Since independence, the country's 75,000 whites, who form less than one per cent of its 12 million population, have been expected to steer clear of politics in a tacit quid pro quo for being allowed to stay. But that appears to have changed.

President Robert Mugabe says the MDC is a front organisation for British settlers and the MDC's victorious whites have aroused his anger. Michael Auret, a veteran human rights activist who took Harare Central with 80 per cent of the vote, has been branded "a British agent intent on undermining the state".

The president also attacked David Coltart, who won Bulawayo South with 86 per cent support. Both men helped to document the atrocities committed by Mr Mugabe's notorious Fifth Brigade in Matabeleland during the Eighties when at least 5,000 people were killed.

Trudy Stevenson, a human rights activist, won Harare North with 79 per cent of the vote and Roy Bennett, a farmer whose property was invaded by squatters, took the rural seat of Chimanimani with 57 per cent. With the possible exception of Harare Central, all these constituencies have an overwhelmingly black electorate.

Mr Coltart said: "It's far better than I had expected. We seem to have swept the board in Bulawayo." The scale of his victory was similar to that of the city's seven black MDC candidates.

Race relations in Zimbabwe have always been more relaxed than in South Africa and this and the fact that whites provide the financial and logistical support for the MDC ensured that race did not mar the white candidates' campaigns. The black township of Nketa, one of Bulawayo's poorest areas, is part of Mr Coltart's constituency and unhesitatingly backed the white candidate.

The widow of the murdered Zimbabwean farmer Martin Olds is an asylum seeker. Three months ago her home was a beautiful cattle ranch in Matabeleland. Her husband was a pillar of the community, she had a job and her children lived free and adventurous lives.

Today she is in a foreign country, dependent on the generosity of friends and the charity of people she does not know. She faces months of uncertainty, during which she cannot work and must survive on food vouchers, as she waits to hear whether she will be granted political asylum.

In April her husband was shot dead as he defended their home against an assault by an organised group of 120 Zanu-PF activists. Mrs Olds, 43, believes his death was a "state-sponsored assassination". The day before the murder, Mr Olds had sent his wife, their son Angus, 13, and daughter Martine, 17, to stay with relatives in Bulawayo because he feared for their lives. Mrs Olds has not returned to the farm since.

For five weeks Mrs Olds and her children lived in fear. They were followed, their telephone was tapped and visitors had their car tyres slashed. Friends and family urged Mrs Olds, a third generation Zimbabwean, to leave the country. "When I saw the fear in my children, especially when we were being watched and followed, when they pleaded with me to go somewhere safe, I knew we had to leave."

On her last weekend in Zimbabwe Mrs Olds scattered her husband's ashes on the Zambezi, where he loved to fish. A few days later she fled. Arriving at Heathrow, she was subjected to brusque questioning by immigration officials. She was afraid to tell the truth about why she was leaving or to ask for asylum.

She said: "My biggest fear was that I would arrive, apply for asylum and they would send me off to one of these detention centres we had heard of. Or that they would wait until things in Zimbabwe appeared to have calmed down and then they would send us back. I dread being sent back."

Luckily for Mrs Olds, Tim and Sue Gibbs, who left Matabeleland 16 years ago, had been contacted by the Commercial Farmers' Union and were waiting for her. They agreed to sponsor Mrs Olds and she was allowed to pass through immigration. She and her children are now living in the Cotswolds.

Mrs Olds, who has submitted an application for asylum, does not want to disclose exactly where she is living. "Mugabe is still in power. I am still afraid. His Central Intelligence Organisation have been over and paid visits to Britain. I don't know if they would still be interested in me, but I wouldn't like to take that chance."

With that fear always in her mind, Mrs Olds, who has been disabled since contracting polio as a baby, is trying to build a new life for her family.

But in spite of his party's loss of scores of parliamentary seats, ministers said that he would forge ahead quickly with his controversial plans to seize hundreds of white-owned farms without compensation.

Mr Mugabe hinted as much in his radio address to the nation, when he said the wholesale redistribution of land would be the major task facing the new parliament. He said: "There is a great expectation in our country around the land that is coming to the people in a big way."

The outgoing justice minister, Emmerson Mnangagwa, said that resettlement of black peasant farmers would begin "immediately" after the expiry of next week's deadline for farmers to appeal against seizure of 804 mainly white commercial farms.

This could destroy tentative peace feelers put out by Robin Cook, the Foreign Secretary, who said: "Britain is ready to look for a fresh start and a new relationship with the government [of Zimbabwe] if it pursues policies of reform and national reconciliation." The ruling Zanu-PF party won 62 seats, compared with 57 for the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and one for the small Zanu-Ndonga party.

But the ruling party retains control because of Mr Mugabe's power to appoint a further 30 MPs loyal to him. The casualties of the opposition's success, concentrated in large cities and Matabeleland, include three cabinet ministers: Dumiso Dabangwa, the home affairs minister, Mr Mnangagwa and Simon Moyo, the acting energy minister.

