International Herald Tribune
The Associated PressPublished: June 1,
2007
HARARE, Zimbabwe: President Robert Mugabe accused
Britain of backing what he
called a terror campaign by his opponents and
said his nation's security
forces were on heightened alert, the official
media reported Friday.
Mugabe, addressing police recruits at a parade,
urged his countrymen to
unite against "shameless arm twisting tactics" by
Britain and political
opponents seeking his ouster, state radio and the
official Herald newspaper
said.
Independent human rights groups say
police, troops and ruling party
militants were responsible for most of the
violence that has wracked the
country in more than six years of political
and economic turmoil.
The agriculture-based economy in the former
regional breadbasket collapsed
after Mugabe ordered the often violent
seizures of thousands of white-owned
commercial farms in 2000.
"Our
security forces have heightened their vigilance to thwart the
subversive
maneuvers of those who engage in crimes of political violence and
ensure
that violence of whatever nature is not allowed to rear its ugly head
in
this country," Mugabe said.
The government accuses the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change of
mounting a series of gasoline bomb attacks
in recent months, charges the
opposition denies.
While Britain and its
Western allies criticized police for enforcing law and
order, they ignored
opposition violence that occurred after the main
opposition party was "egged
on by its masters," Mugabe said.
"The so-called masters of democracy, who
are known for their double
standards, have ignored or underplayed this
vicious campaign of unrestrained
acts of terror and instead sought to
besmirch the government for enforcing
law and order," he told recruits
Thursday at the Morris police depot in
Harare, according to the state
media.
In March, Mugabe praised police for violently crushing an
opposition-led
prayer meeting and assaulting opposition leaders in custody.
Several
opposition leaders suffered broken bones and most, including
opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai, required hospital
treatment.
Lawyers defending opposition activists were beaten up by
police as they
dispersed a lawyers' demonstration outside the Harare High
Court last month.
The lawyers were protesting the arrest of two
colleagues accused of
obstructing the course of justice by contesting police
evidence against
clients detained for alleged involvement in petrol
bombings, saying police
evidence was faked and activists could not have been
involved in at least
one incident because at the time they were already in
jail.
Mugabe on Thursday praised the police for their "dedication to
duty" and
said authorities would not tolerate strikes and other
protests.
ZADHR
Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights1 June 2007
Prevailing Health Sector Emergency
The Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights (ZADHR) deplores the failure by the Government of Zimbabwe to address the prevailing emergency in the public health sector.
Inadequate remuneration and unacceptable working conditions for health workers across the country have resulted in a crisis that has left the country?s major referral hospitals unable to function. Inadequately remunerated health workers across the country can no longer afford to travel to work and in Harare many other health worker cadres have now joined the nurses in commencing strike action as at 1 June 2007.
The loss of life and increased morbidity resulting from the absence of health workers at their places of work, whether resulting from inability to pay for transport or from actual strike action, remains the responsibility of the Government with whom the obligation remains to ensure that the right of all Zimbabweans to health care is respected, protected and fulfilled.
ZADHR considers that it can no longer be said that the health service is ?near collapse?. The emptying of central and other hospitals of staff, and therefore of patients, means the health service HAS collapsed. ZADHR calls upon the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare in liaison with other relevant Government departments to attend to the situation and resolve the health worker emergency without delay.
By Lance Guma
01 June
2007.
Junior doctors from the country's government hospitals began an
official
strike Friday over low salaries. This is the second strike in 6
months
although they have also been engaging in on and off small-scale
strikes
inbetween. Amon Siveregi who heads the Hospital Doctors Association
told
journalists that the strike was now in full swing and that general
hands in
the hospitals had also joined in. The doctors want their salaries
to be
raised to Z$70 million from the current Z$2,4 million including
allowances.
They also want a one off payment of US$3000 in foreign currency
for vehicle
loans.
It's reported that officials at Parirenyatwa are
turning away patients who
are not in need of emergency treatment. What is
compounding the problem is
that most nurses are not turning up for work
because they are also unhappy
with their poor salaries, which cannot even
cover basic transport costs to
work. Most employees in the country are
struggling to survive under the
weight of an inflation rate officially
pegged at 3,700 percent but which
most experts believe has already surpassed
10,000 percent.
Our correspondent Simon Muchemwa visited Harare Hospital
and says almost all
staff there have joined the strike. This includes
canteen staff, general
hands, cashiers and nurses. A policeman at the
hospital confirmed to
Muchemwa that over 30 bodies remained uncollected in
the wards and relatives
who went to the mortuary to collected their loved
ones found no one to help
them. People who resort to private hospitals as an
alternative have to fork
out cash in advance before treatment and this has
meant poor patients have
nowhere to go.
Meanwhile speaking at a
graduation ceremony for police officers in Harare
Mugabe said that strikes
and job stay aways were part of a plot by the
opposition to sow political
turmoil in the country. 'Our security forces
have heightened their vigilance
in order to thwart the subversive maneuvers
of those who engage in crimes of
political violence,' the official Herald
newspaper quoted him as saying.
