Jonathan Clayton, Africa Correspondent
Last updated at 12:52 AM on 23rd June 2008
The decision by opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai to pull out of this week's presidential election in Zimbabwe is all too understandable.
Tsvangirai is one of the most courageous men in the
world. But with Robert Mugabe threatening murderous retribution, he knew that he
was condemning thousands of his supporters to death or terrible torture if he
went ahead.
This decision to abandon the contest involved self-sacrifice from Tsvangirai. He was within a hair's breadth of the presidency.
Morgan Tsvangirai's decision is understandable
Right up to the end, even in the face of Mugabe's campaign of terror, the polls were going his way.
They showed that he has even more support, with approximately two-thirds of the Zimbabwe people on his side, than he did when he fought the first presidential contest back in March.
Now Mugabe will taunt Tsvangirai as a coward who lacked the courage and will
to fight the poll.
But Tsvangirai knew that Mugabe and his Zanu-PF thugs would never accept the outcome. He knew that whatever happened they would announce a false result - and then send the Zanu-PF death squads back into the countryside to punish his supporters in the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
I visited Zimbabwe undercover last month and witnessed the bloody retribution
exacted on anyone suspected of supporting the opposition. The extent and
brutality of Mugabe's oppression was truly terrifying.
The knowledge of what would be unleashed made it impossible for Tsvangirai, a
profoundly peace-loving man, to go ahead.
Ever since his MDC party began nearly ten years ago, it has been based on
Mahatma Gandhi's principles of non-violence. Unlike other African liberation
movements, the MDC has never engaged in guerilla warfare, and always placed its
faith in the ballot box.
However, it would be wholly wrong to think that a violent confrontation has been avoided. In many ways the decision to pull out of the election makes the situation more perilous than ever.
For years Morgan Tsvangirai has been able to tell impatient supporters that
they must not fight back against Zanu-PF assaults and provocation because one
day they would take revenge through the ballot box.
That argument is no longer valid. Yesterday's decision means that the hope of effecting change through democratic means has gone.
This means that many MDC supporters will now feel that they face just one
choice: between mute surrender or responding with violence themselves.
For this reason many intelligent observers now believe that a truly terrible
civil war may soon break out inside Zimbabwe, with several army units breaking
away and taking the side of Tsvangirai.
There is still hope that this desperate and bloodthirsty outcome can be
averted - but only if the international community takes urgent action.
So far international organisations such as the United Nations and the Southern African Development-Community have gone down the path of collaboration with Mugabe, giving him protection as he launched his series of frenzied attacks on his own people.
Thanks to the inertia of the United Nations, China has been at liberty to
supply arms to Mugabe --murderous shipments which may well be used for genocide.
Meanwhile the reputable German company of Giesecke & Devrient has
supplied the bank notes with which Mugabe bribes the army and pays his secret
policemen.
Today the United Nations Security Council meets in New York, and Zimbabwe is
finally on the agenda. It is essential that the UN at last spells out in clear
terms what it has never yet said: that Mugabe's reign of terror must cease, that
otherwise Zimbabwe will be thrown out of the community of nations and that
international monitors will be sent in to keep the peace.
If it fails to do this, Robert Mugabe's killers will be rewarded, and the prospect of ethnic cleansing and genocide becomes more likely than ever.
By Daily
Mail Comment Nobody can blame Morgan Tsvangirai for pulling out of Friday's presidential
run-off election in Zimbabwe. This sick farce of a contest was never going to end in a fair result anyway.
Indeed, Mr Tsvangirai was almost suicidally brave to fight on for as long as he
did. Yesterday's brutality by Mugabe's goons was the last straw. Thugs from President Robert Mugabe's party attacked
Tsvangirai's supporters during a peaceful rally A peaceful rally of Mr Tsvangirai's supporters was attacked by thugs in the
pay of the ruling Zanu-PF party - the latest outrage in an officiallyinspired
reign of terror. Death squads have killed dozens of Mugabe's opponents. Relatives of prominent
opposition figures have been burned alive, raped or beaten. Thousands of
ordinary people suspected of being anti-Mugabe have had to flee their homes.
Meanwhile, Mr Tsvangirai has been arrested five times. Colleagues have been
thrown into jail on trumped-up charges. And food aid donated by the outside
world is misused by Mugabe to bribe supporters, while opponents starve. So come what may, this election was always going to end in a gerrymandered
'win' for Comrade Bob, even though his demented rule has brought such
inflationary ruin to a once-prosperous country that last week a loaf of bread
cost five billion Zimbabwean
dollars. But what makes this tragedy worse is the way this corrupt and murderous
tyrant has been allowed to get away with it. Yes, other African nations show some concern. But until recently, shamefully,
most backed Mugabe to the hilt. Meanwhile, the diplomatic efforts of the UN, the
EU and the Commonwealth have always been pitifully inadequate. For years, the people of Zimbabwe suffered, while the world looked on. Now
they have been cheated out of their last, best hope of peaceful, democratic
change. And all Africa is the loser. Poor example The events of the last few days would seem to echo the bad old Seventies,
when inflation went through the roof, economic stagnation was the order of the
day, unions sought huge pay deals and the Government could only beg them to
behave. Of course we're still a long way from that predicament. If we keep pay
settlements under control, we should avoid stagflation. That is why Mr Darling
is right to urge a period of belt-tightening. But before lecturing the unions, shouldn't he have a quiet word with his
fellow politicians? Following their expenses scandal, MPs are seeking a tax-free allowance of
£150 a day - on top of their £61,820 pay - so they needn't bother with
expenses claims and can never again be caught abusing the system. How ripe. Yes, we need to control inflation. But why should the unions practise
restraint, when self-serving Parliamentarians don't even know the meaning of the
word? Cause and effect Meanwhile, 29 per cent of secondary schools are now providing pupils as young
as 11 with 'sexual health services', including condoms, without telling their
parents. At the same time, Britain has one of Europe's highest rates of teenage
pregnancies, abortions and sexual disease. And of course it never occurs to our liberal, right-on, non-judgmental
educational establishment that value-free, moralitylite 'health services' in
schools just might have something to do with it.Mail on Sunday
Last updated at 1:47 AM on 23rd June 2008
Now where have we
heard all this before? Union warnings that pay restraint is 'unrealistic'...TUC
firebrands threatening to slash Labour's funding... a chancellor pleading for
moderate pay rises...
For the first
time, the Pill is to be available on the internet, with no safeguards against
its sale to children.
Yahoo News
1 hour, 3 minutes
ago
LONDON (AFP) - Britain led international cries of alarm over
Zimbabwe's
violent electoral crisis after the main opposition leader all but
handed
victory to President Robert Mugabe by quitting the run-off
race.
Both London and Washington said they were prepared to raise
their concerns
in the United Nations Security Council on
Monday.
British Foreign Secretary David Miliband said Zimbabwe would lack
"legitimate" leadership if Mugabe stayed in charge, and accused him of using
violence to cling to power.
"A government which violates the
constitution in Zimbabwe... cannot be held
as the legitimate representative
of the Zimbabwean people," Miliband said,
referring to Mugabe's slowness to
hold a run-off after the March 29
election.
Miliband described the
violence as "state-sponsored on a very large scale
with one very clear
motivation" -- to keep Mugabe in power.
Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
opposition party, quit the presidential
election second round run-off on
Sunday, saying increasing violence had made
a free and fair election
impossible.
The United States joined other
powers in sounding the alarm over the reports
of brutal violence ahead of
the vote that had been scheduled for June 27.
"The government of Zimbabwe
and its thugs must stop the violence now," White
House spokesman Carlton
Carroll said in a statement, following reports that
Mugabe loyalists had
beaten, burned and killed opposition supporters.
"The Mugabe regime
reinforces its illegitimacy every day. The senseless acts
of violence
against the opposition as well as election monitors must stop."
South
African President Thabo Mbeki -- the Southern African Development
Community
(SADC) mediator for Zimbabwe -- wants Mugabe and Tsvangirai to
negotiate, a
spokesman for Mbeki told AFP, confirming media reports.
"I would hope
that that leadership would still be open to a process which
would result in
them coming to some agreement about what happens to their
country," Mbeki
said, according to the SAPA news agency.
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
thought Tsvangirai's decision was a "deeply
distressing development" that
did not bode well for the future of democracy
in Zimbabwe, his spokesman
said.
Calling for an immediate end to the "campaign of violence", the
spokesman
said in a statement that the UN was prepared to "work urgently
with SADC and
the African Union to help resolve this political
impasse."
The European Union's foreign policy chief Javier Solana called
the election
a "travesty of democracy."
Tsvangirai's withdrawal was
"understandable, given the unacceptable
systematic campaign of violence,
obstruction and intimidation led by the
Zimbabwean authorities," he said in
a statement.
Tsvangirai failed to clinch an outright majority in March
according to
official results.
The opposition says more than 80 of
its supporters have since been killed in
a campaign of intimidation ahead of
the vote and thousands injured.
The current chair of the 14-nation SADC
suggested the vote could be
postponed until a later date, adding that it
would be "scandalous for SADC
to remain silent on Zimbabwe."
"There
is no need to be ashamed in announcing that the presidential run-off
should
be called off until further notice," Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa
told
reporters.
French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner branded Mugabe as
"nothing but a
crook and a murderer", saying Paris would not accept the
"fake election" of
the 84-year-old.
Australian Foreign Minister
Stephen Smith said his government was
considering imposing more sanctions on
Mugabe's regime.
And New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark branded the
election a "total
farce".
"I think if South Africa was to withdraw
support it would have a pretty
dramatic impact on what happens in Zimbabwe,"
she added.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/
June 23, 2008
By Our
Correspondents
HARARE - The rank-and-file MDC membership is sharply
divided after the party
passed a controversial and far-reaching resolution
calling for a boycott of
next Friday's presidential election
re-run.
