Harare - More that 10 000 people have been hired "illegally" in Zimbabwe by
ministries run by President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party, including those
responsible for the army and police, Finance Minister Tendai Biti has
Biti is tasked with implementing austerity measures, as the southern African
country tries to dig itself out of a deep economic hole.
But the minister, who is a member of the former opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) - Zanu-PF's partner in government - has had trouble
reigning in ministries run by Mugabe's party.
"The two chief culprits are the ministry of defence, which employed 4 600
since January, and the ministry of home affairs which has recruited 1 200
personnel without Treasury approval," Biti told Parliament last week.
The addition of new recruits was exacerbating the acute shortage of food at
army barracks and adding to a wage bill Zimbabwe could not afford, he said.
"Even if they are 'illegal,' they are now part of the force," said Biti.
But their recruitment has raised even deeper concerns in the country where
polls have been fraught with violence over the past decade.
"All the indications are that the military is preparing for elections and
for a violent election, like there was in 2008," said Dewa Manhinga, a South
Africa-based political analyst for Crisis Coalition, an international think
The military has in recent months vocally supported Zanu-PF and dismissed
the MDC, which is led by Mugabe's main rival in 2008 and current prime
minister, Morgan Tsvangirai.
MDC not allowed
Last week the army's Chief of Staff Major-General Trust Mugoba declared at a
public parade: "We will not even allow them (the MDC) to go into office."
When Biti at a ministerial meeting last week refused to pay the wages of the
new army recruits, Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa reportedly threatened
him with violence.
The MDC has been the target of state-sponsored violence in the past.
Tsvangirai was arrested and severely beaten by police in the run-up to the
MDC supporters were among the more than 200 people reportedly killed by
security forces, in what was widely regarded as a fraudulent poll that saw
Mugabe return to office for a sixth term.
The 88-year-old who became prime minister at independence in 1980 and later
moved into the presidency, is widely expected to run for office in the next
"The country has already started recording an increase in cases of
politically-motivated violence and we must rely on the likes of Mnangagwa,
as a senior government official to denounce unruly behaviour," said an MDC
"The defence minister must know that there are other means of solving
challenges other than by threats and intimidation."
by Tendai Kamhungira 21 hours 16 minutes ago
HARARE - Rival political parties and analysts have warned that Zimbabwe
could plunge into chaos and bloodbath if the military heeds Zanu PF plans to
have them campaign on its behalf in the next elections.
The warning comes against Friday’s statements by Zanu PF that soldiers will
campaign on their behalf in next elections “because the MDC had the backing
of trade unions and other groups” disliked by the liberation movement.
President Robert Mugabe has been pushing for a snap poll without
implementing reforms he agreed with his coalition partners — Morgan
Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara.
“It is a ploy not only to bring soldiers into politics but to ensure that it
(Zanu PF) will win the next elections. Soldiers are trained to kill. If they
are to campaign for Zanu PF they will do what they know best and that is
killing and inflicting pain,” warned University of Zimbabwe lecturer and
political analyst, John Makumbe.
Makumbe told the Daily News on Sunday the idea by Zanu PF to use the army to
campaign for them was unconstitutional and should not be allowed.
“If soldiers are allowed to campaign for Zanu PF, there will be instability
and the situation will be worse than the 2008 scenario and before we know
it, we will be having GNU number two,” said Makumbe.
On Friday, Zanu PF secretary for administration, Didymus Mutasa, said his
party would not have problems with the military campaigning for them.
“Personally I do not have a problem with the military choosing to campaign
for a party of their choice. It is common knowledge that trade unions (ZCTU)
campaign for the MDC and should we then say they should not do that.
“These people (military) fought with us during the liberation struggle, so
why should we discriminate against them. We cannot stop them from
campaigning,” Mutasa said.
His remarks are consistent with findings by a broader civic society
coalition — Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition — which released a report in June
last year warning about military deployment in provinces to prop up Zanu PF.
In the unsettling dossier titled: “The Military Factor in Zimbabwe’s
Political and Electoral Affairs” — which followed three months of extensive
investigations — Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition alleged that the military had
demanded, and Zanu PF had agreed, that at least 25 percent of all
legislative seats that the party will contest for must be reserved for
serving or retired military personnel.
“The military plans to deploy senior commanders from either the Zimbabwe
Defence Forces (ZDF) or the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) in each
of Zimbabwe’s 59 districts to co-ordinate the fight to retain Mugabe in
“Information from military sources is that more than 80 000 youth militia,
war veterans and soldiers will be deployed across the country in an army-led
drive to ensure victory for Zanu PF candidate, President Mugabe in the next
elections,” read part of the report handed to Sadc leaders last year in
Constitutional law expert and public law lecturer at the University of
Zimbabwe, Lovemore Madhuku, did not see anything wrong with Mutasa’s
“What matters is that elections should be free and fair. Anyone can campaign
for any political party,” Madhuku told the Daily News on Sunday.
He said the law was very clear that soldiers and police officers are not
allowed to campaign for political parties but said they can only be dealt
with according to the statutes governing their work.
Ever since Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai appeared on Zimbabwe’s political
scene, the country’s belligerent security leaders, Augustine Chihuri,
Constantine Chiwenga, including the late Vitalis Zvinavashe, have openly
shown their support for Zanu PF and its octogenarian leader.
“We are aware of a group within Zanu PF… seeking to set up the party against
the army. Since our formation, the MDC has never taken a stance to fight the
military and we will not do that. Our fight is not against the army, but
institutions and individuals who are against the emancipation of our
people,” MDC spokesperson Douglas Mwonzora said.
“It means Zanu PF wants to force certain professionals of the army to
campaign for them against their conscience. Zanu PF has realised that it has
no structures and capacity to win against MDC. It has ceased to be a
campaign of Zanu PF against MDC but the army versus MDC,” said Mwonzora.
“On the diplomatic side Mugabe has seen that he has lost, so he now wants to
unleash violence. We urge every right-thinking Zimbabwean to reject that and
the intervention of the international community. There is a high possibility
of the army clashing with civilians and there will be bloodshed,” Mwonzora
He further said Zanu PF’s moves were “unconstitutional, unlawful and
Secretary-general of the smaller MDC, Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga
scoffed at Mutasa.
“It’s a myth. As far as I know they will be violating the Global Political
Agreement,” said Mushonga.
“The army is not a homogenous group. There are a lot of young people in the
army who want change. No one owns the army. The army is made from various
people from different political backgrounds. It will not succeed,” said
Analysts warned that the elections won’t be free and fair once the military
stepped into campaigning for Zanu PF.
In the run up to the 2008 Presidential run-off, at least 200 MDC supporters
were killed in the bloodbath that followed a retributive campaign launched
by alleged war veterans and soldiers in the political hotbeds of Mashonaland
East and Central, respectively. - Daily News
By Tichaona Sibanda
18 June 2012
Talks between negotiators from parties in the GPA to conclude the drafting
of the new constitution have begun in Nyanga, amid hope that the latest
negotiations will yield some positive results.
The indaba in Nyanga is aimed at resolving all outstanding issues in the
drafting of a new constitution, whose process has taken over three years and
left many Zimbabweans frustrated.
The country’s rival parties have been stuck on certain contentious issues in
the draft, despite pleas from NGO’s and civil society organisations for a
quick resolution to the crisis.
It is hoped that these negotiations at a secluded lodge in Nyanga will yield
a breakthrough on the crucial issues. The country’s current constitution was
drawn up in the run-up to independence from Britain in 1980 and has been
revised repeatedly, giving Robert Mugabe sweeping powers.
After the constitutional outreach program Zimbabweans have said they want a
charter that would reform how their country is run following decades of
abuses by the former ruling ZANU PF government.
A highly placed source in the MDC-T told SW Radio Africa on Monday that the
six party negotiators, who are the management committee of COPAC reviewing
the contentious draft constitution, are expected to agree on key issues.
COPAC officials from the three sides of coalition government had mainly
differed on the proposal for a less powerful president, the devolution of
power and dual citizenship.