Critics say the regime has run out of
excuses and desperately looking for
excuses to cover up it's corruption and
mismanangement.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
The Times
June 2, 2007
Greg
Hurst in Pretoria
Tony Blair admitted the limits of his interventionist
policy on Africa
yesterday, saying that Robert Mugabe's regime in Zimbabwe
would end only if
neighbouring countries agreed to it. With President Mbeki
of South Africa
standing impassively beside him, Mr Blair said that
Britain's role could be
confined only to supporting the actions of
others.
After talks in which the two leaders discussed Zimbabwe, the G8
summit and
world trade negotiations, Mr Blair told a press conference in
Pretoria that
the only option was "an African solution".
"The truth
is whatever the views I have, and they are well known and they
are very
clear, the most important thing is to help the people there," he
said. "But
it is from within Zimbabwe and this region that change has got to
come. What
we will do is support those, like President Mbeki, who are trying
to bring
about change."
He added: "I get attacked from both ways round on this. I
get attacked for
not single-handedly changing events in Zimbabwe, and I get
attacked from the
other side because people say when Britain intervenes it
is the least
helpful thing in relation to this."
His comments were in
marked contrast to those he made earlier in his trip,
when he spoke in
favour of a "thoroughly interventionist" foreign policy
towards
Africa.
Mr Mbeki has been accused of failing to use his role as the head
of Africa's
super power, and Zimbabwe's immediate neighbour, to confront Mr
Mugabe but
Mr Blair praised him for acting as a mediator between the
Government and
opposition groups in Zimbabwe.
Mr Mbeki, in response
to a question on Zimbabwe, confined his response to a
terse summary of an
agreement within the Southern Africa Development
Community, which was
accepted by Zimbabwe, to seek a political solution.
"The decision was
that we should facilitate the discussions between the
government and ruling
party and the opposition in order to find a solution
to these problems,
which has started," Mr Mbeki said. "Indeed we are engaged
in that process
now."
Speaking from Zimbabwe, Mr Mugabe blamed Britain for backing what
he called
a terror campaign by his opponents and said his nation's security
forces
were on heightened alert. In a speech to police recruits he condemned
"shameless arm-twisting tactics by Britain and political
opponents".
British officials said that Mr Mbeki had not been given
sufficient credit
for changing his position on Zimbabwe and agreeing to act
as mediator. He
has hosted meetings with Zimbabwe's main opposition, the
Movement for
Democratic Change, which is seen as significant. His position
may simply be
a response to the economic reality of the damage caused by the
collapse of
the Zimbabwean economy, where inflation is now 3,700 per
cent.
South Africa has experienced huge inflows of refugees across its
border with
Zimbabwe and its gross domestic product has fallen 3 per cent as
a result of
Zimbabwe's economic slump.
President Kufuor of Ghana,
chairman of the African Union, has also been
active in seeking change in
Zimbabwe, as has President Kikwete of Tanzania.
Mr Blair has previously
called for Mr Mugabe to quit before Zimbabwe's
presidential elections, which
are due to take place in February or March
next year. And he promised that
if there was change, Britain would help to
rebuild the country's
economy.
Later, in a televised discussion for a South African television
broadcaster,
Mr Blair was more blunt in defending his stance, telling a
panel of
questioners: "Me attacking the Mugabe regime doesn't do an awful
lot to
displace it."
The Independent, UK
By Peter Fabricius and Basildon Peta in Johannesburg
Published:
02 June 2007
Tony Blair has endorsed the mediation efforts by Thabo
Mbeki, the South
African President, in the search for a solution to the
economic and
political crisis in Zimbabwe.
Although often at odds
over Mr Mbeki's "softly, softly" approach, in private
talks the Prime
Minister appeared to have given Britain's full support to
the President's
mediation on behalf of the Southern African Development
Community. Mr Mbeki
is hoping to persuade Zimbabwe's ruling Zanu-PF and the
opposition Movement
for Democratic Change to begin negotiations to create a
fair political
dispensation before elections expected by March next year.
Mr Blair, on
the last leg of a farewell African tour before leaving office
on 27 June,
and Mr Mbeki appeared to be in tune on the right strategy for
Zimbabwe,
perhaps for the first time. They were questioned mainly on
Zimbabwe at a
press conference in Pretoria after meeting for more than an
hour in Mr
Mbeki's office.
Asked if they had reconciled Britain's "loud diplomacy"
on Zimbabwe and
South Africa's "quiet diplomacy", Blair said his views and
Britain's were
well-known but were not the important thing. "In the end,
what is important
is to improve the lives of the people of Zimbabwe. The
obligation of Britain
is to do everything it can to help. But in the end the
solution is an
African solution for Zimbabwe and that's why I welcome the
work that
President Mbeki has undertaken on behalf of the southern African
regional
grouping.
"And we wish him well and will do whatever we can
to support the changes
necessary to support the lot of people in Zimbabwe.
The change has to come
from within Zimbabwe ... and we will try to support
those like President
Mbeki who are trying to bring about that
change."
Mr Mbeki thanked the Prime Minister for championing the cause of
Africa,
especially at the G8 summit at Gleneagles in 2005 when he persuaded
his
fellow leaders to sign on to a comprehensive programme of increased debt
relief, aid and other help to Africa. Blair, in turn, thanked the President
for launching Africa's development programme, Nepad.
Despite
criticism from many non-government organisations that the G8 leaders
had
failed Africa, both leaders expressed optimism that the G8 leaders
meeting
at their summit in Germany next week would continue to implement the
promises they made to Africa at Gleneagles.
