africa, a day that recalls forever the
determination and bravery of the
students who took it upon themselves to
confront the apartheid government.
On the 16th of June 1976, thousands of
black students walked from their
schools to Orlando Stadium for a rally to
protest against having to study in
Afrikaans at school (for many a second or
third language). What happened on
16 June will never be forgotten.
Live ammunition was fired into the crowd
and 23 people were killed. The
photograph of a dying Hector Pieterson (only
12 years old) being carried by
18 year old Mbuyisa Makhubo, with Hector's
sister Antoinette running
alongside them, is a frozen moment capturing the
horror of that day. Hector
was the second child to be killed that day; the
first child to die was 15
year old Hastings Ndlovu, but there was no
photographer present to mark the
moment of his death, or the deaths of many
other children. Instead, that
single stark image has made Hector Pieterson a
figurehead for all those who
were killed or injured while they tried to take
a peaceful stand against
apartheid and totalitarian rule.
Much more
recently, on Sunday, 11 March 2007, people converged on the
Zimbabwe Grounds
Stadium in Highfields, Harare, Zimbabwe, to attend a
peaceful rally called
by church leaders and human rights activists working
within the Save
Zimbabwe Campaign. They were coming together to protest
against the
oppression of Robert Mugabe government. Gift Tandare, the youth
chairperson
of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) local structure in
a Harare
suburb, was among them. Just as the South African police responded
to the
1976 rally with violence, so did the Zimbabwe police respond with
violence:
live ammunition was used against the peaceful crowd.
Gift, who had come
to attend a peaceful rally for change, was shot in the
chest. He expected to
be standing alongside other like-minded activists,
praying for freedom and
peace for our country, instead, he died on the side
of a road. It didn't end
there: his friends tell how the police refused to
allow them to call him an
ambulance. Two days after his death, police shot
at mourners visiting his
family's home. Then on learning that Gift's family
planned to bury him in
Harare, Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)
operatives stole his body
from a mortuary, and forced the family to bury him
in Mt Darwin instead.
Gift died, but his family were terrorised by Mugabe's
thugs long afterwards:
they were threatened with torture if they failed to
disclose the names of
the NCA activists who attended his funeral in Mt
Darwin.
We don't
have an iconic image, like the one of Hector Pieterson, which
captures
Gift's last living moments. Robert Mugabe understands the power
behind a
picture and as a result press freedom in Zimbabwe is deliberately
stifled.
It is controlled so rigorously that journalists are literally
risking their
lives to capture atrocities on film. One such person was the
cameraman
Edward Chikombo.
Edward Chikombe was abducted a short while after the
thwarted Save Zimbabwe
Campaign rally by four armed men believed to be part
of Mugabe's CIO. His
friends fought to prevent him being carried away, but
the abductors beat
them back with rifle butts in their faces. On the 31
March Edward's body was
found in a field: he had been badly tortured and
beaten to death. Why? The
CIO believed Edward to be one of the cameramen who
shot footage of Morgan
Tsvangirai emerging from the courthouse showing
evidence of his torture
injuries while in police custody. Just as the image
of Hector said a lot
about apartheid, so those images said a lot about the
kind of government
under Robert Mugabe. The government believed Edward was
responsible, so
without trial or proof or just cause, they killed him.
Mugabe's
spokesperson, George Charamba, described Edward in this way and his
comment
clearly reveals the government's attitude towards journalists doing
their
job: "if he was doing media work he was doing so as a spy using media
equipment which may explain his case".
So when you see that famous
image of Hector Pieterson on the 16 June, as you
surely will, we ask you to
think of Gift Tandare, because just like Hector
and the youth who walked to
the rally at Orlando Stadium on 16 June 1976,
Gift was also a young man
trying to make a stand against oppression. Just
like Hector, it cost him his
life. And also like Hector, we will never
forget how brave he was and what
he was trying to do for all of us. We know
that we will be free one day, and
that Gift, like Hector, played an integral
role in helping us get
there.