A Harare based political analyst was less optimistic, convinced that ZANU PF
wants to collapse COPAC and declare a deadlock.
‘No good news will come from Nyanga. ZANU PF is digging in, the securocrats
have Mugabe by the throat. There will be very little, if any, compromise
from ZANU PF,’ the analyst said.
Constitutional reform was part of wide-ranging deals reached under the
power-sharing agreement to avoid a repeat of bloody clashes in the country.
If it emerges that there is a breakthrough, the parliamentary select
committee panel will to hand its report to a committee of experts on the
constitution, which in turn will hand it to parliament before being
submitted to a referendum, most likely by September this year.
By Alex Bell
18 June 2012
Leading Southern African legal rights groups have called on regional
governments to safeguard the still suspended SADC Tribunal, and to fully
reinstate the court with a strengthened human rights mandate.
The court was suspended more than a year ago for a 12 month review, in what
was described as a serious blow for the rule of law in Southern Africa and
for the protection of human rights. The suspension was also slammed for
appearing to side with the Robert Mugabe regime, which was held in contempt
by that court for ignoring a 2008 ruling on the unlawful land grab campaign.
The review process is now being finalised, with regional justice ministers
finishing a draft amendment to the Tribunal Protocol, which is set to
dictate some key changes in the role and functions of the court. These
recommendations will be handed to the SADC Council of Ministers ahead of a
SADC summit in Mozambique in August, where it is hoped the court will
finally be reinstated.
Three top legal groups have since urged the ministers to safeguard the role
of the Tribunal by agreeing on recommendations that “protect the core
mandate of the Tribunal and ensure it is finally allowed to function again.
The SADC Lawyers Association, the Southern African Litigation Centre (SALC)
and the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) made a joint submission to
the SADC ministers last week, reminding them of their duty to protect the
SALC’s Lloyd Kuveya told SW Radio Africa on Monday that there are key issues
that are set to determine the whole region’s future in terms of human rights
and the rule of law. He explained that these issues, which are feared to
become recommendations to the Council of Ministers, will drastically change
the mandate of the Tribunal.
Kuveya explained these changes include blocking access to the court to
individuals, NGOs and private companies, and also removing the court’s human
“We want a Tribunal that is accessible to all and SADC should not diminish
the human rights jurisdiction of the court. In fact that should strengthen
this mandate,” Kuveya said.
He added: “If these changes go ahead then SADC leaders will have shown that
they are only paying lip service to the rule of law, so there are serious
According to its current mandate the court is meant to provide access to
legal recourse to all SADC citizens, when the courts in their own countries
fail them. It is also supposed to be a neutral legal ground for citizens to
take grievances against their own countries governments.
This was the case for the late former Chegutu farmer Mike Campbell and his
son-in-law Ben Freeth, who took the Mugabe regime before the court for the
land grab campaign. The court ruled this campaign was unlawful and ordered
the government to compensate farmers who lost land and protect the remaining
farmers from further attack.
None of this happened and the Tribunal repeatedly held the regime in
contempt for ignoring the 2008 ruling. But instead of protecting the
jurisdiction of the court, which was enshrined in the SADC Treaty, regional
leaders chose to suspend it instead.
7 hours 54 minutes ago
Zanu PF is battling to portray President Robert Mugabe as fit and energetic
to represent the party in the next election by having him appear in public
more often as depicted in his schedule last week.
Mugabe, the Zanu PF presidential candidate, had a busy schedule last week
that saw him officiating at four different occasions within four consecutive
days in Harare, Darwendale and Mutare.
In the four days, Mugabe officiated at the Science Technology and Innovation
Policy Launch in Harare on Wednesday before officiating at a police pass-out
parade at Morris Depot on Thursday.
The 88-year-old leader was in Darwendale on Friday where he addressed the
Zanu PF Womens League before travelling to Mutare to open a
On Saturday, Mugabe was at the Harare International Conference Centre where
he addressed the Day of the African Child commemorations together with Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
But analysts yesterday said Zanu PF was overworking Mugabe in a bid to
convince the electorate that he could stand the heat, come election time.
Its a desperate attempt to portray him publicly as someone with a lot of
energy and they know the biggest handicap is that he is viewed as a frail
and old man, hence the strategy to have him appear in public more. The same
has been happening to the First Lady as seen in the State media and all is
meant to portray the First Family as fit and full of energy, Charles
Its almost like (Barack) Obama and (John) McCain (during the 2008 United
States presidential election campaign) where they realised age was not on
McCains side and roped in Sarah Palin as his running mate and what happened
was disaster, Mangongera said. Last week, Mugabe told his the Zanu PF Womens
League that he was fit and took a swipe at those saying he was dying.
They are saying Mugabe is going to die in 2013, but why should I die? I am
as fit as a fiddle, I am still very far from it, Mugabe said.
Another analyst, Ernest Mudzengi, said: He is now in a campaign mode now
that elections are looming. He is trying to market himself as a caring
leader. This will not work because the majority of Zimbabweans no longer
have confidence in Zanu PF. - NewsDay
By Staff Reporter 2 hours 18 minutes ago
President Robert Mugabe has arrived in Brazil to attend the ongoing United
Nations Conference on Sustainable Development.
Mugabe, who is being accompanied his wife Grace Mugabe; Environment and
Natural Resources Management Minister, Francis Nhema; Foreign Affairs
Minister, Simbarashe Mbengegwi and other senior government officials, were
welcomed at the Galeo International Airport by the Zimbabwean Ambassador to
Brazil, Thomas Bvuma and senior Brazilian government officials.
Rio +20, a major international environmental conference underway in Brazil,
provides an opportunity for the global community to renew its commitment to
promote sustainable development and devise strategies of addressing
challenges such as climate change.
For three days from June 20, many world leaders and thousands of people from
all over the globe will meet in Rio de Janeiro in the hope of reaching an
agreement on how to achieve sustainable development.
For three days from June 20, many world leaders and thousands of people from
all over the globe will meet in Rio de Janeiro in the hope of reaching an
agreement on how to achieve sustainable development.
It is hoped that the conference will produce or lay the groundwork for a set
of sustainable development goals that can be adopted worldwide.
These will set targets for consumption and production and put in place a
system of monitoring to ensure that the goals are met.
According to reports, countries are expected to sign up to 10 separate
These could include a deal on protecting oceans, the establishment of a
powerful global agency for the environment, financial support to encourage
sustainability for poorer nations and the appointment of an ecological high
Southern Africa, which has been preparing for the summit, agreed to be
guided by the Africa Consensus Statement to Rio that was adopted by the
Ministers of Environment and approved by the African Union Summit held early
For Africa and Zimbabwe included, the position is very clear.
They are calls for developed countries to fulfil previous commitments and
pledges to help Africa's efforts in achieving sustainable development.
Africa also wants the conference to adopt concrete measures, supported by
adequate means of implementation that would ensure accelerated
implementation of sustainable development commitments.
In an interview, Environment and Natural Resources Management Minister,
Francis Nhema said developing countries, which are the worst affected by
climate change, expect the developed world to commit to the second Kyto
Protocol on the reduction of green house gases since the first protocol
The world is facing urgent global challenges ranging from access to energy,
water and food, to climate change, overfishing, polluted oceans, and
unemployment and widening inequalities.
The historic UN Conference on Sustainable Development, also known as Rio+20,
is being held 20 years after a similar earth summit in the same city and is
an opportunity for government leaders and thousands of other participants to
map how the world adopts policies and measures that can promote prosperity
and reduce poverty while ensuring environmental protection.
By Alex Bell
18 June 2012
A Zimbabwean government minister has confirmed that an army firm has a 40%
stake in one of the most lucrative concessions in Chiadzwa, in a clear
admittance of the military’s direct involvement in the Zim diamond mining
The country’s Deputy Mines Minister told parliament last week that the
Zimbabwe Defence Industries (ZDI) owns 40% of the Anjin mining firm, which
is a joint venture with the Chinese. Although the ZDI is, on paper, a
private company, all the shares in the company are held by the ZANU PF
controlled Ministry of Defence.