The G8 had delivered
$38bn (£19bn) in debt relief, another $1bn for
vaccinations, considerable
development aid, funding to give anti-retroviral
drugs to one million Aids
sufferers and enough money to educate three
million primary school
children.
President Robert Mugabe yesterday accused Britain of backing a
"terror
campaign" by his opponents. The Zimbabwe government described Mr
Blair's
imminent departure from office as "good riddance".
The Guardian
British intervention may have worked
in Sierra Leone, but Blair's
grandstanding on Zimbabwe makes it harder for
Mbeki to act against Mugabe.
Justin Pearce
June 1, 2007 7:00
PM
Not every stop on Tony Blair's African itinerary is going to involve his
hosts draping him in chiefly robes while he grins and mutters about hoping
the pictures won't find their way back to the UK.
Nevertheless, there
are several African leaders who have reason to be
grateful to Blair. One of
them is the Sierra Leonean president, Ahmed Tejan
Kabbah, whose government
was saved by the British intervention in 1999
against the Revolutionary
United Front rebels. Another is the Zimbabwean
president, Robert Mugabe,
whose position becomes firmer every time Blair
chooses to pronounce on
Zimbabwe.
Blair and Mugabe have co-operated in ruling out the possibility
of any sane
discussion on Zimbabwe. They have turned the debate into a
shouting-match of
imperialism versus resistance that does wonders for
Mugabe's reputation, and
a great disservice to a complex society of 13
million people living amid the
mess.
Two years ago, I went to
Zimbabwe in the aftermath of Operation
Murambatsvina, the "clean-up"
operation that left half a million homeless -
and I saw for myself how the
viciousness of the government did not stop at
the eviction of white farmers
which had dominated western media coverage a
few years earlier. Yet the
debate on Zimbabwe was already tainted by tales
of colonialism and
resistance. One of my online articles prompted a reader
to ask why I had
written about white farmers. Had he read the piece in
question, he would
have known that I had not so much as mentioned a white
farmer. But
grudgingly, I could see his logic. Western media plus Zimbabwe
equals white
farmers.
Later, the New African magazine did its own take on Operation
Murambatsvina.
The cover showed a single house being built as part of the
government's
reconstruction programme. The article inside told of people who
were glad no
longer to be living alongside the brothels which had been
destroyed in the
clean-up. A more recent edition of New African has an
interview in which
Mugabe speaks of the torture of opposition officials as
having taken place
in a "context where our erstwhile enemies - Britain and
its allies - were
actually orchestrating a situation that they believed
would lead to regime
change here". Mugabe reminded readers that "it was here
in southern Africa
that the real fight against imperialism took
place".
Yesterday, Blair met the South African president, Thabo Mbeki,
apparently to
ask him if he would please tell Mugabe to get his house in
order. South
Africa's stance towards Zimbabwe has in the past year shifted
from one of
denial to one of timid bemusement. But memories of national
liberation loom
larger in the Southern African regional politics than Blair
could ever know.
On the other hand, South Africa does have interests in
seeing an end to the
crisis in Zimbabwe: altruistic ones to do with human
rights, and
self-interested ones to do with the unknown numbers - some say
millions - of
Zimbabweans who have come to South Africa as economic or
political exiles.
Mbeki may yet find a way of resolving the foreign
policy puzzle that these
conflicting objectives pose - but a friendly chat
with Tony is not going to
get the ideas flowing any faster. On the contrary,
Blair's grandstanding on
Zimbabwe makes it harder for Mbeki to act against
Mugabe.
The British intervention in Sierra Leone worked because the
politics were
uncomplicated. This is not to pretend that the Kabbah
government is
spotless. The Revolutionary United Front, however, did not
have a programme
for making things better, and before the British
intervention was busy
making things a lot worse. What is more, Sierra
Leoneans - unlike
Zimbabweans - were never dispossessed of land by British
settlers, and never
saw the descendents of British settlers delay their
independence by 20
years. Britain in 1999 was able to re-enter the Sierra
Leonean story as a
benevolent force.
British foreign policy is one
thing. The needs of African societies are
another. On the occasion when
these objectives coincide, well, then it's
print fabric and coy smiles all
round. But those occasions are rare.
SW Radio
Africa (London)
1 June 2007
Posted to the web 1 June
2007
Tichaona Sibanda
The MDC's deputy national organising
secretary Morgan Komichi, is battling
for life in remand prison as
authorities continue to block him from
receiving specialist medical
treatment.
Harare Magistrate Gloria Takundwa ordered Komichi to be taken
straight back
to a prison hospital when he appeared for a remand hearing on
Friday.
Komichi is one of several activists who were savagely tortured in
police
custody, according to Jessie Majome, the MDC's deputy secretary for
Legal
Affairs.
Komichi was abducted from his home in Hwange,
Matebeleland North six weeks
ago and has a history of hypertension. He
appeared together with the other
29 activists who have been in remand prison
since 28th March, at the Harare
Magistrates court on Friday. They were
further remanded to Monday which
means they continue to be held in
jail.
'His hypertension has reached alarming levels and we are all
worried about
it. His condition is life threatening and this was noticed by
the magistrate
who immediately granted an order that he be taken straight to
the prison
hospital,' Majome said.