There are many more young people just like Gift, living in
Zimbabwe and
fighting for justice and peaceful change. Their fight brings
them face to
face with a ruthless government that thinks nothing of killing
and torturing
civilians so that they can cling to power. We ask South
Africans, on Youth
Day, to think of those young people and to ask themselves
what role South
Africans can play in helping their neighbours achieve a
future free of
tyranny and filled with hope.
We ask you to look at
that picture of Hector, and think about the power it
has to tell the truth,
and to think of journalists like Edward Chikombe, who
put their lives at
risk trying to capture the truth so that people around
the world - people
like you - will truly know the extent of Mugabe's
oppression of the
Zimbabwean people.
It is a terrible shame that Hector Pieterson didn't
live to see 1994, the
year when he and many others saw their actions
translate into freedom:
finally, at last, all South Africans could queue and
vote regardless of
race, colour or creed.
In 1994, Zimbabweans shared
in South Africa's joy. In 1994, we ourselves
stood with a few years between
us and the horror of the Gukurahundi in the
1980s, a time when Mugabe
unleashed his army on Matabeleland and killed
20,000 civilians. We were
beginning to hope that like yours, our future
might also be getting better,
and that those days of horror were behind us.
But we didn't know, as we
revelled in the glow from your Rainbow Nation,
that we were in the eye of
the storm, and that it would be only six short
years before Mugabe lost his
referendum in 2000, and started his second war
against Zimbabwean civilians.
He has told those carrying out the atrocities
on his behalf: "We are at war
again . . . If one of you is asked why you are
killing, you say, it is not
us, it is the President".
It is impossible for Zimbabweans to listen to
stories of the struggles that
South Africans went through in their fight
against apartheid, and not think
of our own struggle for freedom
today.
When you celebrate your Youth Day today, we will be thinking about
our youth
in Zimbabwe. Young people who are forced to join militia camps
where their
bright minds are dulled with free alcohol, drugs, rape and
violence in a
sophisticated brainwashing procedure - all part of Mugabe's
efforts to
create himself a Nazi Youth. We think about our young people who
want to
avoid the horrors of Mugabe's militia camps, desperate for
employment and a
future, and who see your country as their only hope. But
this is a choice
fraught with its own dangers, one that involves a
life-threatening swim
across the Limpopo and the risk of incarceration in a
South African holding
camp.
If Hector Pieterson had survived, he
would be in his early forties now. We
don't know what kind of a man he would
have become because his life and his
future were stolen by an oppressor's
bullet. But we hope he would have
continued to stand against oppression, and
we hope that all those who
survived to enjoy freedom while he and others
made the ultimate sacrifice
will do so too. Apartheid was never just a South
African problem; it was an
African problem, a human problem. And the world
stood by the oppressed.
Robert Mugabe's tyranny is not a Zimbabwean problem
alone, it is an African
problem, one scarring our continent and giving it a
bad name.
South Africans know very well that there is no future for youth
in a country
ruled by oppression and tyranny, through violence and terror.
You don't need
us to show you pictures of our dead and dying to know our
story, or to hear
our stories of young people trying to find a future,
trying to find their
way to a safe and happy life, because you've lived
through it yourselves.
Just look to your history and remind yourselves where
you've been and how
far you've come.
Then reach out, and stand with
us
today.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
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Steven Price in
London
June 15, 2007
Although the independent forensic audit into
the affairs of Zimbabwe Cricket
has still yet to be made public, Cricinfo
has learned that Ruzengwe and
Partners, the small Harare-based firm that
carried it out, have been
appointed as auditors to the board.
The
forensic audit, demanded by the government after allegations of
financial
impropriety were levelled against the ZC executive, was launched
in March
2006 by Peter Chingoka, the ZC chairman.
Until recently, the routine
audit work was carried out on an honorary
basis - ie for free - by Price
Waterhouse Coopers, a firm of international
standing with offices in Harare.
It is unclear whether Ruzengwe and Partners
are also working without
payment, or whether PWC stood down or were
replaced..
An accountant
who has worked on ZC's accounts in the past told Cricinfo that
there were
questions over the appointment of the same outfit who had carried
out the
forensic audit to this role. "At a large blue-chip firm questions
would be
asked regarding a potential conflict of interest," he said. "I
think there
are clear ethical concerns."