Some of the MDC membership condemned the decision and called
it "blatantly
inappropriate and a betrayal" while others called it a
"superb decision"
that would render the Mugabe regime totally
illegitimate.
The resolution was unanimously approved during the MDC
National Council
meeting in a majority vote that approved a proposed boycott
of the June 27
presidential election run off.
The resolution
condemned Zanu-PF for "the savage pre-election attack on MDC
supporters and
the slaughter of civilians in the country".
In a press briefing at his
Strathaven residence in Harare Sunday, the MDC
leader, Morgan tsvangirai,
told reporters that his party had decided to
boycott "this violent,
illegitimate sham of an election process".
Tsvangirai urged the United
Nations and African Union to intervene to
prevent "genocide".
The
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission spokesman Utloile Silaigwana said the
commission was proceeding with preparations for the election because nothing
had been formally communicated to the electoral body by the MDC.
"He
has not formally communicated his withdrawal," Silaigwana said. "Mr
Tsvangirai needs to put his position in writing."
But Chamisa said:
"The ZEC will get the letter and the ZEC should not try to
jump the gun.
They will get the letter. After all that decision was only
made
today."
Mercy Kwaramba slammed the MDC resolution, maintaining it
"shockingly
disregards key facts of the complex Zimbabwe conflict, including
Zanu-PF's
aggression against the MDC and its murder of more than 70 MDC
supporters.
"It means these people died in vain," Kwaramba said.
"Boycotting the
election is a betrayal of these fallen MDC heroes."
A
Zimbabwean who called the Zimbabwe Times from Atlanta in the United
States,
said he was shattered by the decision.
"This is a clear victory for
Zanu-PF and for those who were campaigning for
the Government of National
Unity."
In Harare staunch MDC supporter Shuwa Mbirimi of Rugare Township
said: "It's
the best decision under the circumstances. Mugabe has threatened
that he
will not accept the results if he loses. So what's the point of
having the
election? I totally agree with president Tsvangirai."
He
was backed by Tendekai Moyo of Lochinvar who said it was pointless to
have
the election when Tsvangirai's campaign was being foiled.
"They stopped
his rally today at the show grounds, they have impounded his
bus and his
BMW, they have arrested him almost five times I think. No one
wants to be a
polling agent, and they are saying they won't accept the
election results.
So what's the point?"
Tsvangirai told reporters that he could not lead
his supporters like
sacrificial lambs to slaughter by participating in the
election.
The MDC says at least 70 of its members have been killed since
March in a
campaign of intimidation by Mugabe's government to scare
opponents and
voters. The veteran Zimbabwean leader blames the MDC for the
bloodshed.
Tsvangirai told reporters the national council, the organ that
makes the MDC's
decisions, had backed his boycott stance and pledged action
to demand that
Zanu-PF puts an immediate end to hostilities.
Informed
sources said although some officials opposing Tsvangirai's stance
had
staunchly opposed the boycott decision, the meeting had a full quorum
and
that the decision was backed by the majority.
Independent, UK
Too many lives have been lost in run-up to election
Monday, 23
June 2008
Morgan Tsvangirai's decision to pull out of the
presidential run-off comes
as no surprise.
At least 86 of his
supporters have been killed and thousands have been
beaten, driven from
their homes or both. When more than a thousand of his
polling agents were
detained days before the election and armed Zanu-PF
gangsters occupied and
blocked access to the venue of his final rally
yesterday, he decided to end
the charade.
Mr Tsvangirai's impulse, which is to prevent further
pointless bloodshed,
especially of frontline electoral staff such as polling
agents is
understandable. After all, President Robert Mugabe has said he
will not cede
power to the MDC, even if by some miracle, the result shows
that he has
lost.
There is little evidence that Mr Mugabe's campaign
to obliterate the MDC
will end just because there is no election. Instead,
Mr Mugabe is likely to
seize the opportunity handed to him to kick out
foreign election observers,
who for the moment are the witnesses of the
world on Mr Mugabe's crimes.
When they leave, Mr Tsvangirai and his
supporters will be in even greater
danger.
Still, the problem of the
dangerous regime in Harare is now for world
leaders to solve, not for Mr
Tsvangirai. For far too long, defenders of the
ineffectual policies of Mr
Mugabe's neighbours have argued they have been
walking a fine line, trying
to cajole the President, who only cares about
staying in power, into
cooperating. That hasn't worked, and more lives are
lost every day. They now
have an obligation to move swiftly and finally
resolve the problem. To save
lives.
For starters, the African Union should immediately deploy credible
human
rights monitors to Zimbabwe. These monitors should not be limited to
the
cities - they should also venture into rural areas, where murders,
torture
and rape are most prevalent.
In his cynical, bloody bid to
cling on to power, Mr Mugabe, has bet on the
unwillingness of regional and
international institutions to take effective
measures to stop his reign of
terror. It is now time for world leaders to
prove him wrong.
The
author is a Zimbabwean lawyer and member of the International Bar
Association.
Independent, UK
Mugabe could not have won even a rigged election
Monday, 23 June
2008
Of all the victims of Robert Mugabe's reign of terror I had
spoken to
recently, none told me that the vile dictator had brutalised them
into
loving him or voting for him. Mr Mugabe had, in fact, done a lot to
campaign
for Morgan Tsvangirai. An elderly woman whose nephew was murdered
by Mr
Mugabe's thugs two weeks ago told me she was determined to support the
opposition in his honour.
It might sound a bit naive. But Mr Mugabe
could not have won even a rigged
election. The economy has worsened since
the last election on 29 March which
emboldened them. It proved Mr Mugabe
could be beaten.
Even when opposition officials began acknowledging the
growing sentiment in
the party to pull out, I had never thought it would
happen. "We will contest
even if we are killed in the polling booths," one
of the officials had told
me. I thought that was right.
I am aware of
the thousands of rural displaced and disenfranchised people.
But that figure
would have been swallowed into the MDC's strong urban
support base. Polling
day was going to further amplify Mr Mugabe's
chicanery. I am told that, in
some areas, polling booths were going to be
located on properties handed to
the so-called war veterans. Images of
opposition supporters and even
election observers being beaten at these
places would have travelled the
globe.
If Mr Tsvangirai's certain victory was going to be blocked by the
crude
tactics we have seen, Mr Mugabe would have emerged from the 27 June
run-off
more illegitimate. And if he had made good his threat to declare war
after
losing the vote, I believe that would have hastened his
demise.
Mr Tsvangirai's reasons are not necessarily invalid but whatever
the outcome
of the run-off, I believe Mr Mugabe would have come off worse.
The question
now is what next? I hope it won't be another long round of
Thabo Mbeki's
timid mediation while Zimbabwe continues burning. The MDC must
now do what
it should do to rid Zimbabwe of this shameless criminal. The
opposition
party knows what that is, though I can't print it
here.
The author is a Zimbabwean living in exile and is The Independent's
southern
Africa correspondent
So many comments have been made about
the merits and demerits of the MDC
pulling out of the presidential run-off.
Only a handful of these credit the
MDC leadership witth acting responsibly
by putting people's lives first.
Running a country is all about trying to
improve the welfare of all
citizens, not killing them. It is a shame that
most commentators view the
move by MDC as lack of steel and poor judgement.
Those who have lost their
loved ones, their possessions and their homes will
think otherwise. I don't
think that they would like one more Zimbabwean to
suffer the same fate.
It is inconceivable to participate in an election
where over 80 people have
murdered by the state and no arrests made, where
people are murdered in the
presence of election monitors, where opposition
monitors are not allowed
anywhere near a polling station, where voting for
the opposition is
tantamount to writing one's own orbituary and where the
sitting president
will not leave office whatever the election
result.
For once, Zimbabwe has a president - in - waiting who values
lives of his
citizens. Morgan Tsvangirai needs all the support he could get
from all
right minded people. Now that MDC is not participating in the
run-off, it
should work closely with the civil society iin helping those who
were
displaced and dispossessed by forces of evil that have griped our
country.
Let us all work collectively to help those who were punished for
exercising
their constitutional right.
No efforts should be spared in
trying to get the release of Tendai Biti who
is unjustifiably detained by
Mugabe's murderous regime. If you compare
Mugabe's utterances about going to
war and not recognising an opposition
victory with what Tendai Biti said,
then clearly it should be Mugabe behind
bars for subversion of Zimbabwean
constitution. Clearly, in Zimbabwe, the
law is being used as an instrument
of oppression and not for justice.
ZANU PF should not be allowed to hold
the country to ransom. MDC deserves
the international support and should not
be pressured into some dangerous
government of national unity. ZANU PF are
murderers who should be in prison
and not contaminate the future Zimbabwean
government. There is no sense in
rewarding tyrants by including them in a
government of national unity.
Politicians should be in public office to
serve the public and to dehumanise
them.
John
Huruva
Masvingo
Independent, ie
By
David Blair in Harare
Monday June 23 2008
By handing victory to
president Robert Mugabe, opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai has sealed his
reputation for vacillation, weakness and
disastrous judgment.
Even by
his own standards this was an astounding u-turn. Only last week, Mr
Tsvangirai said boycotting the election would be a "betrayal of the
victims'' of political violence.
Now, after his followers have
endured eight years of torment at Mr Mugabe's
hands, Mr Tsvangirai has
chosen to capitulate.
Mr Tsvangirai was once an inspirational leader who
carried the hopes of his
country. A burly trade unionist, he had an immense
following among
Zimbabwe's urban poor.
Like most Zimbabweans, he
cheered Mr Mugabe's accession to power and the
arrival of independence in
1980.
Critic
But Mr Tsvangirai became disillusioned and, as head
of the Zimbabwe Congress
of Trade Unions, turned into an outspoken critic of
the regime.
In 1999, he founded the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
Mr Tsvangirai
defied a murderous terror campaign to win 57 seats in the
parliamentary
polls of 2000 and run Mr Mugabe close in the violent
presidential elections
of 2002.