The state owned Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC) owns a
further ten percent of Anjin, with the remaining half of the shareholding
being held by the Chinese Defence Industries.
Minister Gift Chimanikire told parliament that there was nothing sinister
about the ZDI’s involvement in diamond mining, and that “Anjin itself is a
defence industry company that is owned by the Chinese.”
But Chimanikire’s admittances come amid fresh reports that the army, along
with police and private security, is still leading a violent campaign
against diamond panners at the Chiadzwa alluvial fields. According to a
report in the UK’s Sunday Times newspaper, witness have described continued
shootings, beatings and the use of dogs by soldiers, police and private
guards against illegal miners at the controversial fields.
One victim described being shot in the face by soldiers while four friends
were murdered and others beaten after digging for diamonds near a
concession. The man claimed he had been recruited to dig for stones by the
soldiers who had later killed his colleagues and disfigured him for life,
apparently in an attempt to eradicate witnesses to their brutality.
“We agreed to share the proceeds,” the victim was quoted as saying. “They
said for every five diamonds that we get, we give them one or give them
“But when we were digging there was a change of officers, soldiers that were
not used to seeing us. They came to surround us and started firing on us,
using live bullets, and as we were running away they then fired on us using
big guns. There was no warning given.”
Human rights groups and campaigners have for years warned about the
involvement of the military in diamond mining operations, after the army led
the ‘clean up’ campaign in Chiadzwa in 2008. That ‘Operation Hakudzokwi’ saw
soldiers on the ground and in helicopter gunships opening fire on
defenceless diamond panners, leaving at least 200 dead and many more
This violence saw Zimbabwe being barred from international diamond trading
by the industry watchdog, the Kimberley Process (KP). The group ordered
Zimbabwe to reform and meet the minimum standards of international trade,
including demilitarising the diamond fields.
But this never happened, as Chimanikire’s admittance in Parliament last week
has shown. And yet Zimbabwe was still cleared for sales by the KP last year.
Alan Martin from the human rights group Partnership Africa Canada (PAC) told
SW Radio Africa on Monday that the reports of violence are a serious
concern, but not surprising, explaining that “we have warned repeatedly that
the Anjin firm is a military to military arrangement.”
“We have been hearing the reports of violence for a long time and it really
highlights the deficiencies of the KP’s ‘conflict diamond’ mandate. The
majority of abuses in diamond mining, not just in Zimbabwe, are no longer
committed by rebel groups, but by state security,” Martin said.
The KP has been urged to make key reforms and expand its human rights
mandate, but so far there is little sign that Zimbabwe will be brought to
task over the ongoing violence.
“The KP has lost the political appetite to deal with Zimbabwe head on. Now
they just want to try prevent future incidents like Zimbabwe from
happening,” Martin said.
Nompumelelo Moyo Bulawayo, June 18, 2012 - Eighty-four members of the
mainstream Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) led by Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai have abandoned the party to join the smaller MDC faction.
The members, all from Bulawayo Makokoba Constituency, said they had decided
to cross the floor to join Professor Welshman Ncube's led MDC because they
had been insulted by Deputy Prime Minister Thokozani Khupe, the incumbent
Member of Parliament for the area.
They also accused Khuphe of causing divisions and supporting Zanu (PF)
without the knowledge of the party and its leadership.
They also alleged Khuphe of neglecting the constituency and causing violence
prior to MCD-T 2011 congress in Bulawayo.
Former MDC-T ward chairperson, Stella Takawira, said Khuphe had lost respect
for the electorate which voted for her.
“Hon Khuphe is a disgrace to Makokoba Constituency, she dines with Zanu (PF)
members...” said Takawira.
Takawira alleged Khuphe had told the people at Stanley Square that political
leaders come and go and that she had called them names. In addition,
Takawira said, Khuphe, had failed to attend rallies held in her constituency
including the Bulawayo Youth Assembly Day of the Africa Child
“As we speak right now, she has told us that she will not be standing as MP
for Makokoba Constituency in the next election because she has found a
better constituency and then you call that person a leader. More people are
yet to defect from MDC-T because there is poor leadership that lacks
democracy,” added Takawira.
A youth who also defected to MDC, Simbarashe Chakawuya, claimed they had
found a Zanu (PF's) flag with the party's slogan on it in Khuphe's car.
"We got the photo of that flag in Hon Khuphe’s white Benz and we sent it to
President Tsvangirai but nothing was done."
Welcoming the defectors, who were issued with party cards and T-Shirts, MDC
Bulawayo Provincial Chairperson, Oscar Ncube, said his party is welcoming
them in good faith as they have come back home.
“We welcome you. l therefore urge you to behave, go and register to vote so
that you remove stooge politicians and replace them with the people of your
choice. Elections will be held next year in June or after June as per SADC
(Southern African Development Community) resolutions and there is time for
you to register to vote so that you develop your constituency as the new
constitution will guarantee devolution of power,” said Ncube.
Written by Xolisani Ncube, Staff Writer
Monday, 18 June 2012 15:21
HARARE - The mainstream MDC has warned shadowy Zanu PF-aligned militia
group, Chipangano saying its days are numbered in the political hotbed of
The known, untouchable and dangerous group whose trademark is violence has
virtually taken over Harare’s busy and densely populated suburb of Mbare.
MDC supporters have fallen victim to the ruthless antics of Chipangano, an
outfit believed to be sponsored by powerful individuals in the rank and file
of Zanu PF.
Addressing party supporters, mainly youths, who had gathered to commemorate
the Day of the African Child on Saturday, Nelson Chamisa, MDC’s national
organising secretary said the net was closing in on members of Chipangano.
He said his party’s leadership in collaboration with Harare police were
closing in on Chipangano members who in the past were left to roam freely
after their violent escapades.
The violent outfit has literally taken over business in Mbare where vendors
are even expected to pay homage to Chipangano to secure their vending stalls
at Mbare Musika and Mupedzanhamo flea markets.
Other businesspeople believed to be sympathetic to the MDC like Sten
Zvorwadza, have been threatened and told that Mbare was a no-go area for
people who do not support Zanu PF.
“There is no place in this country that is a no-go area for anyone, I want
to tell you that we are working with the police and soon, we will disband
that group called Chipangano,” Chamisa said.
He told youths who had come to celebrate the Day of the African Child
running under the theme “The rights of children with disabilities: The duty
to protect, respect, promote and fulfil,” that members of his party bore the
brunt of violence the most.
Chamisa warned Chipangano saying the law would soon catch up with them.
“Go and tell them that as the MDC, we have an agreement to free Zimbabweans,
ivo varikupangana, isusu tiri pachirangano (they are agreeing but we also
have an agreement). They risk injuring each other while we fix the future of
this country,” the youthful minister said.
He added: “We are very worried about the plight of disabled youths, but we
are more worried of those who are being disabled by Zanu PF’s violent
nature. This should not continue to happen; God did not create us to be
disabled by Zanu PF."
“He created us as hardworking people. We know that some are born disabled,
those are the people we should care for and not those immobilised by
Chipangano or Zanu PF.”
Zanu PF has since distanced itself from the violent group. The party’s youth
leader Jim Kunaka who has been linked to Chipangano, professed ignorance on
the existence of the group.
Last month, an interparty implementation monitoring team formed to oversee
the performance of the Global Political Agreement, (GPA) Jomic, declared
Chipangano a criminal gang whose members should be arrested.
By Staff Reporter 1 hour ago
HARARE - The bid by the Lovemore Matombo-led ZCTU faction to hold on to the
labour organisation’s brand has hit a brick wall after the Supreme Court
upheld the decision by High Court Judge, Justice Chinembiri Bhunu in favour
of the George Nkiwane faction.
The two ZCTU factions have been at each other’s throats following their
nasty split over contentious elections which led to irreconcilable
This Monday, the application by the Matombo-led faction contesting a High
Court ruling over the control of ZCTU assets, properties and use of name was
heard by a Supreme Court panel led by Deputy Chief Justice Luke Malaba.