Many stakeholders are concerned that no
accounts since 2005 have been made
public either. The old constitution
stipulated that audited accounts had to
be presented to the AGM within a
specified period. One former senior ZC
official told Cricinfo that "you
would have thought that audited accounts
would have had to be presented to
an AGM held within a prescribed period
after the year end ... but we have
not had sight of the latest
constitution."
Another official with
close links to the ZC said: "For the board to be taken
seriously and
properly discharge its mandate, it is responsible for ensuring
that an
annual audit of ZC finances is done in timely manner by a reputable
firm of
auditors, and that the financial statements contain a full and
proper
explanation of all movements in ZC finances over the preceding 12
month
period. This basic reporting requirement is legislated by statute in
Zimbabwe.
"Stakeholders have been subjected to a two-year battle to
obtain the books
and this has resulted in calls for a forensic audit ...
{which has] diverted
resources away from cricket. Let's face it, none of
this would have been
necessary had the board being doing its job properly in
the first place."
The last audited accounts made public were for the year
ending April 30,
2005 and were prepared by PWC.
Steven Price is a
freelance journalist based in Harare
© Cricinfo
Tawanda Jonas
June 15,
2007
The trial of former Zimbabwean Test batsman Mark Vermeulen, who is
charged
with arson attacks against Zimbabwe Cricket property in November,
has been
postponed to July. This is the fifth time that the case has been
postponed
since he first appeared in court in
December.
Prosecutor Tawanda Zvekare told a Harare magistrate that
the case could not
be heard as the state was still deliberating over medical
reports relating
to Vermeulen's mental health.
"The accused is to be
remanded until July 11," Zvekare said, adding that
"the medical affidavit
which we were waiting for has been compiled, and we
are (still) making final
deliberations". Vermeulen remains free on bail
although his passport has
been confiscated. He faces two counts of arson and
will face 25 years in
prison with hard labour if convicted.
He is accused of first trying to
burn the ZC boardroom at the Harare Sports
Club ground in October 2006 - the
fire was quickly put out - and then
burning down the pavilion at the Academy
the following day. That fire
destroyed the main building and it remains
gutted.
As part of his defence, Vermeulen has been examined by a
psychiatrist.
Another medical report from Australia describing the effects
of a serious
skull fracture he sustained in January 2004 in a one-day match
against India
has also been submitted.
© Cricinfo
The Namibian
(Windhoek)
OPINION
15 June 2007
Posted to the web 15 June
2007
Jo-Ansie Van Wyk
IN 1992, Ugandan President Yoweri
Museveni published a book entitled 'What
is Africa's problem?'.
He
did not provide a ?nal answer, but for the purposes of this discussion,
'leadership' is the short answer.
Africa is, by its political
leaders' own admission, in a crisis due to its
loss of the spirit of its
traditional leadership and post independence
'questionable
leadership'.
A DYNAMIC REGION In southern Africa, in particular,
executive political
leadership is under considerable discussion.
A
quick survey indicates that the next two to three years may see a very
different cadre of executive leaders in the region.
The Botswana
Democratic Party (BDP), which is in power since the country's
independence
in 1966, has since 1999 seen the rise of Lt Ian Khama as party
vice
president.
President Mogae indicated his intention to step down in
2008.
His appointment of Lt Khama paves the way for Lt Khama to be the
country's
next president.
Earlier this year, the Lesotho Congress of
Democrats (LCD) was re-elected in
a landslide election.
This may pave
the way for a third term for Prime Minister Mosisili who was
re-elected to a
second term in 2002.
Angolan President Dos Santos, in power since 1979,
has also indicated his
intention to step down in 2009 when the country's
next presidential poll is
scheduled to take place.
In Zimbabwe, the
region's enfant terrible, President Mugabe declared his
intention to stay on
until he is a hundred years old.
In South Africa, the ruling African
National Congress (ANC) is due to elect
its new party president in
December.
Constitutionally, President Mbeki has to step down after two
terms in of?ce
in 2009.
In Namibia, Swapo ?nds itself almost in a
similar position as the ANC as
Swapo is also due to elect its president
towards the end of this year.