But his flaws soon came to the
surface. After the murderous parliamentary
polls of 2000, his followers
wanted to hear that he would use "mass action''
to oust Mr Mugabe. Mr
Tsvangirai repeatedly promised to do that -- while
lacking any intention of
keeping his pledge.
His MDC party formally split in 2005 over whether to
contest elections for a
new Senate.
Had the MDC stayed united, Mr
Tsvangirai would have had a clear run against
Mr Mugabe. He would almost
certainly have won outright. Instead, his own
leadership failings made the
election's final round necessary and, after
further indecision, he has
capitulated. (© The Daily Telegraph, London)
- David Blair in Harare
Independent, UK
Monday, 23 June 2008
No one can blame Morgan Tsvangirai for
withdrawing from Friday's run-off in
Zimbabwe's presidential election. Least
of all can he be accused of lacking
personal courage. He returned to
Zimbabwe to campaign, despite ample
evidence that rigging had deprived him
of a clear victory in the first round
and very real threats to his
life.
And yesterday's move has two clear benefits. It deprives Robert
Mugabe and
his Zanu-PF of the legitimacy that would proceed from a victory
at the
ballot-box, however compromised such a victory would be. There must
also be
hope that it will halt the mounting violence. Without the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change formally contesting his power, Mr Mugabe can
afford to call off the militias. Many lives may thus have been
saved.
However understandable Mr Tsvangirai's decision, though, it still
leaves a
bitter taste. In principle, a flawed election is generally
preferable to no
election at all. Those who campaigned for the MDC, even
those who supported
the party clandestinely, were immensely brave. In the
same spirit, many were
expected to risk going to vote on Friday. There were
forecasts - born of
wishful thinking, perhaps - that Mr Mugabe could be
defeated. Now,
opposition supporters will have no one to vote for and there
will be no
election. Mr Mugabe's catastrophic rule is automatically
extended.
An opportunity has been lost. It would be wrong, however, to
see the
abandoned run-off as returning Zimbabwe to where it was before the
elections
in March. More has changed than might meet the eye. Mr Mugabe
retains the
presidency, but he no longer has a monopoly on power. The
parliamentary
elections, also held in March, deprived Zanu-PF of its
majority. Despite
challenges and accusations of rigging from both sides,
these results were
allowed to stand. The MDC has a platform from which to
challenge the status
quo.
Then there is the judiciary. Even as the
Mugabe regime's campaign of
violence and intimidation reached its height in
the past week, Zimbabwe's
high court struck down the ban on opposition
rallies. This did not
immediately change the balance of forces on the
ground: when the MDC tried
to hold a rally in Harare yesterday, its advance
guard found that Zanu-PF
supporters, armed with sticks and whips, had
already occupied the arena.
After the court ruling, however, there could be
no ifs or buts: this was
indisputably an illegal act.
Thirdly, the
chequered course of the run-off campaign left few illusions
about the nature
of the Mugabe government or the methods to which it would
resort to stay in
power. As documented instances of beatings and killings
spiralled, other
African governments started to break their silence.
Inhibitions against
condemning a fellow freedom-fighter remain, but there
are signs that the
consensus may be shifting. The Harare regime's tactics,
along with the
deplorable state into which this once-prosperous country has
descended, make
it harder than ever for neighbours to stand idly by.
If Zimbabwe is not
quite back where it was before the previous elections,
there are still many
questions about what happens next. Among the more
hopeful developments after
the disputed results in March were the mediation
efforts launched by
Zimbabwe's neighbours. The now-aborted run-off was one
result; talks
broaching a possible national unity government were another.
With its
economy in free-fall, its population fleeing, and an enfeebled
Robert Mugabe
still in power, Zimbabwe will need all the help it can get.
This is the
worst time for anyone, least of all its neighbours, to
disengage.
Monday, 23 June 2008 05:09 UK
|
International criticism is mounting on Zimbabwe after opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai pulled out of a presidential run-off because of pre-poll violence. Zambia's leader Levy Mwanawasa, who heads a regional bloc, said a vote held in current conditions would be an "embarrassment" to the region. The US urged UN action over President Robert Mugabe's "illegitimate" regime. Zimbabwe's ruling party said opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai had withdrawn from the poll to avoid "humiliation".
On Sunday, Mr Tsvangirai, who heads the Movement for Democratic Change, said that there was no point running when elections would not be free and fair and "the outcome is determined by.. Mugabe himself". The opposition's decision came after its supporters, heading to a rally in the capital Harare, came under attack. The MDC says some 86 supporters have been killed and 200,000 forced from their homes by ruling Zanu-PF party militias. President Mugabe and Zanu-PF blame the opposition for political violence across the country, although the veteran leader said last week that the MDC would "never, ever" be allowed to rule Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe's Information Minister Sikhanyio Ndlovu told the BBC that Mr Tsvangirai's decision was "depriving the people of Zimbabwe of a vote". Government officials said the run-off vote would go ahead, unless Mr Tsvangirai submitted a formal letter of withdrawal. 'Scandalous' Reacting to the MDC's decision, Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa said the poll must be postponed "to avert a catastrophe in the region". He called on the regional group, the South African Development Community (Sadc), to take a similar stance, saying that Zimbabwe had failed to meet minimum election campaign. "It's scandalous for SADC to remain silent on Zimbabwe. What is happening in Zimbabwe is embarrassing to all of us," President Mwanawasa said. In New York, UN Secretary Ban Ki-moon's office issued a statement saying the UN chief "deeply regrets that, despite the repeated appeals of the international community, the government of Zimbabwe has failed to put in place the conditions necessary for free and fair run-off elections". The statement described the situation in Zimbabwe as "deeply distressing". 'Senseless' In Washington, White House spokesman Carlton Carroll said in a statement that "the Mugabe regime reinforces its illegitimacy everyday". "The senseless acts of violence against the opposition as well as election monitors must stop," the statement said.
US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said that unless the UN Security Council acted on the issue, it stood to lose credibility. South Africa urged Mr Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) to continue talks with the government to find a political solution. "We are very encouraged that Mr Tsvangirai, himself, says he is not closing the door completely on negotiations," said a spokesman for South African President Thabo Mbeki. BBC Africa analyst Martin Plaut says the key question now is what Mr Mbeki will do. He is in the best position to step up the pressure on Mr Mugabe, since Zimbabwe is so economically dependent on South Africa, our analyst says. In London, Britain's Foreign Secretary David Miliband told the BBC: "Robert Mugabe has certainly not won the election, in fact the only people who can claim that are the opposition," he said. The MDC won the parliamentary vote in March, and claims to have won the first round of the presidential contest outright. In the official results, Mr Tsvangirai led but failed to gain enough votes to avoid a run-off. |
Sydney Morning Herald
June
23, 2008 - 9:51AM
The US says it will go to the UN to see what
"additional steps" can be taken
to stop President Robert Mugabe from
suppressing the Zimbabwean people.
The statement came after opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai pulled out of
the race, virtually handing victory
to Mugabe.
"The Mugabe regime reinforces its illegitimacy every day. The
senseless acts
of violence against the opposition as well as election
monitors must stop,"
White House spokesman Carlton Carroll said in a
statement.
"The United States is prepared to go to the United Nations
Security Council
early this week to look at additional steps that can be
taken. Mugabe cannot
be allowed to repress the Zimbabwean people
forever."
The UN Security Council is due to meet tomorrow to discuss the
Zimbabwe
crisis.
UN chief Ban Ki-moon today called Mr Tsvangirai's
decision to quit the
run-off election a "deeply distressing development" and
a bad omen for the
country's future, his spokesman said.
"The
circumstances that led to the withdrawal of opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai today from the presidential elections represents a deeply
distressing development that does not bode well for the future of democracy
in Zimbabwe," the spokesman said in a statement.
"The campaign of
violence and intimidation that has marred this election has
done a great
disservice to the people of the country and must end
immediately," he
added.
The UN Secretary-General "deeply regrets" the international
community's
failed attempts to bring about a fair run-off election, and
"strongly
supports" a statement of the Southern African Development
Community chairman
that the vote should be postponed, his office
said.
The statement said the United Nations was prepared to "work
urgently with
SADC and the African Union to help resolve this political
impasse," adding
that the UN leader's envoy, Assistant Secretary-General
Haile Menkerios,
"remains in the region to assist".
Mr Tsvangirai
quit Zimbabwe's run-off election, saying violence had made a
fair vote
impossible, in a move that virtually hands victory to Mugabe.
Australia
Foreign Minister Stephen Smith said southern African nations
should exert
intense pressure on Mugabe, who says "only God" could remove
him from
office.
"What it does do now is that it places maximum pressure on the
South African
Development Community states and the African Union to now put
considerable
pressure on Mr Mugabe to try and get an outcome where the will
of the
Zimbabwean people is respected," Mr Smith told ABC Radio.
Mr
Smith denied that Mr Tsvangirai's withdrawal would provide Mugabe with a
legitimate election victory.
"I don't think on any analysis here can
we conclude anything other than a
brutal regime seeking to, in the first
round, steal an election by rorting
the count, and in the second round
stealing it by violence and Mr
Tsvangirai's come to the conclusion he can't
overcome the violence.
"The violence now needs to be overcome by the
African and international
community."
Mr Smith said "one possibility"
was negotiations between Mr Tsvangirai's
Movement for Democratic Change and
the Mugabe regime to create a coalition
government.
Agencies
nasdaq
HARARE, Zimbabwe (AFP)--Zimbabwe's ruling party has
told its supporters to
continue to campaign for Friday's presidential
run-off poll, and ignore the
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's
withdrawal from the race, state media
reported Monday.