The magistrate also ordered the
police to investigate the alleged torture of
the political prisoners after
some of them appeared in court with fresh
wounds and bruises. Among those
who were having difficulties walking were
Philip Mabika, Shame Wakatama,
Piniel Denga and Komichi.
On Thursday High Court Judge Ben Hlatshwayo
postponed to June 6 the hearing
of the bail application by the 30 activists.
But the party's director of
elections Ian Makone was released on bail on
Wednesday.
Justice Hlatshwayo blocked attempts by state prosecutors to
further delay
the bail hearing by an additional two weeks. They had claimed
that the
police needed time to submit findings on their investigations in
South
Africa, where the MDC activists were allegedly were being trained as
saboteurs. Their lawyer Alec Muchadehama told the court that the state was
buying time at the expense of the freedom of his clients who are
continuously being denied their freedom and 'denied the benefit of being
presumed innocent until proven guilty.'
SW Radio Africa (London)
1 June
2007
Posted to the web 1 June 2007
Tichaona Sibanda
The
country's second largest city Bulawayo has run out of cash as the
economy
rushes towards total collapse. Government mismanagement has plunged
the
nation into a hyperinflationary spiral, bringing the economy to its
knees.
ZAPU President Paul Siwela told us he went to two separate
banks in the city
and was told there was no cash to dispense. He believes
stringent banking
regulations have discouraged a lot of people from
depositing their money
into banks.
Currently a corporate account
holder is only allowed to withdraw Z$3
million. This means a company can
only access the equivalent of US$30 a day,
making it impossible to keep a
business running or to pay wages. Individual
account holders can withdraw
Z$1,5 million a day. Siwela said such a
scenario forces people to think
twice before taking their money to the bank
because of the restrictions they
face when they want to withdraw part of the
money.
He said this has
precipitated a situation where money was no longer
circulating within the
financial or banking systems.
'How can people run businesses on US$60 a
day. It means people don't see the
reason why they should bank their money
and be restricted to withdraw Z$3 or
Z$1,5 million,' Siwela said.
The
dramatically accelerating crisis has forced many companies to shut down
countrywide and prices are doubling on a weekly or even a daily basis just
as the nation also struggles with a drought.
'One does wonder how
much longer can the economy be allowed to collapse,
because we now have a
mafia running the country and not a government,' said
Siwela.
The Herald
(Harare) Published by the government of Zimbabwe
1 June 2007
Posted
to the web 1 June 2007
Peter Matambanadzo
Harare
WHEAT farmers
managed to plant just under 40 percent of the targeted 76 000
hectares by
the May 31 planting deadline, a situation which could see the
country once
again having to rely largely on imports.
Secretary for Agriculture Dr
Shadreck Mlambo said this week an array of
problems affected wheat farmers
who had only managed to plant about 30 000
hectares ahead of the
deadline.
He cited shortage of farming equipment, fertilizers and
diesel as factors
that might further reduce the set targets.
Dr
Mlambo said only five million litres of diesel was supplied to farmers
when
they required about 13 million for the season.
He noted that shortage of
farming equipment was also affecting production on
farms.
"More than
30 000 hectares have so far been put under wheat as the winter
cropping
season enters its second half. This is about 30 percent of the
projected 76
000 hectares targeted for 2007 winter wheat cropping," Dr
Mlambo
said.
He could, however, not say how much hectarage was expected to be
put under
the late crop planted after the planting deadline.
Planting
wheat after May 31 results in reduced yields of about three tonnes
a hectare
or even less and is not recommended.
But Agriculture Minister Cde Rugare
Gumbo said the Government was satisfied
with the progress on the winter
wheat.
"Government is pleased with amount of hectarage of land that has
been put
under wheat this year. The country has already surpassed the amount
of land
put under the crop by this time last year.
"I am also pleased
that Government and the private sector have joined hands
in trying to
improve the supply side of the economy through increasing
production in
various sectors of the economy," Cde Gumbo said.
However, some farmers
have been accused of abusing the inputs they would
have accessed either
through bank loans or subsidised schemes, seriously
affecting
production.
Commenting on this, Dr Mlambo said the Government would crack
the whip and
deal with the culprits accordingly.
"Anyone who is
abusing the inputs facility regardless of their stature will
be brought to
book as they are drawing back the land reform," he said.
The
Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Lands and Agriculture recently
heard
from stakeholders who stated that it was impossible to reach the
projected
target of 76 000 hectares.
Zimbabwe requires about 400 000 tonnes of
wheat but the country has been
producing well below 200 000 tonnes over the
past few years.
The Herald (Harare)
Published by the government of Zimbabwe
EDITORIAL
1 June
2007
Posted to the web 1 June 2007
Harare
ONCE again, our
farmers have failed to meet the projected 76 000 hectares
needed for winter
wheat this season.
We would like to believe that the projected hectarage
was not just plucked
from the air but was predicated on the inputs the
Government disbursed and
the hectarage farmers who accessed the inputs
claimed they would manage.
So what went wrong?
Apparently
somebody somewhere did not honour his/her end of the bargain, and
we urge
the Government to get to the bottom of this mess.
All farmers who got
land did so on the understanding that they would use it
productively, and
every farmer who got inputs was supposed to invest them in
national
production.
By reneging on this noble contract, the farmers have put the
Government and
the nation in a difficult situation.