The Supreme Court panel of judges dismissed the application put forward by
the Matombo-led faction with costs and upheld the High Court ruling.
The Secretary General for the Nkiwane-led faction, Japhet Moyo said justice
had prevailed and it was now time for the body to concentrate on its
“Justice was long overdue and these squabbles were disturbing us from
carrying out our mandate of serving workers' interests, it is a welcome
development," said Moyo.
Secretary General for the Matombo faction, Mr Raymond Majongwe, though
visibly upset by the new development, was positive that another matter still
pending at the High Court will go his group’s way.
“Winning the matter in court is another issue but we are looking at
delivering to the workers and in as far as we are concerned we still have
the larger chunk of workers so the issue of the name is not serious,” said
The ZCTU split into two over leadership wrangles last year and since then
the two groups have been claiming to be in control of the labour movement.
by Staff Reporter
PAUL Mangwana, the joint-chairman of the Constitution Select Committee
(COPAC), has launched an astonishing attack on his Zanu PF colleague and
Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo, claiming his interventions in
urban councils are “undemocratic and anti-development”.
Mangwana was guest speaker at the Residents’ Summit organised by the
Masvingo United Residents and Rate payers Association (MURRA) over the
The Chivi Central MP discussed the constitutional provisions for local
government at the summit also attended by the Bulawayo Progressive Residents
Association, Combined Harare Residents Association, Gweru Residents
Association and Bulawayo Agenda.
Mangwana said the Urban Council Act had given Chombo too much powers which
he abuses through “wanton suspensions and firing of mayors”.
He claimed Chombo’s interventions which have led to the suspension of mayors
in Chitungwiza, Gwanda, Chinhoyi and Mutare were “not in line with
international best practices”.
Chombo has justified his meddling, insisting that he is protecting residents
from the excesses of corrupt local authorities – most of which are run by
The minister has faced accusations from the MDC-T and MDC that he uses the
power to suspend individual councillors and mayors to settle political
But it was the MDC-T which took the decision to expel its entire Chitungwiza
council and fire its mayor for Masvingo over corruption allegations.
The residents’ associations called on the government to push for the
reinstatement of mayors and councillors who were suspended or fired under
unclear circumstances and amend the Urban Councils Act.
They also vowed to fight for devolution of power in the new constitution –
and surprisingly got support from Mangwana, who appeared to break ranks with
his party which has vowed to resist devolution.
Mangwana said a draft constitution written after public consultations
provides for a devolved system of governance.
“There is a world of a difference between devolution and secession. The
people of Masvingo should not to be misled by those against devolution of
power,” he said.
He stressed that devolution was “not a Matabeleland issue but a national
He told representatives of the residents’ associations that 71 percent of
Zimbabweans consulted by COPAC during its outreach supported devolution of
June 18, 2012
HARAE - Japan has provided funds to immunize about two million children in
Zimbabwe against polio and measles as well as provide for Vitamin A
supplements. The national immunization week is part of efforts by Zimbabwe,
working with U.N. agencies, to reduce child mortality rates in the country.
The weeklong immunization program, which launched Monday, was funded by the
Japanese government. However, the money went to the United Nations
Children's Fund, UNICEF, instead of Zimbabwe's government because of fears
Peter Salama, the head of United Nations children's agency in Harare, is
hopeful all children in Zimbabwe will have access to life-saving vaccines.
"In partnership with the international donor community, the rate of children
immunized will continue to rise. Through the support of (the) government of
Japan and the ministry of health, UNICEF has managed to provide all the
measles and polio vaccines and injection and safety materials," Salama said.
For more than a decade now, Zimbabwe has depended mainly on aid agencies and
foreign donors in its health care sector. With official figures showing
that 100 children die every day in Zimbabwe, the immunization program is
seen as the most cost-effective way to reduce child illness and child
Henry Madzorera, Zimbabwe’s health minister, hopes Japan and the
international community will continue to provide funding to Zimbabwe.
“Despite their own problems that emanated from natural disaster which we all
know of -- the combined tsunami, the great earthquake and nuclear disaster
at Fukushima -- they have continued to prioritize the welfare of our own
children and have neither withdrawn or reduced support to the EPI program
through UNICEF,” Madzorera said.
EPI stands for Expanded Program on Immunization.
Zimbabwe's health care sector fell into shambles several years ago, after
years of political turmoil and the collapse of the economy.
Finance Minister Tendai Biti has complained on several occasions that
proceeds from diamond sales are not reaching the treasury. He said he fears
that President Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party is keeping the money to fund
future election campaigns, at the expense of ordinary Zimbabweans.
Until that changes, Zimbabweans will likely have to rely on the generosity
of donors such as Japan to meet basic health care needs.
The Zimbabwean diaspora leader in the USA Den Moyo has called for protests outside Zambian diplomatic premises on 21st June because of President Sata’s support of Zanu PF (see press release below). It is the latest in the series of 21st Movement Free Zimbabwe Global Protests held against the lack of progress in Zimbabwe. Since the beginning of 2012 these protests held on 21st of each month have been supported by the MDC Diaspora. The Zimbabwe Vigil has already targetted the Zambian High Commission in London (see: Zimbabweans in UK protest at Zambian President’s visit – http://www.zimvigil.co.uk/vigil-news/press-releases/409-zimbabweans-in-uk-protest-at-zambian-presidents-visit--6th-june-2012 and Open Letter to Zambia – http://www.zimvigil.co.uk/the-vigil-diary/410-open-letter-to-zambia--zimbabwe-vigil-diary-9th-june-2012). Our experience is the Zambian people are very responsive and we support Den Moyo’s move. We await details of plans for London and suggest supporters consult their local MDC representatives re what they plan to do about this.
Zimbabwe Vigil Co-ordinators
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of human rights in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored, free and fair elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk
Global Zimbabwe protest against Zambian President Sata's utterances
We members of The Free Zimbabwe Global Campaign (FZGC) are utterly dismayed at Zambian President Michael Sata’s misguided statements regarding our beloved motherland since he landed the Zambian presidency a few months ago.
As peace-loving but tormented people, we were both excited and encouraged by the smooth transition in Zambia following the demise of President Rupiah Banda. We thought it was the epitome of democratic maturity and a development to be proud of in Africa.
To our greatest disappointment, Mr. Sata has become a self-appointed spokesman and gatekeeper for not only ZANU PF but those who work daily to crash democratic voices in Zimbabwe.
Recently he was shouting ZANU PF slogans in an SADC Summit plenary meeting despite the fact that he was there as part of the Security, Defense and Peace Troika, meant to maintain a neutral position in helping Zimbabweans find each other in the ongoing engagement.
Soon after he became president, Michael Sata denigrated the MDC, Zimbabwe’s biggest and home-grown political party, for being a puppet of the West which should never be allowed to rule Zimbabwe.
As progressive Zimbabweans who formed this party at home and in the Diaspora out of the need to improve our own circumstances, we cannot take this insult lightly. Collectively, we remind President Sata that he is the fifth President of Zambia. We ask him the same question; where was his party, the Patriotic Front, when President Kaunda’s UNIP liberated Zambia?
It is in this context that we advise him to leave us to determine our destiny without him carelessly supporting a party whose time has expired and trying to remain in power through violent suppression of the democratic aspirations of people.
Does he not see any paradox in wishing us a life president when Zambia has changed leaders five times? If Zambia can have a Caucasian as deputy president, why can’t a white deputy minister of Agriculture in Zimbabwe, as he suggested?
We hereby remind him that Zimbabweans are very patient people but they are not intellectually deficient morons? Our current struggle that we have been seized with for more than a decade is to extricate our country from the morass created by this regime.
We want to put on record that the Zambian people are our sisters and brothers owing to our shared geography, history and culture. Nevertheless, President Sata’s uninformed or biased views on our political dynamics are a major concern.
We will visit Zambian embassies in the US, in London, and all over the world on the 21st of June to remind his officials of these truths.