"This is the
11th time that Tsvangirai has threatened to withdraw from the
presidential
run-off and on each occasion I have challenged him to put it in
writing as
required by law," Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa, who is
spokesman of
the ZANU-PF party, told journalists late Sunday, The Herald
reported.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
06-23-080225ET
IOL
June 23
2008 at 06:12AM
By Peta Thornycroft
Harare - It was
like a war zone. Men armed with AK-47 rifles rampaged
around the open piece
of ground where the MDC had its last rally before the
March 29
elections.
Roadblocks were set up in the main approach streets, and
branches were
torn from trees to attack cars. Stones were thrown at them.
Trucks filled
with Zanu-PF supporters circled the grounds, their lights
flashing.
Earlier on Sunday, men dressed in Zanu-PF T-shirts, some
armed with
weapons including guns, harassed and beat people near the site of
the rally,
which was due to take place inside the Harare
Showgrounds.
Observers from the Southern African Development
Community did not
dare go there, and remained in their five-star
hotel.
Journalists who tried to go there were shot at, and people
gathering
to try to make their way to the rally had to dive to the ground to
avoid the
shots, while others were beaten.
Zanu-PF denied it
had disrupted the meeting and its preparations,
reports
Reuters.
"We do not accept that those people were Zanu-PF. We know
the MDC has
been giving its thugs Zanu-PF regalia to create the impression
that we are
behind the violence," Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa
said.
This article was originally published on page 1 of The Star
on June
23, 2008
VOA
By Howard Lesser
Washington, DC
23 June
2008
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has
followed the lead of
Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) in calling for a
postponement of this Friday's presidential election
run-off. In Lusaka over
the weekend, Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa, the
SADC chairperson, called
a press conference to explain the reasons for
SADC's new position. He said
he hoped the delay would allow for conditions
to become more suitable for a
free and fair vote in accordance with
Zimbabwean law, SADC principles, and
the charter and conventions of the
African Union. The Zambian President also
noted that he would have failed in
his role as SADC chairman not to have
urged authorities in Harare that
conditions were not yet ripe for a
follow-up to Zimbabwe's disputed March 29
presidential vote. Journalist
Sanday Chongo Kabange of Lusaka's Radio
Phoenix attended President Mwanawasa's
press briefing. He tells VOA English
to Africa reporter Howard Lesser SADC's
decision was not disclosed until
after opposition MDC candidate Morgan
Tsvangirai announced that the MDC was
pulling out of the race.
"Mr. Mwanawasa spoke about three or four hours
after Mr. Tsvangirai had
decided to pull out of the election. He also tried
to act immediately after
what had transpired in Zimbabwe," said
Kabange.
Last week, SADC's designated mediator for Zimbabwe, President
Thabo Mbeki of
South Africa, achieved an apparent breakthrough in the crisis
by arranging
for one-thousand SADC observers to travel to Zimbabwe from
outside the
country to serve as election monitors and discourage further
outbreaks of
partisan violence and ensure a fair vote. The MDC opted out of
the race
after a ruling party militia blocked the site of a large campaign
rally the
opposition had planned to hold on Sunday. SADC observers already
in the
country stayed away from the rally venue, while journalists
attempting to
cover the gathering were reportedly shot at. As mediators
awaited official
word on whether or not Harare would unilaterally proceed
with the run-off,
President Mwanawasa announced SADC's about-face. Radio
Phoenix reporter
Kabange says MDC consultations, as well as the continuing
violence, played a
part in SADC's decision.
"The MDC, about three or
four days ago, they sent a six-man team to the
Zambian chancery in Pretoria
to petition Mr. Mwanawasa, the SADC
chairperson, to assist and end to the
violence in Zimbabwe. And the other
thing that we are told is on Sunday, the
MDC was supposed to hold a rally at
the stadium in Zimbabwe. But before the
MDC would hold the rally, the venue
that was supposed to hold the rally was
actually filled with armed war
veterans. And I also think they would not
have been allowed free access to
state media. So this is probably why the
SADC had to make an immediate
response to what the MDC had said," he
noted.
Although President Mbeki spent a good part of last week in talks
with Mr.
Mugabe and Mr. Tsvangirai in Harare, reporter Kabange says there is
little
evidence that he consulted with President Mwanawasa before the SADC
support
for a pull-out was announced.
"Mr. Mwanawasa tried to contact
Mr. Mbeki, I think, on Friday, on two
occasions. I was told he called Mr.
Mbeki twice. He was told he was in a
meeting and that he would get back to
him, but he never did. Then, he said
that he has not been getting briefs
from Mr. Mbeki on Zimbabwe and all he is
doing is relying on intelligence
reports on Zimbabwe that he is getting from
the Zambian chancery and other
intelligence reports. He has actually not
been getting feeds from Mr. Mbeki
as mediator on SADC. One thing he said
was, 'I'm disappointed as chairperson
of SADC because I'm being denied
information'," he said.
The Radio
Phoenix reporter said that given the escalating incidents of
violence, and
the seemingly premeditated arrests of leading MDC officials
(including
Morgan Tsvangirai, who Kabange says has been jailed five times in
the past
10 days), SADC's call for a postponement was understandable. He
said the
southern regional bloc is hoping to avoid further embarrassment by
getting
government authorities in Zimbabwe to permit open campaigning and
free media
access to election coverage in order to create suitable
conditions for a
run-off eventually to take place. Zimbabwe government
officials are quoted
as saying there is nothing in the constitution to
prevent a run-off from
continuing if one of the parties opts to drop out of
the race.
United Nations Office of the Spokesperson for the Secretary-General
(OSSG)
Date: 22 Jun 2008
New York, 22 June
2008
The Secretary-General deeply regrets that, despite the repeated
appeals of
the international community, the government of Zimbabwe has
failed to put in
place the conditions necessary for free and fair run-off
elections. The
circumstances that led to the withdrawal of Opposition leader
Morgan
Tsvangirai today from the Presidential elections represents a deeply
distressing development that does not bode well for the future of democracy
in Zimbabwe. The campaign of violence and intimidation that has marred this
election has done a great disservice to the people of the country and must
end immediately.
The Secretary-General has discussed the situation
with various leaders,
including those of the African Union and the Southern
African Development
Community (SADC). He strongly supports the statement of
the Chairman of SADC
that conditions do not exist for a run-off election to
be held at this time
and that they should be postponed. The United Nations
is prepared to work
urgently with SADC and the African Union to help resolve
this political
impasse. His envoy, Assistant Secretary-General Menkerios,
remains in the
region to assist.
ABC Australia
Posted 41
minutes ago
Updated 23 minutes ago
Foreign Minister Stephen Smith
says the Federal Government is considering
bringing more sanctions against
Zimbabwe, since Opposition Leader Morgan
Tsvangirai pulled out of a run-off
election against President Robert Mugabe.
But should the international
community now be doing more?
Macquarie University's Dr Geoffrey Hawker,
who is also the president of the
African Studies Association of Australasia
and the Pacific, says the
international community needs to step
in.
"It is a very serious situation. It is the violence and the
intimidation
that has brought this withdrawal," he said.
"Of course
it is not the first time the MDC has been divided on its tactics.
Three
years ago it actually split on this issue of contesting or not
contesting
elections against Mugabe, so it is a faction, if you like, that
has come
back in against the recent violence.
"It does heighten the pressure on
the rest of the world - particularly
SADC - to intervene."
It does
appear that there is some momentum from African countries; Zambia,
the
current head of the SADC, has called for the run-off to be postponed.
But
Dr Hawker says brokering a deal between the two parties still seems to
be
the most likely option.
"They are still going to try to act principally
through Thabo Mbeki, the
South African President who is leading the SADC
group, trying to broker a
deal," he said.
"I think Mbeki has made it
pretty clear that he is going to have another go
at putting together some
sort of government of national unity in Zimbabwe.
"Now that is not an
easy thing to do. MDC has said really, it doesn't want
to do a deal with
Mugabe, which is very understandable, but I think that is
the route that
they will be trying over the next couple of days in fact."
But he
concedes there is a high chance Mr Mugabe would prevent that from
happening
because he wants to remain in power.
Dr Hawker says it is possible one of
Mr Mugabe's deputies and perhaps Simba
Makoni, a man who left Mr Mugabe's
party and ran in the elections, could
form a government of national unity
together with some elements of the MDC.
"But I am not saying that is
wonderful prospect. I am just saying that is
the least unlikely prospect,"
he said.
Moving Mugabe would be a difficult task - one that Dr Hawker
says would not
be beyond the power of Mr Mbeki.
"[He could do] some
sort of broker deal for immunity with Mugabe and put the
pressure onto the
rest of the regime," Dr Hawker said.
"It would be within Mbeki's power to
bring that about, but of course, he has
conspicuously failed to do so, so
far. None of us will be holding our breath
on that one, but it is
possible."
The MDC Treasurer has said that pulling out of the election
was the most
difficult decision his party has ever faced, but he expects
that new
elections will happen with the help of the African Union and
Zimbabwe's
neighbours.
But Dr Hawker believes that is very wishful
thinking on behalf of the MDC.
"Once the campaign is called off,
Tsvangirai steps back, Mugabe is able to
say, 'Oh well, I didn't have an
opponent. I am now perfectly legitimately in
the position', and he will hold
off any redoing of elections, one would
think, for some years. Perhaps
Zanu-PF's successor will then come forward,"
he said.
The French
Foreign Minister has responded to Mr Tsvangirai's announcement by
calling Mr
Mugabe a "crook and a murderer" and saying that France would not
accept the
result of a vote in which Mr Mugabe would be the only contestant.
Still,
Dr Hawker says even if there is more international backlash, he
doubts it
will bring about much change.
"I don't want to be gloomy about it, but it
is only a qualitative shift from
what we have got at the moment," he
said.
"After all, the EU has sanctions on the regime. They have had for
some time.
It really isn't going to change anything fundamentally inside the
country to
say those sorts of things. It is just a little bit more than what
has been
said before.