It is regrettable
that the Government; that commits scarce resources to
empower farmers
through bank loans, cheap fuel and subsidised input schemes,
ends up taking
the flak after some misguided individuals abuse well-meant
schemes for
self-enrichment not national production.
One does not have to be a genius
to visualise what is likely to happen over
the next three months; flour
shortages will feed into scarcity of bread. And
as the laws of supply and
demand decree, the bread shortage will trigger
price increases with
concomitant misery for the already overstretched
consumer.
Not only
that, the Government may also be forced to divert scarce foreign
currency
from productive sectors to import flour, which by dint of being
acquired at
great cost, will also necessitate an increase in the price of
bread.
What is regrettable is that almost the same farmers who have
let the nation
down again and again, are usually the ones who always access
inputs that
they do not use.
This is why we urge the Government to
come down hard on all farmers who
acquired inputs on the understanding that
they would use them productively
but failed to do so. They have to explain
why they did not honour their part
of the bargain.
Such farmers are
no different from the economic saboteurs who are bleeding
the economy
through illegal dealings that create personal rather national
wealth on a
daily basis.
We urge the Ministry of Agriculture to use the records at
Agribank and
various GMB depots countrywide to follow up on all
beneficiaries, who must
account for what they got from the
fiscus.
Unless adequate mechanisms are put in place to ensure that
farmers account
for what they are given, this vicious cycle will not
end.
But that is not all, we have also noted unwarranted shortages of
other
agricultural products like onions, tomatoes and even carrots simply
because
we have not structured our post-land reform agriculture to ensure
that a
variety of crops are grown.
Here again we would like to urge
farmers to try as much as possible to go
into the mode of agriculture that
used to be carried out by previous farm
holders.
Admittedly, part of
the failure also had to do with ignorance on the part of
some newly
resettled farmers who opted to pursue types of farming at
variance with the
agro-ecology of their land, again they have to be guided
by what the
previous owner was producing.
We hope this is the last time, farmers will
get away with it.
The Herald
(Harare) Published by the government of Zimbabwe
1 June 2007
Posted
to the web 1 June 2007
Harare
GOVERNMENT will soon put in place a
policy to control the importation of all
agricultural machinery so as to
prevent the market being flooded by
equipment ill-suited for local
conditions.
Speaking at the launch of the distribution of the tractors
imported by the
Zimbabwe Farmers' Development Trust -- a subsidiary of the
Farmers' World --
earlier this week, Agricultural Engineering and
Mechanisation Minister Dr
Joseph Made said there was need for central
government to protect farmers
from overcharging as well as ensure only
suitable machinery found its way
onto the farms .
"Government
will soon come up with a policy to regulate the types of
equipment coming to
Zimbabwe. No one will bring equipment in the country
without the consent of
Government.
"All tractors and farming implement will have to be checked
for their
suitability to the dry air ambient conditions and altitude
existing in the
country. They will also look at the conditions of the soil
in the country
and the machinery's horsepower.
"This will see my
ministry operating provincial, district and local offices
to assist in the
mechanisation programme," said Dr Made.
He said companies in the private
sector keen to participate in the
mechanisation programme or wishing to
import agriculture-related machinery
would be asked to advise Government who
will assign engineers to assess the
equipment's suitability in terms of the
country's geographical and climatic
conditions.
Government had
started mobilising new agricultural equipment and
rehabilitating old
equipment while several local and international suppliers
had already been
identified to provide services and ensure that the
programme achieved its
intended goals before the start of the next farming
season.
Said Dr
Made: "Government is prepared to revamp the industry and provide
resources
to jump-start agricultural mechanisation that has been put in
place."
He said inroads had already been made in sourcing tractors,
irrigation
equipment ox-drawn ploughs and other implements from both local
and
international suppliers in such countries as China, India, Brazil, Iran,
Algeria and Egypt, among others.
zimbabwejournalists.com
1st Jun 2007 23:31 GMT
By a
Correspondent
WASHINGTON D.C. - Peta Thornycroft has today been named
among top
international media women who will receive honours for doing their
work in
difficult circumstances.
The International Women Media's
Foundation (IWMF) announced today it will
present its Lifetime Achievement
Award to Thornycroft, 62, who has been a
journalist for 35 years.
A
statement from the IWMF, which in 2002 awarded former Daily News Political
Editor, Sandra Nyaira, with a Courage in Journalism Award for her work at
the banned newspaper, said Thornycroft was one of the few remaining
independent journalists in Zimbabwe.
"She reports on human rights
abuses, farm occupation, the state of the
country as commodities become
scarce and inflation rises, and government
repression," read the statement.
"A foreign correspondent for British,
American and South African news media,
she renounced her British citizenship
and became a citizen of Zimbabwe after
the government ruled that all
journalists working in Zimbabwe had to be
citizens of the country."
Thornycroft has been accused of terrorism and
barred from court proceedings,
and in 2002 she was arrested while
investigating reports of a campaign
against members of the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change. At the
same time, she has led journalism
training initiatives benefiting thousands
of southern African journalists,
said the IWMF.
The IWMF also announced this years Courage in Journalism
Award winners.