For and on Behalf of the People of Zimbabwe
Den Moyo, Coordinator 21st Movement Free Zimbabwe Global Protest Tel: +1 571 221 3858 Email: 21stMovement2012@gmail.com
Tuesday, June 19, 2012
By Chris Forrester
Zimbabwean TV viewers are about to lose some of their most popular TV
channels. The signals come from neighbouring South Africa, and are broadcast
onto satellite by Sentech, South Africa’s state-owned signal carrier.
Zimbabwe is claimed to have Africa’s highest broadcast piracy rate.
A 3 month transmission ‘grace period’ ended in May following a Johannesburg
court ruling which ordered that Sentech encrypt South African Broadcasting’s
Channel 1, 2 and 3.
SABC spokesman Kaizer Kganyago on June 15th confirmed that the encryption
would cut off SABC transmission to free-to-air satellite decoders in
countries such as Zimbabwe, Namibia and Mozambique. “We broadcast in South
Africa and Sentech is in charge of ensuring the signal is protected and
stays in SA,” he said. “Anybody who is not in SA and is watching SABC
content terrestrially is doing so illegally.”
MultiChoice Zimbabwe, which offers pay-TV on its DStv platform, would
benefit from the looming blackout. An official said: “We are aware that
Sentech was ordered to cut its signal to Zimbabwe. But we can’t discuss
MultiChoice plans with regard to the disconnections.”
By KIPTESILE NYATHI, NATION CORRESPONDENT
Posted Monday, June 18 2012 at 17:41
Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe has denied reports that he is building a
luxurious mansion with an underground bunker in neighbouring South Africa.
According to weekend reports, the KwaDukuza municipality in South Africa
obtained a court order to stop the Zimbabwean ruler’s former personal pilot
from constructing the R200 million mansion citing environmental concerns.
Retired Air Vice Marshal Robert Mhlanga was rumoured to be building the
mansion on be behalf of President Mugabe. A private newspaper, The Standard
speculated that the Zimbabwean ruler wanted to use it as a “bolt hole.”
But President Mugabe’s spokesperson Mr George Charamba dismissed the
reports. “There is no substance to that,” he told the paper.
“The only relationship between them (President Mugabe and (Mr Mhlanga) is
the name Robert and that they are Zimbabweans.”
Mr Mhlanga is chairman of one of the companies mining diamonds in the
controversial Marange area in Zimbabwe.
He was also a prosecution witness in the 2003 treason trial of Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
In the past, President Mugabe has dismissed allegations that he plans to
escape from Zimbabwe in the event that he is dislodged from power.
Meanwhile, Zimbabwean First Lady Grace Mugabe says her husband’s party would
never lose an election.
She was responding to a question from a state media journalist on whether
she was not afraid that President Mugabe would lose this year’s election.
“I do not think that it will ever happen that Zanu PF will lose this
election,” she said.
“I don’t think it will. Never!” In 2008, Mrs Mugabe was forced to hit the
campaign trail after her husband was beaten by Mr Tsvangirai in the first
round of the presidential election.
He won the presidential run-off poll after Mr Tsvangirai withdrew due to
violence against his supporters.
President Mugabe’s victory was rejected by the international community
forcing him to form an inclusive government with his rivals
By GILLIAN GOTORA, Associated Press
Monday, June 18, 2012
(06-18) 08:52 PDT HARARE, Zimbabwe (AP) --
The latest winner of Zimbabwe's Mr. Ugly pageant has ambitions of fame and
fortune. But, so far, he remains a simple market porter.
William Masvinu, 38, who won the second edition of the pageant last month,
makes his living carrying loads for shoppers in a market in the impoverished
western Harare township of Mbare. The victory has made him a local
celebrity, but the modeling offers he thought he'd be getting aren't yet
"I was expecting to do some adverts and some modeling if I was asked. But
I'm still poor, still carrying loads of cabbages onto buses," he said.
"I am ready to show the world my gift," he said. "Being ugly is not a curse.
It's a gift God gave me and I'm proud of it. My face makes me special and I
am not making any excuses about it."
Organizers say they started the pageant as a novel way to entertain
audiences. Zimbabwe already has a host of conventional beauty contests.
Masvinu beat four other ugly men to land the title, $100 in cash and a night
at a hotel. Masvinu said he cashed in the hotel voucher to buy food.
"It didn't make sense to sleep in a nice hotel on an empty stomach," he
Masvinu said he has long lived with being shunned, even by his own family.
"My mother died when I was three and no one wanted to take care of me or
send me to school because of my looks," he said.
Before he reached his teens, he was herding cattle in southern Zimbabwe.
Masvinu said when he went out hunting for a regular job, it wasn't easy.
"Whenever employers open the door and see me, they go, `Ahh,' and shut it,"
When he smiles, it looks like he is crying or in pain, his fans say. His
wife, Alice Chabhanga, isn't concerned about his looks.
At his side in the market, Chabhanga said she was drawn to Masvinu because
of his kindness, cheerfulness and humor in the hardest of times.
"She was the only one who wanted me and she knows she has no competition,"
The index, released last week, placed South Africa 142nd of 151 countries on experience of wellbeing (happiness), life expectancy (health) and ecological footprint.
Even South Africa's embattled northern neighbour, Zimbabwe, has a better outlook, being in 115th position, with Ethiopia 94th. Botswana occupies the bottom ranking.
The Happy Planet Charter has been endorsed by leading environmentalists, economists and politicians ahead of this week's UN Earth Summit.
Topping the happiness index is Costa Rica, with Vietnam and Colombia in third place.
The U S , Russia, the UK, Germany, Japan and France did not do so well either, with none of them making the top 10.
The US is ranked 105, Russia 122, UK 41, Germany 46, Japan 45 and France is placed 50th.
Nic Marks, of the New Economics Foundation, the creator of the index, said: "The index measures what really matters - long and happy lives now and the potential for good lives in the future.
"For too long we have relied on incomplete measures of progress that focus only on economic activity, such as gross domestic product. Rich and poor nations face different challenges but their ultimate goal is the same," he said.
Foundation senior researcher Saamah Abdalla said that countries such as Costa Rica outrank the UK - and other bigger countries - because their inhabitants live long and happy lives using a fraction of the planet's resources.
"They point the direction towards a development model that can achieve healthy, happy and sustainable lives."
South Africa scored 52.8 on life expectancy, 4.7 on experience of wellbeing, 2.6 on ecological footprint and its index score is 28.2.
June 18th, 2012
by Dale Doré, a discussion paper in the Zimbabwe Land Series
As late as 2008, Reuters, a news agency, would invariably add a phrase to their articles to say that “President Robert Mugabe’s government began seizing white-owned farms to resettle landless blacks.”  It is quite true that the resettlement programme soon after Independence and during the 1980s did resettle the poor and landless. But, by 2008 the debate had moved decisively towards the need for a land audit to identify those Zimbabweans who had seized multiple farms.
This article looks back on how land policy and the rules of the resettlement game have changed over the last three decades. There was never a dispute about the need to correct the historical imbalance in land distribution. Nor was there any question that land would be acquired from white farmers. What have been contested were the criteria, methods, pace, ambitions and, above all, the laws and rules for acquiring and distributing land. In this paper I examine how the rules changed for acquiring land and for allocating it.
Three trends were evident. The first was that the rules changed from supporting the livelihoods of the poorest families to privileging the richest. The second was that resettlement rules changed from promoting national agricultural production to allocating land regardless of any training, aptitude or farming experience. And third, rules that guaranteed strong property rights gave way to wide state discretion over the possession and use of land.
This paper concludes that Zimbabwe must move towards a just and pro-poor land policy based on secure property rights, land markets, and the rule of law. These are a sine qua non for restoring agricultural productivity, creating employment, and improving rural livelihoods.
Intensive and Accelerated Resettlement in the 1980s
In 1980 the twin objectives of the resettlement programme were to resolve the historical imbalance in land ownership and to provide relief from population pressure in overcrowded communal areas. Resettlement was considered essential for the “improvement in the levels of living of the largest and poorest sector of the population of Zimbabwe”. The new beneficiaries were to be returning refugees and displaced persons as well as the landless and unemployed. The most important criterion for resettlement was therefore ‘need’.