"Effectively, what can they do? Can they
increase the sanctions? Well, yes
to some extent. Can they restrict the
movement of Mugabe's officials
externally? Well, yes to some extent. But
those things have been done
already."
The United States says it will
raise the issue at the UN Security Council
meeting later today.
"I am
afraid it is impossible to really say much positive about that. China
is
very quiet on this one. China is on the Security Council," Dr Hawker
said.
"If one was actually to talk about intervention, that is a long
way down the
track. It would have to go through the Security Council. There
are
absolutely no signs that is achievable.
"We are still talking
about diplomatic moves, trade sanctions, restricting
movement of officials.
All of those things, yes, to go further than that we
are seeing the signs
with the SADC leaders, it is true," he added.
"Mugabe has embarrassed the
whole continent and what he has done recently
with the deaths, more than 70
now, it makes people ashamed and worried and
that is why you are seeing
African leaders, not all of them but significant
numbers of them,
criticising him."
Dr Hawker says at the end of the day, any hope of real
change comes down to
Mr Mbeki.
"I still say that it is from the
region and from South Africa that the
action has got to come," he
said.
"[I am] cautious and guarded. It is a dark moment in many ways but
I do feel
Mbeki, who is nearing the end of his own term early next year, has
got his
last chance now to broker some sort of deal," he said.
"That
is less good than a free and fair election, but it is possible for him
to do
that and it is probably the best outcome that we are looking for at
the
moment."
Based on an interview by Eleanor Hall for The World
Today.
Jamaica Observer
Monday, June 23, 2008
Declaring that
democracy is being threatened in Zimbabwe, the Jamaican
Government yesterday
expressed disappointment at Morgan Tsvangirai's
decision to pull out of this
week's presidential run-off election and called
on African leaders to help
resolve the crisis in that country.
"We are concerned at the reports of
violence which have claimed the lives of
scores of people in the run-up to
the election," deputy prime minister and
minister of foreign affairs Dr Ken
Baugh said in a statement. "We are
concerned that democracy is under
threat."
"We renew our call on African leaders, particularly leaders of
the Southern
African Development Community, to take a firm stand, and use
their influence
to resolve as a matter of urgency, the crisis in Zimbabwe,"
added Baugh.
Tsvangirai, the leader of the Opposition Movement for
Democratic Change
(MDC), yesterday announced that he was pulling out of the
election, arguing
that violence and intimidation against Opposition
supporters by supporters
of President Robert Mugabe had cost too many lives
and as such the election
would not be credible.
"We can't ask the
people to cast their vote ... when that vote will cost
their lives. We will
no longer participate in this violent sham of an
election," Tsvangirai
said.
Baugh, in his statement, said that Jamaica has been paying close
attention
to the situation in Zimbabwe, particularly since the March 29
presidential
and parliamentary elections which Mugabe lost.
"We have
been extremely disappointed at reported developments in the
country,
following the elections, which have given rise to the decision of
the
Opposition not to contest," said Baugh.
"We again urge all parties to
engage in a process of national reconciliation
aimed at achieving lasting
peace and harmony, fostering democracy, economic
growth and development in
Zimbabwe," he added.
straight.com, Vancouver
By
Gwynne Dyer
Morgan Tsvangirai was right to withdraw from the run-off
presidential
"election" in Zimbabwe on Sunday. Thousands of his supporters
have been
kidnapped and tortured by President Robert Mugabe's thugs since
the campaign
started, and 86 have been murdered already. Thousands more
would probably
have suffered the same fate if the election had gone ahead,
and it would all
have been for nothing. Mugabe was determined not to let the
opposition win,
regardless of what the voters did. He even said
so.
"Only God can remove me," Mugabe has been saying in recent speeches,
vowing
that he would refuse to give up the gains of the liberation war
because of
an 'x' on a ballot paper. He claims that the major opposition
party, the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), is part of a plot by the
British
government, Zimbabwe's former colonial ruler, to re-impose white
rule on the
country.
Whether this is genuine paranoia or merely low
cunning, it lets the
84-year-old president justify the reign of terror he
has unleashed against
opposition supporters since he lost the first round of
the election to
Tsvangirai as "a second liberation war." In wars, you can
kill people who
oppose you, and you are not obliged to count the enemy's
votes.
So a lot of opposition party organisers have been killed, and in
rural areas
thousands of them have been driven from their homes in order to
give Mugabe
a clear run in the second round of voting. And Mugabe's strategy
was clearly
going to succeed: either he would win a majority of the votes
because enough
MDC supporters had been terrorised into staying home, or else
he would win
the count later on.
He didn't win the count the first
time, in late March, because he was
over-confident. He let too many foreign
observers in, and he allowed local
vote tallies to be posted up at polling
stations and didn't realise that
opposition activists would photograph them.
Whatever the real vote count
was, Mugabe's tame Zimbabwe Election Commission
was unable to massage the
outcome enough to give him a first-round victory:
most of the local voting
totals were too well documented.
After a
month's delay, the ZEC released results showing Tsvangirai with
about 48
percent of the vote to Mugabe's 43 percent. That was enough to
force a
second round of voting, since a candidate had to get more than fifty
percent
of the vote in the first round to avoid a run-off.
It was the best that
the ZEC could do for Mugabe, but it was a huge
humiliation for the
liberation war hero who has ruled Zimbabwe since
independence in 1980. His
advisers should have seen it coming, however:
Mugabe has misgoverned
Zimbabwe so badly that this once-prosperous country
now has two million
percent inflation.
One-quarter of the population have fled to South
Africa to find work and
support their families. Many more at home would be
starving without the
remittances from South Africa, because foreign food aid
only gets through to
supporters of Mugabe's Zanu-PF party. And public health
has been neglected
so badly that Zimbabweans now die, on average, at a
younger age than any
other nationality in the world.
Mugabe may not
even know these statistics, but armed forces chief General
Constantine
Chiwenga, now the real power behind the throne, certainly knows
them, and so
do other regime members. They just don't care. If they lose
power, they lose
everything, for almost all their wealth was acquired
illegally, and they
have killed too many people.
In the past week, there have been reports of
senior military and political
figures showing up at torture sessions of MDC
militants who were
subsequently released. The message was clear: we do not
fear prosecution for
this, because we will never relinquish power.
So
Morgan Tsvangirai had to decide how many more lives he wanted tosacrifice
in
order to force Mugabe to steal the election openly. But how would that
discredit Mugabe any more than the crimes he is committing right now? And
what good does it do to "discredit" him?
Mugabe is a scoundrel and a
tyrant, and the people who run his government
and his army are brazen
thieves, but there will be no effective intervention
in Zimbabwe from
outside. The only African leader who has enough clout to do
that is South
Africa's President Thabo Mbeki, but he will never act against
his old friend
Robert Mugabe.
Other African leaders will cluck ineffectually, but
nothing will be done.
Zimbabweans are on their own, as they always really
were. Tsvangirai and a
majority of the MDC have belatedly realised that
there is no point in
waiting for justice to prevail -- but they have
probably not yet thought
beyond that. Basildon Peta, the head of the
Zimbabwean Union of Journalists,
certainly has. This is what he wrote after
Tsvangirai announced his
decision.
"I hope it won't be another long
round of Thabo Mbeki's timid mediation
while Zimbabwe continues burning. The
MDC must now do what it should do to
rid Zimbabwe of this shameless
criminal. The opposition party knows what
that is, though I can't print it
here."
Well, I can. It is revolution in the streets.
Austin Bay:
Web Posted: 06/23/2008
12:00 AM CDT
San Antonio Express-News
"Frankly obscene,"
Australia's foreign minister said.
Australia's Stephen Smith was
referring to Zimbabwean dictator Robert
Mugabe's appearance at a U.N. food
conference earlier this month.
Yes, a dictator who uses starvation to
scatter and kill his own people
making an appearance at an international
conference devoted to raising food
and feeding the hungry is an obscenity -
though I add, without cynicism,
that the situation isn't all that unusual.
Petty tyrants, terrorist enablers
and tribal killers cluster about the wine
and cheese smorgasbords of
international community fetes and
summits.
At these forums, they blame the United States for, well,
virtually anything
and everything. Anti-Americanism - or in Mugabe's case, a
worn-out
'60s-style "anti-imperialist" pitch aimed at Great Britain -
provide media
camouflage for their hideous genocides and cruel
depredations.
Mugabe, a classic Marxist rebel leader, plays this game
quite well. Toppling
Southern Rhodesia's white dictatorship made him a cult
hero. The
left-leaning internationalists gave Mugabe's mass murder in
Zimbabwe's
Matebele land a pass. That brutal campaign of the early 1980s,
conducted
against his former anti-colonial allies, included imported North
Korean
mercenary-advisers.
But his obscenities are catching up with
him.
His greatest obscenity is his war on his own impoverished nation.
Mugabe's
tyranny has savaged Zimbabwe, making the country yet another tragic
example
of a nation brutalized by its own government. Zimbabwe is blessed
with rich
farmland and ought to be an agricultural breadbasket. It was,
until Mugabe's
"land redistribution" and "farm policies" turned it into a
starving basket
case.
Once a major regional food producer, today a
substantial number of
Zimbabweans go hungry or flee. Since 2000, an
estimated 3 million
Zimbabweans have escaped to neighboring nations, with
South Africa a
preferred destination.
Zimbabwe's economy is a string
of obscene numbers. In late 2007, the
Zimbabwean government said the annual
inflation rate was 7,600 percent. The
IMF forecast predicted 100,000
percent. A 2008 estimate said 200,000
percent. These statistical differences
are meaningless - the currency is a
fraud, another form of governmental
theft.