Lydia Cacho of Mexico, Serkalem Fasil of Ethiopia, and the
Iraqi Women
Reporters of McClatchy's Baghdad Bureau will all be honoured
with the
Courage in Journalism Awards at ceremonies to be held in the United
States
later this year.
Cacho travels with guards because of ongoing
threats to her life.
Also to be honoured is a group of women reporters
who every day risk their
lives to cover the war in Iraq and an Ethiopian
publisher who gave birth to
a son while confined to a vermin-infested jail
cell for her work.
"These women have shown dedication and bravery in
reporting and in their
commitment to journalism," said Judy Woodruff, chair
of the IWMF Courage in
Journalism Awards. "They tell tough stories that need
to be told, and in
doing so, help defend freedom of the
press."
Winners of the 2007 Courage in Journalism Awards
are:
Lydia Cacho, 43, correspondent for CIMAC news agency and feature
writer for
Dia Siete magazine in Mexico. Cacho, a journalist for more than
two decades,
has endured numerous death threats because of her work
reporting on domestic
violence, organized crime and political corruption. In
2004, Cacho published
The Devils of Eden, a book based on her research on
child pornography among
Mexican politicians and businessmen. A year later,
she was arrested on libel
charges and driven to a jail 20 hours from her
home in Cancun, with officers
hinting that there was a plan to rape her. In
recent years, she has written
extensively about pedophiles. In February
2006, a tape recording of a
conversation between a businessman and a Mexican
governor discussing a plan
to have her arrested and raped was obtained by
the media. Several years
earlier, in 1998, Cacho was raped and beaten in the
bathroom of a bus
station. She doesn't know if the attack was related to her
work. On May 8,
while Cacho was testifying at the trial of a pedophile she
has written
about, her car was sabotaged. Cacho is also a human rights
advocate; she is
the founder and director of the Centro Integral de Atencion
a las Mujeres in
Cancun, a crisis center and shelter for victims of sex
crimes, gender-based
violence and trafficking.
Serkalem Fasil, 26, of
Ethiopia. The former co-owner and publisher of the
weekly newspapers Asqual,
Menilik and Satenaw, Fasil was one of 14 editors
and reporters of
independent and privately-owned newspapers arrested after
publishing
articles critical of the government's actions during the May 2005
parliamentary elections. The journalists were accused of genocide and
treason, charges that could bring life imprisonment or the death penalty.
While in jail, Fasil gave birth to and cared for a son, who was premature
and underweight due to inhumane conditions and lack of proper medical
attention. She was released from prison in April 2007.
Six Iraqi
women journalists of McClatchy's Baghdad bureau: Shatha al Awsy,
Zaineb
Obeid, Huda Ahmed, Ban Adil Sarhan, Alaa Majeed and Sahar Issa.
Constantly
under duress, these women dodge gun battles and tiptoe around car
bombs to
do their jobs in the most dangerous country in the world for
journalists.
They are targeted for their work, and so are their families.
Their homes
have been destroyed and they've lost family members and friends.
Each day
they risk their lives just to get to work. They are driven by the
desire to
report accurately the situation in Iraq, to tell others what is
happening in
a world that is dissolving around them.
Created in 1990, the IWMF Courage
in Journalism Awards honour women
journalists who have shown extraordinary
strength of character and integrity
while reporting the news under dangerous
or difficult circumstances. This
year's awards will be presented at
ceremonies in New York on October 23 and
in Los Angeles on October
30.
The International Women's Media Foundation was launched in 1990 with
a
mission to strengthen the role of women in the news media worldwide. The
IWMF network includes women and men in the media in more than 130 countries
worldwide.
zimbabwejournalists.com
1st Jun 2007 23:35 GMT
By Pete Rosenberyt
CARBONDALE - The
Southern Illinois University School of Law honored a
prominent lawyer and
outspoken advocate for human rights in the African
nation of Zimbabwe during
commencement ceremonies on Saturday, May 12. 2007.
Arnold Tsunga received
the law school's 2007 Rule of Law Citation. The
citation is a formal
recognition by law school faculty "of the important
tradition of the legal
profession that requires lawyers to stand firm in
support of liberty and
justice in the face of oppression and, by their words
and actions, to honor
and support the Rule of Law even at great personal
risk," Dean Peter C.
Alexander said.
A total of 121 law students earned degrees in ceremonies
at Southern
Illinois University Carbondale's Shryock
Auditorium.
Tsunga is executive director of the Zimbabwe Lawyers for
Human Rights;
secretary to the Law Society of Zimbabwe; chair of the
Zimbabwe Human Rights
Association, or ZimRights; and a trustee of an
independent radio station,
"Voice of the People."
Tsunga received the
2006 Martin Ennals Awards for Human Rights Defenders.
Tsunga has also served
as an International Fellow of the University of
Minnesota 's Hubert H.
Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs.
According to the watchdog
organization Human Rights, Tsunga is a target of
his government because of
radio broadcasts criticizing the Zimbabwe
government and its president,
Robert Mugabe, for not respecting the rights
of all Zimbabweans, law
professor Mark R. Lee said during the ceremony.
Tsunga is the victim of
repeated harassment and threats by government
officials, Lee said. In 2002,
officials seized Tsunga without warrant, held
him for several hours, and
beat him in full view of the public. In January
2006, after police entered
his home, they held Tsunga's housekeepers at a
police station until Tsunga's
arrival and arrest. The three workers were
severely beaten while in custody,
Lee said.