Mozambique is also scheduled for presi-
dential elections in the next two
years.
Elected in 2004, Mozambican
President Guebuza is prevented by the Mozambican
constitution limitation on
the term of the incumbent president to two
consecutive terms.
In
Zambia, the constitutional and succession debate is also very
robust.
President Mwanawasa was elected in 2002 and some contenders are
staking
their claim.
Swaziland is likely to remain the exception,
where King Mswati III has
consolidated his absolute monarchy despite the
introduction of the country's
new constitution in 2006.
THE LEGACY OF
LIBERATION In Southern Africa, compared to the rest of Africa,
notable
exceptions vis-ą-vis the liberation struggles against colonialism
occur.
Botswana and Swaziland, for example, are the only countries in
the region
not to have had long drawn out liberation
struggles.
Second, the region has not seen any liberation struggles
against African
colonisers as in, for example, Eritrea, Ethiopia and the
Sahrawi Republic.
In Southern Africa, liberation movements/parties turned
political parties
turned governing parties continue to dominate national
politics.
For example, the BDP has been ruling since 1966, the ANC since
1994, the
MPLA since 1979, Swapo since 1990, Zanu-PF since 1980 and Frelimo
since
1986.
On average, these parties have been governing for almost
25 years.
Regionally, Presidents Dos Santos and Mugabe are regarded as
the
'longdistance men', namely in power for a considerable
period.
What, then, are the most notable legacies of the liberation in
the region?
Swapo, Zanu and the ANC are the oldest liberation movements in
the region
and, as such, represent a signi?cant symbolism in Southern
Africa's
liberation.
The ANC and Swapo have always had a special
relationship dating back to
South Africa's governing of the former Southwest
Africa.
Relations between the ANC and Zanu, however, have not been as
cordial.
Second, apart from South Africa and Botswana, countries in the
region
continue to suffer from low levels of human
development.
Notwithstanding the impact of global political and economic
forces, most of
the governments in the region have not, apart from
liberation; have brought
signi?cant human development to their
countries.
The dominance of any political party in a particular state
signals either a
consolidated democracy, a contend electorate, good
political leadership,
high levels of political loyalty to the governing
party, economic growth and
an equal distribution of wealth, or stagnation,
procedural democracy (for
example manipulated elections and rule by
constitutional amendments),
political alienation and exclusion from the
political arena, regime
formation, state capture or the entrenchment of,
particularly, the ruling
elite's interests.
Majoritarianism, as we
see currently in Southern Africa, is not necessarily
undesirable, or
politically dangerous.
However, when majoritarianism, as it has in the
region, leads to, for
example, state capture, political exclusion and
economic decline, where the
ruling elite only bene ?ts, it becomes both
undesirable and politically
dangerous.
Regionally, long-term
majoritarianism has consolidated the ruling elite's
interests, made the
state apparatus the only source of power and wealth and
enlarged the gap
between the haves and have-nots.
HOWEVER Democracy in Southern Africa is
approximately 25 years old.
Regionally, it has survived, amongst others,
colonialism, global economic
crises, civil wars, apartheid and the Cold
War.
Despite the 'advanced cases of stayism' in the region, political
leaders are
participating in the continent's unprecedented normative
innovations
illustrated by the establishment of the African Union
(including, for
example, its Peace and Security Council), the New
Partnership for Africa's
Development and its African Peer Review Mechanism,
and the African Court on
Human Rights.
The next step is to introduce
these norms to countries' national agendas,
implement it and, more
importantly, enforce it.
PUTTING 'CIVIL' BACK INTO CIVIL SOCIETY It is
easy to point ?ngers at
'long-distance' men and political parties in the
region.
Politically, civil society and opposition parties should also be
held
accountable.
Civil society and opposition leaders have often
been accused of being
engaged in a scramble for national executive political
power, rather than
acting constructively and democratically
internally.
The main task of civil society and opposition parties is to
act as counter-
factual forces visą- vis the ruling party, government and
the state.
In?ghting, dependence on donor funding and personal political
agendas often
results in the contrary.