In early 2008, Zimbabwe's estimated unemployment rate ran from 50
percent to
80 percent. Whatever the number, Zimbabwe's once flourishing
tourist
industry has all but disappeared. In 1999, 1.4 million tourists
visited
Zimbabwe. In 2007, only a handful came. Commercial agriculture jobs
once
boosted Zimbabwe's economy. Since 2000, Zimbabwe has lost between
250,000
and 400,000 agricultural jobs.
Mugabe's latest trail of
obscenities involves election theft, violent
intimidation and more murder.
Under Mugabe, elections have been little more
than window dressing for his
cult control of the nation. His use of the
police, military and loyal
militias like the Zimbabwe National Liberation
War Veterans Association has
kept opponents intimidated and citizens
terrorized.
However, his
obscene economy and brutal arrogance has led to a loss of
grassroots support
in his own once-plaint political organization, the
ZANU-PF.
Zimbabwe's March 29 presidential election confirmed this.
Election observers
believe that if the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC)
candidate, Morgan Tsvangirai, did not win the March vote
outright, he came
close. The MDC claimed victory. Under any circumstances,
Mugabe's electoral
window dressing fell, and with it fell the last media
facade masking his
tyranny.
Mugabe has manufactured a run-off
election, scheduled for June 27, pitting
him against Tsvangirai. The "war
veterans" are out with their clubs and
knives. The MDC claims at least 40 of
its supporters have been killed since
March 29. Moreover, they allege that
Mugabe is plotting to assassinate
Tsvangirai. Mugabe's police have
repeatedly detained and harassed
Tsvangirai.
Nobel Prize winner
former Archbishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa has called
for international
peacekeepers to ensure the elections are fair and safe. It
may not matter.
This week, Mugabe said he will ignore the election results.
Yet the
political heat on Mugabe is inc"Frankly obscene," Australia's
foreign
minister said.
Australia's Stephen Smith was referring to Zimbabwean
dictator Robert
Mugabe's appearance at a U.N. food conference earlier this
month.
Yes, a dictator who uses starvation to scatter and kill his own
people
making an appearance at an international conference devoted to
raising food
and feeding the hungry is an obscenity - though I add, without
cynicism,
that the situation isn't all that unusual. Petty tyrants,
terrorist enablers
and tribal killers cluster about the wine and cheese
smorgasbords of
international community fetes and summits.
At these
forums, they blame the United States for, well, virtually anything
and
everything. Anti-Americanism - or in Mugabe's case, a worn-out
'60s-style
"anti-imperialist" pitch aimed at Great Britain - provide media
camouflage
for their hideous genocides and cruel depredations.
Mugabe, a classic
Marxist rebel leader, plays this game quite well. Toppling
Southern
Rhodesia's white dictatorship made him a cult hero. The
left-leaning
internationalists gave Mugabe's mass murder in Zimbabwe's
Matebele land a
pass. That brutal campaign of the early 1980s, conducted
against his former
anti-colonial allies, included imported North Korean
mercenary-advisers.
But his obscenities are catching up with
him.
His greatest obscenity is his war on his own impoverished nation.
Mugabe's
tyranny has savaged Zimbabwe, making the country yet another tragic
example
of a nation brutalized by its own government. Zimbabwe is blessed
with rich
farmland and ought to be an agricultural breadbasket. It was,
until Mugabe's
"land redistribution" and "farm policies" turned it into a
starving basket
case.
Once a major regional food producer, today a
substantial number of
Zimbabweans go hungry or flee. Since 2000, an
estimated 3 million
Zimbabweans have escaped to neighboring nations, with
South Africa a
preferred destination.
Zimbabwe's economy is a string
of obscene numbers. In late 2007, the
Zimbabwean government said the annual
inflation rate was 7,600 percent. The
IMF forecast predicted 100,000
percent. A 2008 estimate said 200,000
percent. These statistical differences
are meaningless - the currency is a
fraud, another form of governmental
theft.
In early 2008, Zimbabwe's estimated unemployment rate ran from 50
percent to
80 percent. Whatever the number, Zimbabwe's once flourishing
tourist
industry has all but disappeared. In 1999, 1.4 million tourists
visited
Zimbabwe. In 2007, only a handful came. Commercial agriculture jobs
once
boosted Zimbabwe's economy. Since 2000, Zimbabwe has lost between
250,000
and 400,000 agricultural jobs.
Mugabe's latest trail of
obscenities involves election theft, violent
intimidation and more murder.
Under Mugabe, elections have been little more
than window dressing for his
cult control of the nation. His use of the
police, military and loyal
militias like the Zimbabwe National Liberation
War Veterans Association has
kept opponents intimidated and citizens
terrorized.
However, his
obscene economy and brutal arrogance has led to a loss of
grassroots support
in his own once-plaint political organization, the
ZANU-PF.
Zimbabwe's March 29 presidential election confirmed this.
Election observers
believe that if the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC)
candidate, Morgan Tsvangirai, did not win the March vote
outright, he came
close. The MDC claimed victory. Under any circumstances,
Mugabe's electoral
window dressing fell, and with it fell the last media
facade masking his
tyranny.
Mugabe has manufactured a run-off
election, scheduled for June 27, pitting
him against Tsvangirai. The "war
veterans" are out with their clubs and
knives. The MDC claims at least 40 of
its supporters have been killed since
March 29. Moreover, they allege that
Mugabe is plotting to assassinate
Tsvangirai. Mugabe's police have
repeatedly detained and harassed
Tsvangirai.
Nobel Prize winner
former Archbishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa has called
for international
peacekeepers to ensure the elections are fair and safe. It
may not matter.
This week, Mugabe said he will ignore the election results.
Yet the
political heat on Mugabe is increasing - primarily from Europe and
the
United States. The real disappointment is South Africa President Thabo
Mbeki. Mbeki was supposed to help "mediate" Zimbabwe's political crisis, but
his mediation has been a biased farce in favor of Mugabe.
Why? "Old
radical solidarity" is one possible reason. Mbeki's memories of
anti-colonial struggle produce a soft spot for Mugabe. Pray that it's
blarney, but this kind of embedded, selfish bitterness from the political
past does scar the present and damage the future. True or not, Mugabe
continues to kill and steal, with obscene impunity.
To find out more
about Austin Bay, and read features by other Creators
Syndicate writers and
cartoonists, visit the Creators Syndicate Web page at
www.creators.com.
reasing - primarily
from Europe and the United States. The real
disappointment is South Africa
President Thabo Mbeki. Mbeki was supposed to
help "mediate" Zimbabwe's
political crisis, but his mediation has been a
biased farce in favor of
Mugabe.
Why? "Old radical solidarity" is one possible reason. Mbeki's
memories of
anti-colonial struggle produce a soft spot for Mugabe. Pray that
it's
blarney, but this kind of embedded, selfish bitterness from the
political
past does scar the present and damage the future. True or not,
Mugabe
continues to kill and steal, with obscene impunity.
Reuters
Sun Jun 22,
2008 9:43pm BST
By Cris Chinaka- Analysis
HARARE (Reuters) -
Zimbabwe's Morgan Tsvangirai has gambled his political
career by pulling out
of an election run-off and he must now count on
regional action as well as
sympathy to have a hope of unseating President
Robert Mugabe.
In a
free election, the opposition leader would have been well placed to win
next
Friday's vote after beating Mugabe in the first round, but he announced
on
Sunday that political violence made a fair ballot impossible.
The
announcement was hedged though -- with a plea to Africa and the world to
intervene in the crisis. He also spoke of the need to work on a transition
of power away from Mugabe, who has ruled since 1980, suggesting a readiness
for negotiations.
"It is a bold statement, but he does appear to be
leaving his options open.
This sounds like a provisional pull-out," said
Brian Raftopolous, a
political analyst with the Zimbabwe
Institute.
Tsvangirai, a fiery 56-year-old former trade unionist, always
knew the
run-off would be difficult and only reluctantly agreed to take
part.
His Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) said he won the outright
majority
needed on March 29 to avoid a second round of voting, but agreed to
go along
to avoid granting automatic victory to Mugabe, 84.
At first
sight, giving up now would have the same result.
But the picture has
changed.
African countries have joined Mugabe's Western critics in
voicing anger at
poll violence -- the opposition says 86 supporters have
been killed. Not
long ago, regional states sat silent and gave tacit backing
to Mugabe, seen
by many as a hero of the struggle for
independence.
The government blames Tsvangirai's followers for the
violence but the region
has certainly not taken up that
line.
IMPATIENCE
In fact, southern African states show growing
impatience with Mugabe and
fear total meltdown in Zimbabwe.
The
crisis has driven millions of Zimbabweans into their countries,
straining
economies and creating tensions even in powerhouse South Africa --
where
xenophobic violence exploded last month.
Zambian President Levy
Mwanawasa, also chairman of the Southern African
Development Community
(SADC), showed understanding for Tsvangirai after the
withdrawal.
"Elections held in such an environment will not only be
undemocratic but
will also bring embarrassment to the SADC region and the
entire continent of
Africa," he said.
But Tsvangirai will need action
as well as words from regional leaders if
his gamble is not to backfire. The
United States and former colonial power
Britain have little
leverage.
"There is not a huge amount (regional leaders) can do. What
Mugabe has
stressed since the year dot is sovereignty. Part of that is
directed against
Western colonial interests, but it can be as effectively
directed against
regional leaders," said Tom Cargill of Britain's Chatham
House thinktank.
SOUTH AFRICA KEY
Most important of will be the
role of South Africa.
President Thabo Mbeki has never shown much fondness
for Tsvangirai, while
the Zimbabwean opposition leader has openly criticized
Mbeki's role as
mediator in the crisis.
But the MDC leader has a
better relationship with the increasingly
influential Jacob Zuma, head of
South Africa's ruling African National
Congress, who shares his humble
roots. Tsvangirai is the self-taught son of
a bricklayer who worked his way
up through the union movement.
By withdrawing, Tsvangirai could also be
moving towards a plan Mbeki has
been said to favour by South Africa's press
-- calling off the election to
allow a national unity
government.