The MDC has secured a "blocking third" in parliament. It can prevent Mr Mugabe from passing constitutional changes and allows the opposition to initiate impeachment proceedings against the president. An uneasy calm has descended on much of Zimbabwe. But many white farmers, worried about possible retribution for backing the opposition, have either left their homes or sent their wives and children to safety.

Leaders of the war veterans' association, which has led the often violent invasion of more than 1,000 farms in the past four months, said they would not withdraw from occupied properties. Agripah Gava, the association's national director: "Occupations have nothing to do with elections. We need land. It's our land; it's not British land."

Mr Mnangagwa, one of Mr Mugabe's closest allies, said that the seizure of the designated farms was only the first step in a five-year programme designed to redistribute five million hectares. He said: "If we miss it now, we will never have the chance later."

Farmers hope that his comments are a hangover of election rhetoric. They said that even under the government's revised acquisition procedures, it could take months of legal procedures before the first farms are taken. Jerry Grant, a spokesman for the Commercial Farmers Union, said: "Now that we have the election out of the way, we can work with the government on this, as we have always done."

The government has issued contradictory signals about the squatters. Mr Mnangagwa said the government would not evict them and would not stop them from taking more land. But Jonathan Moyo, Zanu-PF's campaign manager, said: "The successful demonstrations should come to an end."

The elections, during which more than 30 people have been killed, were denounced by European observers as failing abysmally to meet proper free and fair standards.

But he acknowledged the palpable disappointment of his supporters, who had been convinced by the party's prediction that it was on the road to winning a crushing election victory. The ruling Zanu-PF party was quick to mock Mr Tsvangirai for failing to win his constituency of Buhera North. "If you lose a village, how can you lead a country?" asked Jonathan Moyo, Zanu-PF's campaign manager.

A sober Mr Tsvangirai explained that the change he had promised - "Change" was his party's election slogan - would not happen immediately; it would be a slower process. He said: "Destiny sometimes requires that we follow a more circuitous road to achieve greater glory. Other leaders have said there is no easy road to freedom."

The way ahead for the MDC, despite its moral victory, is now uncertain. Mr Tsvangirai needs to maintain the enthusiasm and momentum of the disparate opposition coalition that was formed at short notice last September to fight the parliamentary elections.

The MDC needs to demonstrate that it can mount a credible and combative opposition in parliament to rein in Mr Mugabe's presidential powers. Mr Tsvangari said: "Anybody who believes that the future of this country lies with Robert Mugabe must have his head examined. Zanu-PF must realise that this is the end of Robert Mugabe and the sooner they start planning his retirement the better."

But the opposition leader all but admitted that Mr Mugabe would be around at least until his term expires in two years' time. Mr Tsvangirai said his main task was "to focus on the presidential elections". He said that had it not been for the violence and blatant unfairness of the electoral contest, the MDC could have won a majority large enough to overcome Mr Mugabe's power to appoint 30 additional MPs.

But he seemed determined to avoid energy-sapping recriminations. Selected results would be contested, said Mr Tsvangirai, but he accepted that "the people of Zimbabwe have spoken". He said the government that would be formed by Zanu-PF was legitimate.

Mr Tsvangirai cast himself as a national leader, giving a speech that might be expected of a magnanimous victor rather than the leader of a party that feels it has been robbed of victory. It was the opposition that was offering the olive branch, rather than the government.

Mr Tsvangirai expressed concern for the greater good of the country, speaking of co-operation with the government, constructive and "balanced" debate in parliament and a readiness to seek areas of consensus with Mr Mugabe. He said: "Our primary aim is to restore confidence in the country. This is a time for partnership. We have to seek to rebuild this nation and move forward."

In just two years Mr Tsvangirai, 48, a former factory worker and miner, has emerged from the obscure corridors of the trade union movement into the national limelight. He has visibly grown in confidence and stature. He has been carried so far by a wave of popular protest. Now he needs to show he has the political skills and staying power to face a long contest with one of Africa's most cunning leaders.

Mock funeral - but there is still life in Zanu-PF

By BBC News Online's Justin Pearce

Zimbabwe's election has returned a parliament in which President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF retains a majority - albeit a much reduced one.

It is now up to Mr Mugabe to decide whether to hold onto the still considerable amount of power which the election result bestows on him and his party - or to engender good will by making some concessions to the opposition Movement for Democratic Change.

Significantly, the MDC has deprived Mr Mugabe of the two-thirds parliamentary majority which he needs to push constitutional change through parliament.

The president used this to empower himself to seize white-owned farms - and also to give himself the right to appoint 20 unelected members of parliament.

Powers curbed

Robert Mugabe: Could make some tactical concessions

The MDC will now be able to block important parliamentary bills such as the budget.

Hence Mr Mugabe's party will not have a free rein in parliament - if Zanu-PF wants to introduce major legislative changes, it will have to strike a deal with the MDC first.

The alternative for the president would be to use temporary decrees to override the opposition - but this would do further damage to Zimbabwe's already shaky reputation abroad.