Pertinent questions civil
society organisations and opposition parties in
the region should address to
themselves is: how civil and democratic are
they and do they act? How active
it is in the political arena of its
country? How active are they in the
regional and continental political
arenas and avenues offered by, for
example, the Pan- African Parliament, the
African Peer Review Mechanism and
the Economic, Social and Cultural Council
of the African Union? RHETORIC
VERSUS REALITY Political amnesia visą- vis
the political injustices of any
form of colonialism should never be allowed
to occur.
South Africans'
experience of its Truth and Reconciliation Commission was
tough, but
liberating.
As wounds heal in South Africa, one wonders what the
long-term impact of an
event like the Matabeleland Genocide in the early
days of Robert Mugabe's
presidency left on Zimbabweans.
Hindsight
offers the luxury of questioning reality by 'what ifs'.
What if President
Mugabe was brought to book at the time? Was that genocide
merely a political
prelude of a regime to come? The reality is that
political leaders hold,
control and distribute political power, in?uence,
authority and spoils in
governments, societies, political parties and the
state.
Southern
Africans should move beyond liberation and post-independence
liberation
rhetoric and question its executive, opposition and civil society
leaders.
Politics is too important to leave to politicians and
leadership too
important to leave to leaders only.
The next two to
three years in Southern Africa will either con?rm or
contradict
this.
* Jo-Ansie van Wyk lectures International Politics in the
Department of
Political Sciences, University of South Africa (UNISA),
Pretoria, South
Africa.
This contribution draws partly on her
publication, 'Political leaders in
Africa: Presidents, patrons or
pro?teers?' (2007).
Published by the African Centre for the Constructive
Resolution of Disputes
(ACCORD), Durban, South Africa, available at www.accord.org.za She is a
doctoral
candidate at the Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam, The Netherlands.
Africa News, Netherlands
16 June 2007 - The Zimbabwe Crisis Platform.
There are 10 months left before
the crisis in Zimbabwe lurches to new
depths, and once again the regional
and international community finds itself
locked in dispute over whether
Zanu(PF) will win a legitimate election. Few
doubt that Zanu(PF) will win
this election, and Zanu(PF) believes it will
win because it has won the
support of the people. Most other groups believe
that Zanu(PF) will win
because the party and the government are doing
everything to ensure that it
will win. SADC and the rest of Africa are
saying very little, presumably
because it is rude to comment on a process
before it is over.
SADC and any other group that wishes to deal
with the crisis in Zimbabwe are
in much the same dilemma as the MDC. If they
express any criticism of the
mediation process (which is "secret" anyhow),
they stand a good chance of
being rejected as "surrogates" of the West.
Informed sources indicate that
this is already the tone of the Zanu(PF)
submission to the mediators: a
litany of demands and pre-conditions that the
"surrogates" must obey before
any talks can begin. Pre-conditions are the
name of the Zanu(PF) game,
bolstered by the diplomatic incompetence of
SADC!
So what is the SADC dilemma? Quite simply, if they
criticize at all they
will be rejected - as was the case with the
Commonwealth - having declared
by so criticizing, their affiliation with the
running dogs of Blairite
imperialism. Mugabe ran a splendid game in
deceiving the Commonwealth that
he and Zanu(PF) were serious in all their
encounters, and then, when the
crunch came, eliminated the Commonwealth from
the problem by withdrawing. A
narrow definition of sovereignty works wonders
in Africa it seems.
However, SADC find themselves in a dilemma
wholly of their own making: they
have denied bad governance, gross human
rights violations, and electoral
irregularities in the past, and hence will
be unable to find these in the
present. Furthermore, having stated the
pre-conditions in Dar-es Salaam,
they are now trapped by Zanu(PF) re-stating
these pre-conditions with
endless amplification and insult. Once again
Robert Mugabe has manoeuvred
Africa into a battleground of his own choosing,
but one in which SADC has
been derelict in allowing to
happen.
This dilemma hinges on Africa's acceptance of a trivial
definition of
sovereignty, and is built into the Constitutive Act of the AU.