Mbeki was quick to say that South Africa would try to
persuade Mugabe and
Tsvangirai to meet to discuss the
crisis.
"...that most certainly is what we would try to encourage," Mbeki
said after
Tsvangirai's announcement.
Until now, prospects for such
talks appeared limited. Neither side trusted
the other to head an interim
administration. Both believed they could win
the vote -- by whatever
means.
Now regional pressure could make a difference in getting Mugabe to
the
table. He is undoubtedly in a weaker position than before the March 29
elections, when his party also lost its parliamentary majority. Without a
contested run-off, even a flawed one, his legitimacy could be more
uncertain.
"With the MDC withdrawing, I think it is back to
negotiations," said Susan
Booysen, a political analyst at the University of
the Witwatersrand in
Johannesburg.
Such negotiations could test
Tsvangirai to the full. His party has suffered
deep internal divisions in
the past -- some over questions of his judgment
and style -- although
differences have been patched up for now.
Tsvangirai has made his name as
the only person who has come close to ending
Mugabe's rule.
But the
ruling ZANU-PF party and the generals fighting behind Mugabe are
known for
their political nous as well as a readiness to use whatever means
necessary
to avoid losing their 28-year grip on power.
"For Tsvangirai himself,
time is running out," Knox Chitiyo of London's
Royal United Services
Institute said earlier this month. "Everyone talks
about this being
ZANU-PF's end game but I think it's also the MDC's end
game."
(Writing by Paul Simao; editing by Matthew Tostevin)
New York Sun
By MARIAN TUPY
June 23,
2008
The political and economic situation in Zimbabwe is spiraling out of
control, but the government of the Zimbabwe African National Union -
Patriotic Front seems determined to hold onto power no matter what the cost.
The time is ripe to impose an arms embargo on President Mugabe's murderous
regime. In order for the embargo to work, however, more pressure will need
to be applied on Southern African states in general and South Africa in
particular.
The bleak news out of Zimbabwe is getting worse every
day. The government
has unleashed the army and police against the opposition
Movement for
Democratic Change. Scores of MDC activists have been killed,
tortured, or
assaulted. The government's control of the press and ban on
public
gatherings made it impossible for the MDC's candidate, Morgan
Tsvangirai, to
win the second round of the presidential election. As a
consequence, he
withdrew from the contest yesterday.
On the economic
front, the situation is dire. The economic crisis that was
precipitated by
Mr. Mugabe's seizure of commercial farms in 2000 has put
four out of five
Zimbabweans out of work. The government's tax revenue
collapsed as did most
of the public services. The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
was ordered to print
money to make up for the budget shortfall, leading to
the first
hyperinflation of the 21st century.
By the end of June, the annualized
inflation rate will reach 3,140,335%.
That will bring the overall inflation
for the entire duration of the
Zimbabwean hyperinflation to a staggering
366,386,083,683%. That is roughly
36 times the overall inflation experienced
by the Weimar Republic in the
early 1920s. One American dollar, which bought
50 Zimbabwean cents when Mr.
Mugabe assumed power in 1980, sold for 25
billion Zimbabwean dollars on June
9.
Most Zimbabweans, especially
those living in rural areas, survive on
remittances from their relatives
abroad and food aid distributed by NGOs and
Western government agencies. But
aid agencies worry that with the coming of
winter hunger will spread. The
ruling regime, however, uses food shortages
as a political weapon against
the supporters of the opposition - it hands
out food to people with the
ZANU-PF membership card only.
In the early 2000s, Western nations imposed
targeted sanctions against
Zimbabwe's top government officials. The time is
ripe to ban the army and
police from acquiring the weapons they need to put
down internal dissent. An
arms embargo has not been contemplated seriously
before, because of doubts
over its successful implementation.
A
successful arms embargo must have the support of Southern African states
in
general and South Africa in particular. The cooperation of Southern
African
states now looks more likely. Regional leaders, like those of Angola
and
Zambia, who have been largely silent about the crisis in Zimbabwe
previously, have been increasingly vocal in their criticism of Mr.
Mugabe.
They and other African leaders may be open to arms embargo -
especially if
South Africa changes its policy of supporting Mr. Mugabe. As
was the case in
the 1970s, South Africa holds the key to the resolution of
the Zimbabwean
crisis. Back then, the apartheid government judged that the
costs of helping
the white government in Rhodesia were too great. When
Pretoria discontinued
its active support of the regime in Salisbury, Ian
Smith's government
collapsed and was replaced by Bishop
Muzorewa.
Similarly, the goal today should be to make Mr. Pretoria's
support for Mr.
Mugabe too costly for South Africa. Thabo Mbeki's
government, currently on
the U.N. Security Council, should be backed into a
corner and forced to vote
on the issue of an arms embargo
forthwith.
Moreover, South Africans should be informed that their
country's ambition of
becoming a member of the U.N. Security Council will
remain a pipe dream so
long as they go on backing dictators from Burma,
Cuba, and Zimbabwe. Lastly,
South Africans should be told that a continued
controversy over Zimbabwe
threatens the success of the FIFA World Cup that
South Africa is to host in
2010.
The presidential election was never
likely to produce a resolution to the
crisis in Zimbabwe. Mr. Mugabe, after
all, made it clear that he will not
leave power so long as he lives. As
such, an increased international
pressure on the Zimbabwean government has
never been as needed or as likely
to succeed as it is today.
Mr. Tupy
is a policy analyst at the Cato Institute's Center for Global
Liberty and
Prosperity.
June 23, 2008
SABC
June 23, 2008,
08:15
Southern African Development Community's (SADC) election observer
mission
will stay in Zimbabwe until the run-off election has officially been
cancelled.
The decision follows the withdrawal by opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai
from the presidential run-off vote. About 400 SADC
observers from around the
Southern African subcontinent streamed into Harare
in the past weeks to
monitor the political climate ahead of the election and
to help ensure a
free and fair election.
Meanwhile, Political
Analyst, Katlego Phuthiyagae says the withdrawal of the
main opposition
party in Zimbabwe's run-off election has disappointed many
supporters and
members of the MDC.
Phuthiyagae says Zimbabweans who are anxious for
change, are very
disappointed by the withdrawal of the MDC from the run-off
election.
The Herald (Harare) Published by the
government of Zimbabwe
23 June 2008
Posted to the web 23 June
2008
Victoria Ruzvidzo
Harare
TRUCKLOADS of goods were
dispatched from Harare yesterday as Government
rolled out the Basic
Commodities Restocking Programme under which vulnerable
groups will access
products at affordable prices.
President Mugabe launched the programme in
Nkayi last week under the
People's Shops concept, stressing that prices
charged will be within the
reach of the majority.
Countrywide
deliveries will be done on a daily basis.
Trucks were yesterday queuing
at warehouses in Harare as they waited for
their turn to
load.
Products being supplied to restock shops include maize-meal, sugar,
salt,
flour, cooking oil, laundry and bath soap, candles, sugar beans, rice
and
sanitary pads.
Prices will be slashed by as much as 90 percent in
some instances to ensure
affordability by those in the low-income
bracket.
For instance, a 750ml bottle of cooking oil, whose price
currently ranges
between $9 billion and $15 billion, will be sold at less
than $1 billion.
This intervention comes at a time when prices of goods
and services have
continued to rise to unprecedented levels, with some
manufacturers
"unjustifiably" attributing this to rising input
costs.
However, under the programme, Government is supporting producers
of basic
commodities under strict covenants that such products will be
supplied into
the restocking programme at prices that reflect true
production costs.
The initiative is part of the Basic Commodities Supply
Side Intervention
facility launched by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe in
October last year,
running until the end of this year.
RBZ Governor
Dr Gideon Gono yesterday commended Government for launching the
programme,
which could effectively subdue some of the inflationary pressures
in the
economy.
"We hail this innovative intervention by Government as it brings
tangible
supply to the doorsteps of the majority of the people. As Governor,
I want
to once again reiterate that the Bacossi support we are extending to
our
strategic productive sectors is essentially meant to fight off inflation
from two angles.
"Firstly, the direct impact on supply, as can be
seen from this Government
programme, is unambiguously leading to massive
price reductions.
"Secondly, when we extend Bacossi support per unit
production cost in the
economy, decreases on overheads are distributed on
more output arising from
higher capacity utilisation levels.
"As a
central bank, we fully support this intervention by Government," said
Dr
Gono.
For most low-income earners, basic products were now priced beyond
their
reach, a situation that was exacerbated by massive price jumps in
recent
weeks.
The emergence of the black market for goods had seen
most shops being wiped
clean as products were diverted to the more
"lucrative" parallel market.
The release by Government of $150 trillion
last month for the setting up of
People's Shops through the Small
Enterprises Development Corpo-ration, is
also expected to go a long way in
ensuring greater access to products at
affordable prices by vulnerable
groups.
----------
Comment
Author: katz
Simple economics -
the Government hands out subsidised goods to try and
shore up its
popularity. To pay for the subsidies it has to crank up the
printing presses
ever more so. The extra money supply is not matched by
increased production
and the Z$ plummets faster and faster as inflation goes
through the roof.
The cost of this is borne by the people; however, the
clever boys in the
Government blame the West,MDC,weather,businessmen,
whoever or whatever for
the misery inflicted on the people whilst claiming
the credit for helping
the poor through the subsidies. Blind Freddy could
see that one. The problem
is that the day of reckoning is only going to be
worse.
Stuff, NZ
Reuters |
Monday, 23 June 2008
The last remaining white farmers in Zimbabwe
are predicting a very volatile
period in the wake of opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai's decision to
withdraw from the presidential run-off
election.
But the Commercial Farmers Union believes there still could
be a change of
leadership in the near future as the ruling ZANU party
considers replacing
President Robert Mugabe.