At Independence, the government was determined that resettlement would not be an extension of subsistence farming. It therefore provided extension advice, infrastructure, and other services to ensure that settler families achieved higher productivity and a better standard of living. Meeting these objectives required careful planning, preparation and implementation. Hence, the earliest programmes were known as intensive resettlement. At the time, the government also recognised the role played by commercial agriculture to ensure the nation’s self-sufficiency in food and as an earner of foreign exchange. The acquisition of land for resettlement therefore focussed mainly on commercial land that was not being farmed.
|1980 estimate of peasant farming families||780,000|
|Less:||Numbers who can be accommodated (based on carrying capacity||325,000|
|Numbers of families expected to migrate to towns and cities||235,000|
|Numbers settled to January 1981||1,500|
|Numbers to be settled to 1984||18,000|
|Plus a possible||15,000||594,500|
|Excess number of families to be resettled||185,500|
Table 1: Source: The Report of the Riddell Commission of Inquiry (Zimbabwe, 1981)
The Riddell Commission’s Report on Incomes, Prices and Conditions of Services in June 1981, however, had far-reaching affects on the scope and ambition of resettlement policy. Based on the number of families living in the communal areas and the carrying capacity of the land, the Commission calculated – as shown in the table above – that 185,000 communal families needed to be resettled.
Making adjustments to this figure, the government planned to spend Z$260m (USD282m) to settle 162,000 families on 9 million hectares in just three years. To meet this ambitious target, an accelerated programme was designed to settle families urgently. Planning procedures were therefore cut to a minimum and only basic infrastructure was provided. What remained etched in the minds of government planners for the next two decades, however, was the number of families to be resettled and the amount of land to be acquired in order to correct the historical imbalance in land.
Despite the resettlement programme’s ambitions, the government’s commitment to land redistribution began to wane. As smallholder cotton and maize production surpassed commercial production in the mid-1980s, the government relied more on improved smallholder agricultural production than resettlement to meet its development objectives. In its exasperation to realise productivity gains from poor families that had been resettled, the government decided to include better farmers in the resettlement programme to boost agricultural production, as well as save on the costs of supporting new settlers. Thus, by 1985 master farmers were added to the list of those eligible for resettlement. The allocation of land for resettlement was now to be based both on ‘need’ and ‘ability’.
A New Land Policy for the 1990s
By the end of the 1980s 52,000 families had been resettled. But this achievement fell well short of the government’s original target. Rather than rethinking, remodelling and improving the implementation of the resettlement programme, the government turned on the commercial farmers. The President called for a “revolutionary land reform programme to distribute land without inhibitions”, stressing that “some farmers had to be made willing to sell their land.” In July 1990 the government announced a new National Land Policy to resettle another 110,000 families on an additional 5 million hectares of land to be acquired at a ‘realistic’ price.
The new land policy also involved changes in the rules for acquiring land. The ‘willing buyer-willing seller’ principle was dropped in favour of designating farms for compulsory acquisition based on prices fixed by bureaucrats. And, contrary to the principles of natural justice, any recourse to the courts would be denied. The new principles of ‘one man–one farm’ and limiting farm sizes according to their agro-ecological region would release many more farms for acquisition in better farming areas. Crucially, however, the new policy laid greater emphasis on identifying, resettling and assisting large-scale black farmers with finance and training. Henceforth, beneficiaries would not necessarily be poor, but those who could ostensibly make best use of the land. The criterion of ‘need’ had now been superseded by that of ‘ability’.
Although the Land Acquisition Act was revamped in 1992 in order to put these policies into effect, the pace of resettlement remained stubbornly slow. Only 2,500 households were resettled, on average, each year between 1990 and 1993. Worse, in 1994 the resettlement programme became mired in controversy. It became evident that lease agreements with white leasehold farmers had been cancelled, and that a Tenant Farmer scheme had been launched clandestinely. Included in the scheme were farms that had been earmarked for resettlement, but allocated to senior government officials, including ministers, and high-ranking military officers.
The secretive manner in which leases were allocated further deepened concerns in Britain about the process of land reform in Zimbabwe. Britain had other worries too. They wanted to support the needy rather than the well resourced, to maintain agricultural production, and to fund a less ambitious resettlement programme based on the ‘willing buyer-willing seller’ principle. When the new Labour government expressed reservation about supporting Zimbabwe’s revised resettlement plans, a frustrated President rekindled the nationalist narrative. He made it plain that he was not pleading with Britain for development assistance, but demanding the monies that Britain had purportedly promised at Lancaster House for land acquisition. As a sovereign state, the President claimed, Zimbabwe could choose how it spent these funds.
Jambanja and the Seizure of Land after 2000
Following the ruling party’s defeat in a referendum on a draft constitution in February 2000, it moved quickly to secure the rural areas before parliamentary elections scheduled for June 2000. In a process marked by coercion and violence – known as jambanja – thousands of party-sponsored settlers occupied commercial farms in an exercise where the army and state intelligence services played a decisive role. Suddenly the established rules for acquiring and allocating land were abandoned in favour of a state-sponsored free-for-all seizure of farmland. The only criterion for allocating land was loyalty to the ruling party and the very fact of occupation itself. Thus, when the Supreme Court found the land programme to be ‘entirely haphazard and unlawful’ in December 2000, it specifically objected to the clear favouritism in distributing land to party supporters.
In June 2001 the government launched People First: Zimbabwe’s Land Reform Programme, otherwise known as the ‘Fast Track Land Reform Programme’. On paper, at least, the main objectives of the 1990 National Land Policy remained intact. The total area of commercial farmland required for resettlement still stood at 8.3 million ha. An A2 resettlement model had been introduced for the participation of black commercial farmers, but the A1 model still catered for poor rural families. What changed was that A2 settlers were no longer required to demonstrate either training or experience in farming; they needed only to show that they had sufficient resources. In fact, neither ‘ability’ nor ‘sufficient resources’ were pre-requisites for resettlement. The only criterion was that one was a Zimbabwean of a particular political stripe who ‘wanted’ land.
In order to allocate land to those who wanted it, the government changed the rules for land acquisition dramatically. After 2002, maximum farm sizes were strictly enforced, and the state was empowered to immediately ‘exercise any right of ownership’ once a farm owner had been issued with a land acquisition order. By 2004, any limit on the number of settlers or the amount of land to be acquired by government was removed. A new array of productive farming enterprises – from plantation crops to agro-industrial properties – became eligible for acquisition. Farm owners could no longer object to their only farm being compulsorily acquired. Then, in 2005, most commercial farms were nationalised, making their owners trespassers on land that most had bought since Independence.
But these rules did not apply to everyone. Politicians, officials and military officers simply ignored the ‘one man-one farm policy’ and any restrictions on farm size. They shamelessly helped themselves to any number of farms, sometimes displacing those settlers who originally invaded the farms. From the ideals of pro-poor land policies and promoting national agricultural productivity, the rules of the resettlement game have been changed – or ignored – to suit the depredations of powerful political players. Agricultural production shrunk significantly, and Zimbabwe has become a perennial food importer.
Making land reform work
The GPA calls for those eligible to be allocated land to be considered for selection irrespective of race, gender, religion, ethnicity or political affiliation. This provision may help restore a more equitable and orderly programme of land reform, but it still presupposes the primary role of the state to acquire and allocate land. Elsewhere I have argued that this dirigiste (statist) approach is financially ruinous, administratively unworkable, and inimical to granting the necessary property rights to stimulate agricultural productivity and growth. Any visionary future government should rather concern itself with creating the legal and institutional framework that enables land markets to operate fairly, efficiently and securely, and in which every Zimbabwean can participate freely without fear of dispossession by a predatory state.
 Reuters, 22 May 2008, Zimbabwe farm invasions continue unabated – farmer
 Zimbabwe (1982) Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Agricultural Industry under the chairmanship of Prof. Gordon Chavunduka. Government Printers: Salisbury.