And, according to a recent news release by Amnesty
International, police
assaulted several lawyers on Tuesday, May 8, before
their release. The
lawyers represent activists from political opposition
parties.
Law school officials placed a commencement hood and scroll on an
empty chair
in the front row with law school faculty.
"It symbolizes
this lawyer is with us in spirit as we celebrate the
accomplishments of our
graduates," Alexander said. "It is also a reminder to
our graduates that in
becoming a lawyer you may be called upon to take very
serious stands on very
important issues, and there may be very dire
consequences."
The Rule
of Law Citation raises public awareness "about the plight of this
attorney,"
Alexander said.
"We hold this person up to our students and their guests
as an example of
what a lawyer should be," he said.
Mail and Guardian
Harare, Zimbabwe
01
June 2007 11:10
The Southern African Development
Community (SADC) is to
produce a report by the end of the month on
Zimbabwe's economic and
political crises, reports said on
Friday.
"By the end of June, we must have a report
ready for the
relevant authorities," the state-run Herald quoted SADC
secretary general
Tomaz Augusto Salamao as saying.
"We are here to continue what we have started already --
that is doing our
assessment and research and come up with a recommendation
that we will
forward to the relevant authority."
Salamao is leading
a team from the regional bloc on a
follow-up mission to find a solution to
the problems of Zimbabwe, which has
witnessed widespread political violence
and is struggling under the impact
of an inflation rate above the 3 500%
mark.
The SADC secretariat was tasked at a summit in
March to
study ways and means through which the regional trading bloc could
assist in
the economic recovery of Zimbabwe.
Regional leaders at the summit in Dar es Salaam called on
Western nations to
lift a programme of targeted sanctions imposed on
President Robert Mugabe's
government.
SADC also tasked South African President
Thabo Mbeki with
mediating between the Mugabe regime and the opposition in
the countdown to
elections due next year.
In April
Salamao came to Zimbabwe and held meetings with
Mugabe, government officials
and various representatives of multilateral
agencies.
The next SADC summit will be held in
Zambia in August and
Zimbabwe is expected to dominate the agenda. --
Sapa-AFP
zimbabwejournalists.com
1st Jun 2007 01:42 GMT
By a
Correspondent
HARARE - Fuel stations have once again run dry in
Zimbabwe with fuel prices
rising to as much as $70 000 per litre on the
parallel market where it is
available.
Petroleum products merchants
in the country have been hoarding the precious
commodity to press for a
price adjustment.
This has led to a massive shortage and increase in fare
charges, hiting poor
workers hardest. Most workers in Zimbabwe now walk to
work with many opting
to stay at home because they cannot afford to pay the
high cost of
travelling and related costs.
Some employees have even
taken to sleeping at work to avoid the high cost of
travelling everyday as
inflation continues to eat away their earnings.
A survey conducted
yesterday revealed that most service stations in the
capital where dry while
others were simply not selling following threats of
arrests by the
government on fuel dealers for what it said was over pricing
of the
commodity.
Some service stations have even been forced to close
down.
The government has set an official price of $350 per litre, a far
cry from
the actual cost of importing the commodity.
Fuel dealers
have argued that the official price gazetted by the government
was not
viable as they source the hard currency on the parallel market where
the
rate is increasing on a daily basis.
By last night one pound was going
for $105 000.
Sources within the fuel industry said they had stopped
selling petrol and
diesel because they wanted the government to officially
increase the price
to avoid further arrests of fuel merchants.
An
official at Total Head office who refused to be named for fear of
reprisals
said the company had stopped selling and importing petroleum
products
because of the pricing problems with government.
"No Total service
station has fuel as we speak," the official said. "We are
not expecting any
deliveries until the problems surrounding the price of
fuel are sorted out,"
he said.
He said that negotiations with the government were ongoing but
refused to
shed more light on the progress of the negotiations.
The
shortage of fuel has worsened transport problems as state owned National
Oil
Company of Zimbabwe (Noczim) fails to supply enough fuel for the nation
due
to capacity problems and a shortage of foreign currency to import the
fuel.
Public transport operators have increased fares to $15 000 per
trip into
town and in some cases to as much as $30 000 per trip to distant
satellite
towns such as Chitungwiza.
Only some of the Caltex service
stations had the petrol and diesel in Harare
but customers must first obtain
coupons to access the commodity.
The Caltex system is mostly used by
Zimbabweans in the diaspora who purchase
coupons directly from Caltex and
send the coupons to relatives in Zimbabwe.
But Caltex requires minimum
purchases of about 2500 litres and this has made
it difficult for most local
Zimbabweans.
Illegal fuel dealers who conduct their business outside most
of these Caltex
service stations are selling a 25 litre coupon at $1 450 000
which
translates to $58 000 per litre.
However other dealers who
supply liquid fuel charge as much as $350 000 per
5 litre container of
petrol.
Energy and Power Development minister Mike Nyambuya could not be
reached to
comment on the latest developments.
But a ministry
official said that government was aware that fuel suppliers
were hoarding
fuel to press for a price review.