Union president Trevor
Gifford, speaking from a rural area five hours
south-east of the capital
Harare, said the atmosphere inside Zimbabwe was
very tense.
"Wherever
you travel, you're met with military and. . . road blocks," he
told ABC
radio.
"They search very vigorously. . . looking for weapons and anything
else that
they can find."
Mr Gifford says Mr Tsvangirai's decision
will make it very tough for a lot
of people.
"I think we're going to
go into a very volatile period.
"However I do believe that even from
within, Zimbabwe cannot continue
charging the course that it's been
charging. . . something's going to have
to give.
"If this election
definitely isn't contested, and that negotiations on a way
forward are not
concluded, there's the possibility that the party may retire
the president
and try and charter new waters.
"I think that there's a definite chance.
. . but that will bring a power
struggle between the various factions within
the ruling party."
Mr Gifford says rural plantation workers are not
working because of
intimidation.
"They're not even able to stay in
their houses at night for fear of being
beaten."
Most people within
Zimbabwe would not know Mr Tsvangirai had quit the
run-off
election.
"Where people do have cell phones or where cell phones have
been buzzing,
those people do have the knowledge.
"But the majority
of the Zimbabwean population do not have access to good
radio or
telecommunications."
The region's leaders, especially the South African
Development Community,
could have done more to stop the deterioration of
Zimbabwe's situation, Mr
Gifford said.
"I mean in particular (South
Africa) President Thabo Mbeki. (It) just shows
that his quiet diplomacy has
not worked at all," he said.
"President Mugabe has been able to continue
this reign of terror to
intimidate the population of Zimbabwe and to bring
them to their knees."
Stuff, NZ
By SALLY FRENCH -
Stuff.co.nz | Monday, 23 June 2008
New Zealand's Zimbabwean
community is devastated opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai has pulled out
of the run-off election against President Robert
Mugabe.
Movement
for Deomocratic Change representative Ben Magaiza says the news is
"unbearable", but says the "war isn't over yet".
He said his life has
been filled with dreams since moving to New Zealand
seven years ago, but any
dreams his family in Zimbabwe may have had have
just been shattered, and so
have his.
"But then one looks at it and asks 'what choice did Tsvangirai
have',"
Magaiza said.
"Yes, he could have gone in and won the
election, but I doubt that Mugabe
would have handed over power on a
platter."
Magaiza believes withdrawing from the run-off election could
possibly have
been a strategic move by the opposition.
"This way we
still have the war to fight.
"If we'd gone on and lost the run-off
through election rigging or by the
mere fact Mugabe refused to hand over
power, that would have legitimised
Mugabe through.
"But now we are
still in there, and it's time for the United Nations and
African Union to
intervene," he said.
He recalls hearing Tanzania's Bernard Membe recently
saying the situation in
Zimbabwe was unbearable and options would be looked
at to start controlling
it.
"One hopes what ever the response is
going to be to this, it's emphatic so
no room is given to Mugabe to continue
what he's been doing."
Magaiza fears the situation may get even worse for
the "ordinary Zimbabwean"
should Mugabe be isolated.
"My mother,
nieces and nephews live in Zimbabwe and I've been thinking about
how can I
relocate them to perhaps another country within the region as
bringing them
out here is just too expensive," he said.
Magaiza said it's not possible
to rely on landlines to keep in contact with
his family, as the lines are
often down, so he's made sure they have mobile
phones to contact him
urgently should they need to.
He is appalled Mugabe has stated he could
only be defeated by God.
"It's quite unbelievable that someone could go
to that extent - with his
hands all bloodied, and he has the guts to talk
about God, it's just
unbelievable."
Zimbabwean Association of New
Zealand president Titus Katiyo is also
devastated that the Tsvangirai has
pulled out of Friday's run-off election.
He said it shouldn't have
happened; as the election was only four days away.
"If they step down it
literally means they are no longer there and what is
happening will
continue," he said.
"The people who are defenceless need to have the
opposition around."
He said every family network in Zimbabwe knows of
someone who is affected
physically by Mugabe's ruling.
Katiyo likens
his home country to a casino.
"You wake up in the morning unsure about
everything and survive by gambling
"You go out hoping that today will be
the day you will land a job, you work
in the hope that you will get a wage,
you go to the shop hoping you will
find food to buy and the list goes
on.
"Granted every life is a gamble but the degree of uncertainty in
Zimbabwe is
close to that in a casino," he said.
Monsters and Critics
Jun 23, 2008, 3:31 GMT
Sydney - Australia Monday will
consider imposing stronger financial and
travel sanctions against Zimbabwe
as violence escalates in the lead up to
the June 27 presidential run-off
election.
'I've made it clear that we are open to consider more
sanctions. We are
currently giving active consideration to the issue,'
Foreign Minister
Stephen Smith told the Australian Broadcasting Corporation
(ABC) Radio.
Australia has already imposed financial sanctions and
suspending
non-humanitarian aid, and defence and ministerial links, besides
travel bans
on members of the Zimbabwe regime.
Zimbabwe's opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai has pulled out of the run-off
election against
President Robert Mugabe, saying growing violence has made a
free and fair
poll impossible.
'I think what it does do now is that it places maximum
pressure on the South
African development states and the African Union to
now put considerable
pressure on Mr Mugabe to try and get an outcome where
the will of the
Zimbabwe people is respected,' Smith told ABC
Radio.
South African President Thabo Mbeki is the appointed mediator for
Zimbabwe.
As for Tsvangirai's withdrawal from the run-off poll virtually
providing
Mugabe with a legitimate election win, Smith said, 'I don't think
on any
analysis here can we conclude anything other than a brutal regime
seeking
to, in the first round, steal an election by rorting (cheating) the
count,
and in the second round stealing it by violence. The violence now
needs to
be overcome by the African and international
community.'
Calling the situation in Zimbabwe 'horrendous,' Australian
Greens party
leader Bob Brown told reporters, 'This calls for much greater
world action
than we've seen. There needs to be urgent action in the United
Nations to
bring Mugabe to book.'
Brown also called for banning
Mugabe from attending international
conferences and be treated in the same
manner as the military junta in
Myanmar.
'Quite frankly, the thuggery
of Mugabe and his cronies is leading to the
deaths of a lot of people. We
need to put very heavy pressure on South
Africa and other southern African
nations to get Mugabe to go. We also need
to use the Commonwealth processes
that we do have to get rid of Mugabe,' a
South Africa-born, Liberal Party
backbencher Dennis Jensen, told reporters.
Business Day
23 June 2008
Dianna
Games
A
HEADLINE in one of our local papers caught my eye last week among the many
stories focusing on the situation in Zimbabwe. It read: "Some African
leaders now acknowledge crisis in Zim."
What leaders? Levy
Mwanawasa of Zambia tried to point out the seriousness of
the problem last
year and was slapped on the wrist by his peers. Botswana's
Ian Khama has put
his head above the parapet a few times, berating the
Zimbabwe government for
its errant behaviour that has left him with a
growing refugee problem within
his borders.
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has proved
schizophrenic on the issue.
Although he is now urging President Robert
Mugabe to go quietly if he loses
this week's presidential runoff, he is
usually fulsome in his praise of the
man. Benjamin Mkapa, former president
of Tanzania, has defended his close
friend Mugabe over the years. In 2005,
he spoke out in support of Operation
Murambatsvina (clean up the trash), in
which hundreds of thousands lost
their homes and livelihoods in an urban
crackdown.
SA's stance hardly bears mentioning. The president is one
thing. But over
the years, ministers have gone to Zimbabwe on "fact-finding"
visits, which
were little more than Zanu (PF) propaganda
briefings.
The African Union (AU) has done everything in its power to
keep the Zimbabwe
issue off the main agenda of the organisation's
discussions on the basis
that it was "divisive". The AU managed to send a
mere 18 observers to the
March 29 poll. Looking to the AU for the
much-proposed African solution to
an African problem hardly seems worth the
effort.
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) handling of
the issue has
been shameful, particularly the endorsement of blatantly
rigged election
after blatantly rigged election in Zimbabwe, giving the Zanu
(PF) government
a veneer of acceptability.
Much has been made of
a recent letter signed by 40 African leaders,
(including Mkapa), who
expressed concern about the violence in Zimbabwe and
called for conditions
to be created for a free and fair poll.
Raila Odinga, Kenya's new
prime minister, stuck his neck out, pointing out
what most people have known
for years; Rwanda's Paul Kagame also expressed
concern and said Africa had
failed Zimbabwe.
However, events of the past few weeks are not new in
Zimbabwe even if they
are much worse than before. Is it the degree of
violence that is breaking
the African silence on the issue? Is there a point
up to which it is
acceptable?
Despite the worthy letters and
statements, is the Zimbabwe government likely
to give a
hoot?
This is a government that is not only sanctioning, but driving,
the horrific
violence carried out mostly by Zanu (PF) thugs. And the victims
have no one
to turn to as their tormentors are often the very security
forces meant to
protect them.
The Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) cannot campaign - it is blocked at
every turn by the government's
security forces and by bans on the media.
In the midst of all this,
people are still calling for the (illegal?)
government to allow Friday's
runoff to be free and fair. The environment is
obviously not conductive to
holding an election and a cessation of Zanu (PF)
brutality in the days
before the poll will not be the magic bullet to make
it free and
fair.
Election observers have arrived late in the day - due to
convenient
government delays in issuing invitations - and in any case are
unlikely to
witness events in the ruling party's real hunting grounds, deep
in the rural
areas.
Assuming Friday's election takes place - even
though MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai has said he will pull out - the result
is unlikely to take
Zimbabwe to a better place. Not for a while
anyway.
Of course it is up to Zimbabweans to sort out the mess
themselves, despite
the challenges the government has placed in their
way.
And that is just as well, as the rest of Africa has already
proved it is not
up to the task.
.. Games is director of Africa@Work, an African consulting firm.