War, coups,
and genocide are now recognized as the basis for refusing
sovereignty, and
intervention in the affairs of another state, but not the
usurping of power
through irregular elections, as was the case with the
recent Nigerian
election. So SADC can have nothing to say about Zimbabwe
heading for another
stolen election, apart from pious exhortations to follow
the new standards
and guidelines of the various African regional and
continental bodies. As
various spokespersons for the Zimbabwe government
have repeatedly pointed
out, these do not have any legal force, and, hence,
Zimbabwean sovereignty
rules supreme!
However, whilst
sovereignty is most frequently based on elections, it is not
exclusively so.
There are situations where the very identity of a state in
Africa is under
contest. Ethnic and religious divisions, such as exist in
Nigeria or the
Sudan, can result in contest over the identity of the nation,
but this is
not the case in Zimbabwe, despite the long-standing problems
around the
Matabeleland question. For Zimbabwe, as for many other African
countries,
the question of identity revolves around the validity of
elections, where
the power of sovereignty lies in demonstrating that the
government has the
support of the people through the consensus of the voting
process.
This consensus is established in two ways. Firstly,
it is shown by the clear
demonstration that the game was played in a fair
manner, with no undue
preference for any participant. Secondly, it is shown
by the engagement of
the citizenry, and by the demonstration that the party
that wins has popular
endorsement. Here, the greater the involvement of
citizens and the larger
the turnout, the more confidence we can have in the
moral mandate of the
winning party to govern. The ANC governs with such a
moral mandate through
the excellent electoral process and a huge majority of
the vote!
The ANC governs with authority because the rules of the
game are clear. They
are established by consensus over the identity of the
state, underpinned by
a democratic constitution, and the structures
necessary to enforce that
constitution. This is not the case in Zimbabwe, as
all of SADC understands:
the Zimbabwe constitution creates powers in the
President that no SADC
country would accept or has already rejected. Thus,
it is either naļve or
down right irresponsible of the SADC Presidents to
make statements that
endorse such over-weaning powers in the manner that
they did in Dar-es
Salaam. By so doing they have already polluted the
potential dialogue and
handed President Mbeki a poisoned chalice. How on
earth can he attempt to
mediate when his colleagues have allowed one side to
determine the terrain
for discourse?
The closing remarks at
Dar-es Salaam have provided a rod for the mediator's
back. To endorse the
land grab, recognize Robert Mugabe as legitimately
elected in 2002, and to
demand the withdrawal of sanctions played straight
into Mugabe's hands, and
has led to deep suspicions about the bona fides of
the SADC initiative. It
would have been much smarter to have said nothing at
all, but these remarks
lead immediately to distrust. The land grab has been
violent, led to
enormous numbers of displaced persons, and all but destroyed
the Zimbabwe
economy. Robert Mugabe won a disputed election in 2002,
repudiated by the
EU, the Commonwealth and all Zimbabwean observer groups.
The MDC mounted a
legal challenge which is still to be completed, which
seems of little
concern to SADC. And there are no sanctions on Zimbabwe:
there has been
withdrawal of support and travel bans on selected Zanu(PF)
leaders, but
Zimbabwe still trades internationally and receives significant
humanitarian
support from the Western countries.
It is thus the lack of a
nuanced approached to Zimbabwe that leads SADC into
these very blunt and
generalized positions, which then pay straight into
Mugabe's hands. Better
to support land reform AND repudiate the manner of
this reform. Better to
acknowledge the dispute over the 2002 elections, and
demand that the local
Zimbabwean remedy is expedited. Better to acknowledge
selective sanctions
and commiserate with the lot of the Zimbabwean people
for having aid cut due
to the poor management of the Zimbabwe economy. Then
perhaps there can be
dialogue without conditions, but, as all Zimbabweans
know, any such
statements made by SADC will see Zanu(PF) walking away from
the table and
calling SADC puppets of the West.
[Several key analysts and
internationally acclaimed experts from Zimbabwe
and South Africa will
provide key insights and analysis of the situation in
the country. These
analysts can not be mentioned by name as they live and
work in Zimbabwe;
with the current levels of repression in Zimbabwe by state
agencies it is no
longer possible to freely express opinions of the nature
that will be
presented here. Their names are known to the Africa Interactive
editorial
team.]