Cabinet may stay

However, on minor legislative matters which require only a simple majority in parliament, Mr Mugabe can still do more or less what he likes.

And Zanu-PF spokesman Jonathan Moyo has emphasised that the appointment of a government remains the president's prerogative, whatever the outcome of the parliamentary vote.

Mr Mugabe is under no obligation to change the composition of his existing cabinet.

Even those ministers who have lost their parliamentary seats can stay in office if President Mugabe includes them among the 20 MPs he is entitled to appoint.

Looking ahead

But far more profound change could follow the presidential election in 2002.

Morgan Tsvangirai: Intends to run for president in 2002

Mr Tsvangirai - who was not elected to parliament - has already announced his intention to stand for the presidency.

Early indications are that the MDC polled more votes than Zanu-PF, but these translated into a slightly smaller number of seats because of the greater weighting given to rural constituencies.

This suggests that Mr Tsvangirai would be in a strong position to take the presidency.

If he succeeds, and exercises the presidential prerogative to appoint 20 MPs, the MDC would then enjoy a parliamentary advantage.

Compromise?

Some commentators have suggested, though, that Mr Mugabe might have another plan in the making.

However heavy-handed his actions may appear to outsiders, the president remains an astute politician - and he knows that it would be better to be remembered as a statesman who forged reconciliation than as someone who staked his reputation on a party whose fortunes were already in decline.

The election result also confirms Mr Mugabe's extreme unpopularity in the cities.

The MDC's links with trade unions make it capable of mobilising large-scale protest on the doorstep of parliament in Harare - all the more reason why the president might consider it expedient to offer a hand of friendship to his opponents.

This could give Mr Mugabe a smoother ride during his last two years in office - and even improve the electoral chances of whomever he decides to name as his preferred heir.

But Mr Tsvangirai has already pre-empted any talk of a deal by saying he will not accept a position in a power-sharing government - apparently aware of the political dangers of collaborating with a president who will, in any event, have the final say over how the country is run in the next two years.

Tsvangirai is congratulated by supporters

Among the individual winners and losers, several stand out, especially Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, who failed to win a seat despite his party's strong showing.

However no fewer than seven ministers lost their seats, including the Justice Minister, Emmerson Munangagwa, considered a possible heir apparent to President Mugabe.

The controversial war veterans' leader, Chenjerai Hunzvi, was elected to parliament - and so was one of his critics, the white farmer Roy Bennett.

Margaret Dongo, one of only three opposition MPs in the outgoing parliament, lost her seat - but to another opposition candidate.

Ministers out, Hunzvi in

Mr Tsvangirai missed a seat by 2,534 votes. He was standing Buhera North, a rural constituency in the Zanu-PF heartland - a decision he says he does not regret.

The most prominent government casualty, Mr Munangagwa, was crushed by a margin of 2-1 in a rural district by an opponent who had gone into hiding after being attacked by ruling party militants.

The other contender to succeed Mr Mugabe, Sidney Sekeremayi, held his seat by just 63 votes.

Hunzvi , veterans' leader, won his first seat in parliament

The Home Affairs Minister, Dumiso Dabengwa, received less than 4,000 of the more than 24,000 votes cast in his district in the southwestern city of Bulawayo - where all seats went to the MDC.

Tourism Minister Simon Kaya-Moyo and Sikhanyiso Ndhlovu, the Deputy Minister for Higher Education, were also among the government casualties.

But government survivors include Kumbirai Kangai, who is currently suspended from his post, as lands and agriculture minister, on corruption charges.

Margaret Dongo, whose house was attacked, lost her seat

President Mugabe may choose to use the 30 parliamentary seats at his discretion to restore defeated ministers to parliament.

He can take comfort from the fact that Mr Hunzvi, leader of the war veterans who spearheaded the invasion of more than 1,500 white-owned commercial farms with government support, won a seat for the first time by a comfortable margin in a farming area.

Opposition record

But one of Mr Hunzvi's targets, Roy Bennett, a white farmer and opposition candidate temporarily forced off his property after it was overrun by ruling party militants, won a strong victory in his Chimanimani district near the Mozambican border.

Farmer Roy Bennett won a seat after being forced off his land

The prominent white human rights lawyer, David Coltart, was also elected to parliament for the opposition.

Margaret Dongo of the Zimbabwe Union of Democrats lost her seat in Harare to the MDC, securing only 951 votes to the MDC candidate's 12,430.

But another of the three opposition MPs in the outgoing parliament retained his seat, securing parliamentary representation for a third political party, Zanu-Ndonga, led by the Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole.

Zanu-Ndgonga's vice-president, Wilson Khumbula, fought off a strong challenge from a young Zanu-PF businessman.

In Bulawayo, the MDC's secretary-general, Welshman Ncube, trounced his Zanu-PF opponent by 21,100 votes to 2,864.

Mugabe's real enemies are within Zanu PF

The Daily News - 6/26/00 10:26:36 AM (GMT +2)

Barring a few incidents of disorder, Zimbabwe's fourth parliamentary election appears to have been conducted in an atmosphere of peace and order.