 Zimbabwe (1982) Transitional National Development Plan 1983–1985. Government Printers: Harare.
 Appendix E, Intensive Resettlement: Policies and Procedures (Zimbabwe, 1985).
 Kinsey, B.H. (1984) The Strategy and Tactics of Agrarian Reform: Resettlement and Land Policy in Zimbabwe. Discussion Paper 136, University of East Anglia: Norwich.
 The Herald: 19 August 1989.
 These figures were determined by deducting the 52,000 families already settled from the initial target of 162,000, and by deducting the amount of land already acquired from the 1982 target of 9 million ha.
 Mhishi, S.G. (1995) A Critical Analysis of the Resettlement Programme in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe Farmers Union / Friedrich Ebert Foundation: Harare
 Tshuma, L. (1997). A matter of (in)justice: law, state and the agrarian question in Zimbabwe. Harare: Sapes Trust.
 ICG (2004) Blood and Soil. International Crisis Group: Brussels
By Clifford Chitupa Mashiri,
Of all people Jonathan Moyo appears to have forgotten about the 2008
political violence which claimed the lives of more than 200 people and
displaced hundreds of thousands.
In his recent article he wrote: “There is pandemonium in the embattled GPA
circles with scandalous warnings of a looming ‘repeat of 2008’ as
Zimbabweans continue to lose faith in the GPA …” (Jonathan Moyo, The Sunday
Mail, 16 June 2012).
He then asks: “What is it about 2008 that should not (be) repeated?” Then
immediately, he answers himself saying:
“Although they (those in the GPA whom he refers to as ‘GPA creatures’) have
not addressed this question the obvious implication is that there should not
be a repeat of political violence whose allegations tarnished the 2008
Jonathan Moyo knew the answer to his rhetorical question, and elaborated:
“In this connection there is no debate as everybody is agreed that political
violence should be banished and eradicated not just from Zimbabwe’s
electoral practice but from our political practice and culture.”
The ever creative professor found an external enemy for what happened in
“When everything is said and done, the real cause of what happened in 2008
which should not be repeated going forward is that the UK, US and France
externalised an internal election process which had gone remarkably well in
the run up to, during and immediately after the March 29, 2008 election
which was without doubt the most peaceful, free and fair election ever
witnessed in our country…”
On the contrary, an Amnesty International report published on 16 May 2008,
“In Mberengwa, a large gang of Zanu-pf supporters – most of them youths
forcibly recruited by ‘war veterans’ are going round attacking homes of
people suspected of voting for the MDC in the 29 March 2008 elections. A
similar gang was reported by an eyewitness in the Chiweshe area in Mazowe
district. Police appear to be unwilling to stop the violence, only acting to
arrest MDC supporters suspected of carrying out attacks on perceived Zanu-pf
However, Moyo has a different version. He went on:
“Trouble started when it became clear that first and in terms of Zimbabwe’s
laws the Presidential election did not produce an outright winning candidate
with 50 percent plus one vote and that second, the Parliamentary election
did not produce an outright winning party with 106 seats out of 210 in the
lower House of Parliament…”
But Mugabe himself publicly admitted that he lost the disputed March 2008
election and blamed his party loyalists who he said were de-campaigning him.
“We heard others saying vote for this one and not this one. I lost votes as
a result of that, Mugabe told the 11th people conference in Mutare in
In his instalment, Moyo then finishes off with what we shall from now
onwards call “Jonathan Moyo’s signature statement” meaning his
characteristic threats against opponents e.g. of possible arrest or some
very severe action. In other words, he does not issue a statement which has
no threat in it. For example, he wrote:
“The nationalist movement in Zimbabwe (by which he means Zanu-pf), is a
complex diversified and thinking movement with the capacity for responsible
and resolute action against imperial interests even if they want to sneak
through friendly channels (an apparent reference to South Africa).”
Moyo’s ‘signature statement’ did not end before he had been clearer who he
“It would be catastrophic for any foreigners including neighbours to treat a
country (he meant Zanu-pf party) like ours in simplistic or casual terms
through the kind (of) Tshombe-like talk we keep hearing from some creatures
of the GPA…”
In the past Jonathan Moyo warned of the “looming danger” which he did not
specify) ‘will happen as sure as tomorrow is coming’. Although his looming
danger has not yet materialised, ongoing threats of unspecified military
action by the ZNA Major Generals resonate with Moyo own warnings.
Ironically, he was once accused by his current boss (Mugabe) of plotting a
coup and he cried, yes Jonathan Moyo cried when he was confronted about it
by the Zanu-pf leader Robert Mugabe.
As for his flip-flopping, it will be recalled that in March 2005 Jonathan
Moyo denounced Zanu-pf calling it a tribal clique with no respect for
democracy and said: “I think Zanu-pf people are sweating in their pants...”
referring to parliamentary elections then.
On 29 October 2006 Jonathan Moyo wrote a stinging attack on Mugabe titled
“Why Mugabe should go now.” Maybe someone should have asked him why he is
now working for Mugabe at the much talked about event hosted by the British
Ambassador to Zimbabwe last week.
The sincere advice to the British Ambassador is to completely forget about
Jonathan Moyo on the mailing list if she is serious about building lasting
relationships with the people of Zimbabwe who include victims of Moyo’s
notorious media law AIPPA and involvement in the crafting of POSA – both
which are barriers to democracy, press freedom, civil rights, justice and
Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London,
PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEES SERIES
Committee Meetings Open to the Public 18th to 21st June
NB: Members of the public who cannot attend meetings, including Zimbabweans in the Diaspora, can at any time send written submissions to committees by email addressed to to firstname.lastname@example.org
Thematic Committee and Portfolio Committees will meet this week, in both open and closed session. The meetings listed below will be open to the public as observers only, not as participants, i.e. members of the public can listen but not speak. The meetings will be held at Parliament in Harare. If attending, please use the entrance on Kwame Nkrumah Ave between 2nd and 3rd Streets and note that IDs must be produced.
This bulletin is based on the latest information from Parliament. But, as there are sometimes last-minute changes to the schedule, persons wishing to attend a meeting should avoid disappointment by checking with the committee clerk [see below] that the meeting is still on and open to the public. Parliament’s telephone numbers are Harare 700181 and 252936.
Monday 18th June at 10 am
Portfolio Committee: Defence and Home Affairs
Oral evidence from the Secretary for Defence on war veterans bids from 1997-2010
Committee Room No. 2
Chairperson: Hon Madzore Clerk: Mr Daniels
Portfolio Committee: Industry and Commerce
Oral evidence from the Minister of Mines and Mining Development on the Essar Deal
Government Caucus Room
Chairperson: Hon Mutomba Clerk: Miss Masara
Monday 18th June at 2 pm
Thematic Committee: HIV/AIDS
Oral evidence from the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare on ARV procurement
Government Caucus Room
Chairperson: Hon D. Khumalo Clerk: Mrs Khumalo
Portfolio Committee: Budget, Finance, Economic Planning and Investment Promotion
Oral evidence from the Minister of Finance on State procurement procedures
Committee Room No. 4
Chairperson: Hon Zhanda Clerk: Mr Ratsakatika
Tuesday 19th June at 10 am
Portfolio Committee: Agriculture, Water, Lands and Resettlement
Oral evidence from the Cotton Producers Association on their challenges in the cotton industry
Committee Room No. 4
Chairperson: Hon Jiri Clerk: Mrs Mr Mutyambizi
Thematic Committee: MDGs
Oral evidence from the Ministry of Labour and Social Services on the Older Persons Bill
Government Caucus Room
Chairperson: Hon Chief Mtshane Clerk: Mrs Nyawo
Wednesday 20th June at 9 am
Thematic Committee: Peace and Security
Oral evidence from ZESA and the Minister of Energy and Power Development on the policy and procedures on disconnection of electricity to consumers and carry over balances from the Zimbabwean Dollar to the US Dollar
Committee Room No. 4
Chairperson: Hon Mumvuri Clerk: Mr Munjenge
Thursday 21st June at 10 am
Portfolio Committee: Media, Information and Communication Technology
Oral evidence from NetOne and TelOne on their operations
Committee Room No. 413
Chairperson: Hon Chikwinya Clerk: Mr Mutyambizi
Portfolio Committee: Women, Youth, Gender and Community Development
Oral evidence from CABS and CBZ on the Youth and Women's Funds
Committee Room No. 3
Chairperson: Hon Matienga Clerk: Mr Kunzwa
Portfolio Committee Report on Zimbabwe United Passenger Company [ZUPCO]
This report was presented to the House of Assembly during the week by Hon Karenyi, chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Local Government, Rural and Urban Development. It is likely to be debated during the course of the coming week. [Copy of report available from email@example.com]
Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied
BILL WATCH 26/2012
[18th June 2012]
Both Houses of Parliament will meet again on Tuesday 19th June
In Parliament Last Week
Although scheduled to sit for three days, both Houses conducted business on Tuesday and Wednesday only. There was no discussion of Bills in either House despite important Government Bills being on the agenda – such as the Human Rights Commission Bill and the Electoral Amendment Bill. The Minister of Justice and Legal Affairs, Hon Chinamasa, was out of the country, which may account for the failure to proceed with the Committee Stage of the Human Rights Commission Bill in the House of Assembly. The POSA Amendment Bill has still not been restored in the Senate. Thursday afternoon’s sittings were abandoned immediately after delayed opening prayers because of a ZESA power failure and problems with the back-up generator.
African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance Senator Marava of MDC-T introduced a new motion calling on the Government to expeditiously sign and ratify this Charter [for details see next Bill Watch]
Prisons and prisoners Debate continued on the Human Rights Thematic Committee’s report on the state of prisons and prisoners [report available from firstname.lastname@example.org].
House of Assembly
On President’s opening speech Hon Zhuwao, the proposer of this motion, wound up the debate, and the motion of thanks to the President was adopted by the House. MPs had used only 8 hours of the 35 allowed for this debate by Standing Orders
On Portfolio Committee Report on the Public Media Debate on this motion continued [report available from email@example.com].
On Portfolio Committee Report on ZUPCO Hon Karenyi, chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Local Government, Rural and Urban Development presented the committee’s report on the Zimbabwe United Passenger Company [ZUPCO] [report available from firstname.lastname@example.org].
Question Time – Wednesday 6th June
The Minister of Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs told MPs that he had the previous week addressed Cabinet about the large backlog of outstanding questions, identifying the Ministers concerned. Perhaps as a result, there was a better than usual attendance by Ministers on 6th June, and Standing Orders were waived in order to devote the whole of the 3˝ hour sitting to members’ questions [Standing Orders allow 1 hour on Wednesday for Questions without Notice, and the following hour for Written Questions with Notice, which appear on the Order Paper]. Sports and Education Minister Coltart, Home Affairs Co-Minister Makone, Water Resources Minister Nkomo and Deputy Mines Minister Chimanikire were kept particularly busy. Subjects raised included:
Use of schools for political meetings The Minister of Education confirmed that Ministry regulations prohibit the use of school premises to further political objectives.
Army and Police defiance of Treasury freeze on recruitment The Minister of Finance that in spite of a Treasury freeze on the making of new appointments, the Army had taken on and was paying 4 500 recruits, and the Police 1 500, resulting in unbudgeted and unlawful payments to the new personnel.
2012 Budget to be revised downwards The Minister of Finance also said that when he makes his Mid-Term Financial Statement on 12th July he will announce a “major revision” downwards of the $4 billion 2012 Budget. This has been necessitated by under-performance of revenue targets, principally the receipt of only $30 million from diamond revenue instead of a projected $240 million.
Apology for police inaction when Parliamentary public hearing disrupted in July 2011 Co-Minister of Home Affairs Theresa Makone apologised for the “gross dereliction of duty” by police on duty at Parliament on the day when an unruly mob invaded Parliament, disrupting a public committee hearing into the Human Rights Commission Bill and assaulting legislators and journalists.
Spot fines at police roadblocks Co-Minister of Home Affairs Kembo Mohadi made heavy weather of replying to a question about Government policy on spot fines. Eventually he was asked to come back to the House at a later sitting with a properly prepared reply.
Chiadzwa diamonds – who is mining, dividends to Government, “leakages” Deputy Mines Minister Chimanikire said there are five companies mining in Chiadzwa, not nine as suggested by the questioner, all of them either 100% Government-owned or joint ventures between Government and private investors. The CIO, the Prisons Service and the Police are not, he said, involved in the companies. Dividends to Government from the companies for January-March came to just under $30 million. On “leakages” the Deputy Minister claimed that smuggling to Mozambique was negligible, but conceded that it could stem from small-scale operations at Chiadzwa, outside the areas designated for the operations of the five companies.
Coming up in the House of Assembly this Week
Bills As there was no progress last week on any Bills, the agenda for Bills remains as outlined in Bill Watch 25/2012 of 12th June.
Approval of Palermo Protocol [see next Bill Watch for details of this Protocol]
Elections and African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance This motion refers to the emergence of manifestations of violence, calls for the Government to put mechanisms in place to ensure a peaceful pre- and post-election transition and urges SADC and the AU to ensure member States “subscribe to the ethos” of the African Charter on African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance [see next Bill Watch for details on this Charter].
Need for Government-fixed cotton price This motion may have been largely pre-empted by Government action [see under Government Gazette below].
Alleged Reserve Bank corruption This motion, tabled by Hon Zhanda of ZANU-PF, seconded by Hon Madzimure of MDC-T, asks the House to express concern at alleged RBZ “corruption, shady deals, acts of economic sabotage and poor corporate governance” and the Anti-Corruption Commission’s apparent involvement in the matter” and for the appointment of an ad hoc Parliamentary committee to investigate.
Question Time – Wednesday
Prime Minister’s Question Time The Prime Minister will be answering questions on Government policy put to him by MPs from the floor of the House. Standing Orders have been waived to permit this deviation from the rule that PMQs are on the last Wednesday of each month.
Questions for Ministers There are also written questions on the Order Paper awaiting responses from Ministers, all carried forward. Following last week’s marathon Question Time the backlog of unanswered questions has shrunk to 15.
Coming up in the Senate This Week
PLC adverse reports on statutory instruments The Parliamentary Legal Committee chairperson will present adverse reports on six SIs gazetted during March. [See Bill Watch 24/2012 of 6th June for a list of the SIs. The adverse reports are not yet available.]
Approval of Palermo Protocol [see next Bill Watch for details of this Protocol]
Approval of African Charter of Democracy, Elections and Governance [see next Bill Watch for details of this Charter].
On the Thematic Committee reports on education in resettled areas
On the Thematic Committee report on the ARV therapy roll-out programme
On assistance to farmers in drought-stricken agricultural region 5.
For the restoration of the POSA Amendment Bill to the Order Paper This long-stalled motion is by Hon Gonese.
Government Gazette 15th June
Statutory Instruments [NOT available from Veritas unless otherwise stated]
Code of Ethics for the Judiciary – SI 107/2012 gazettes the new Code of Ethics for judicial officers as regulations made by the Judicial Service Commission in terms of the Judicial Service Act. The code is now legally binding. [For a detailed discussion, see Court Watch 7/2012 of 11th April.] [Code available from email@example.com]
Tariffs for Deputy Sheriffs and Messengers of Court – SIs 109 and 110/2012.
Cotton declared a controlled product – In SI 106A/2012, published in a Gazette Extraordinary dated 8th June, the Minister of Agriculture, Mechanisation and Irrigation Development declared seed cotton and seed cotton products to be controlled products under the Grain Marketing Act during the 2011/2012 growing season. This means the cotton price will be as fixed by the Minister. The SI says that a “contract buyer” must pay that price even if a lower price was contracted for – or refer the grower to the Grain Marketing Board and claim its grower’s input costs from the GMB.
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