Zebra Press, 2006,
$29.95
You may never have heard of Geoffrey Nyarota, but, a world away in
Zimbabwe, many consider him a contemporary folk hero. In 1999, Nyarota founded
the Daily News, a newspaper whose lifespan was brief but whose determination to
tell the truth about President Robert Mugabe’s noxious government is now
legendary—not to mention brave. Though Mugabe is not exactly tolerant of
criticism, the upstart Daily News dragged his ruinous economic policies and
human rights abuses out in the open for all to see. By the time the government
banned the newspaper in 2003, Nyarota had been jailed six times and stalked by a
would-be assassin, and the newspaper’s printing presses blown to kingdom
come.
The reputation of the memoir isn’t riding high these days, but don’t let the subtitle of Nyarota’s book put you off. There’s not a speck of self-indulgence in Against the Grain: Memoirs of a Zimbabwean Newsman—no hyperbole, no sensationalism. Nyarota’s real subject is not himself, but Zimbabwe. “In little more than two decades,” he writes, “Mugabe reduced a prosperous nation, once the breadbasket of Southern Africa, to a basket case.”
That Nyarota can write with dispassion (and occasional amusement) about a country of extremes is a bit of a miracle: The average life expectancy in Zimbabwe—37 years for men, 34 for women—is the lowest in the world; its rate of inflation, upward of 1,700 percent, is the highest. Reading this book is probably the closest we’ll ever get to the style, restraint, and balance of the defunct Daily News.
Learning the outlines of Nyarota’s life is also a fine crash course in the history of Zimbabwe. He was born in 1951, when the country was the British colony Rhodesia, a place where the black majority suffered overt racial discrimination. As a boy, he was captivated by languages and literature. (He had a serious soft spot for Latin, which he credits for shaping his English vocabulary.) He dreamed of practicing journalism, but that was seen as a white man’s job. So he became a teacher, one of the few professions open to black university graduates. In the 1970s, Nyarota was teaching in a rural area when black resistance to white minority control turned into civil war. Mugabe, the leader of a major guerilla army, emerged as a national hero.
In 1980, when Prime Minister Ian Smith surrendered political power to the black majority, Rhodesia was reborn as Zimbabwe. Mugabe, elected prime minister, built schools and hospitals, vowed to mend the rift between blacks and whites, and boosted the country’s industries. Nyarota, who had seized an opportunity to train as an investigative journalist, earned a reputation as a reporter whose stories were hard-hitting, elegantly written, and scrupulously researched. It was a hopeful time for Zimbabwe.
Then, the unthinkable happened. Mugabe, liberator of his people, turned into a caricature of an African dictator. After exposing corruption in Mugabe’s cabinet, Nyarota was hounded by the police. It was then that Nyarota conceived of a publication that would tell the truth to Zimbabwe’s citizens and might activate change so that the democratic promises of 1980 could be realized—the Daily News.
These days, Nyarota often asks journalists whether they would die for a story. When “they answer in the affirmative, expecting to please me, I always tell them: ‘Rather than die for a story, live to write two more.’”
You may be wondering how Nyarota’s story connects with life in the peaceful Mid-Hudson Valley. When Mugabe’s government succeeded in outlawing his newspaper, Nyarota knew his number was up. And so, for the last four years, the editor in exile has lived in our neck of the woods. From Bard College, he runs the Zimbabwe Media Project, which produces the online Zimbabwe Times (www.zimbabwetimes.com). Its motto? “News Without Fear or Favor.”
Geoffrey Nyarota’s Against the Grain describes a life led with the same mix of mettle and integrity. We are lucky to have such a clear-eyed and eloquent guide to Zimbabwe’s troubles.
Reuters
Fri Jun 1, 2007
5:28AM EDT
By Jeremy Lovell
LONDON (Reuters Life!) - Lauren St John
was just 11 when Rhodesia's war of
independence hit home as the chair next
to her in school was suddenly empty
one morning -- her friend Bruce shot
dead in an attack on his farmhouse
home.
Nearly 30 years later after
shattered innocence, followed by denial and
guilt she has decided to tell
her tale in a book whose title "Rainbow's End"
not only uses the farm's name
but is an allegory for modern Zimbabwe's
suffering millions.
Once a
respected symbol of the independence struggle in southern Africa,
Zimbabwe's
President Robert Mugabe -- in power since independence from
Britain in 1980
-- has become a pariah with inflation at 3,700 percent and
an economy in
meltdown.
"It is about betrayal -- by my father of us, by the whites of
black
Zimbabweans but also of the black Zimbabweans by Mugabe," St John
said.
The book opens with the killing of her friend Bruce Forrester, his
father
Ben and grandmother as well as a family friend in a hail of bullets
on the
evening of January 9, 1978 at the height of the bush war.
It
then tracks backwards to 1975 and charts her life moving from Rhodesia to
Cape Town and then back again, through the war, the break-up of her family
due to her father's infidelities, through independence in 1980 up to 1983
when she left.
"Writing this was a cathartic experience for me. I had
locked away the
memories and the feelings. But when I sat down to write this
it all came
flooding back," St John said.
It is a very personal tale
of a bloody conflict seen through the eyes of a
very young girl who had to
grow up very fast as the fighting came closer.
When her family moved into
Rainbow's End farm nine months after the murders,
she found blood from that
night in her bedroom.
But even then, with the war drawing closer all the
time and phone calls to
the farm threatening a repeat of the Forrester
murders, it was not until
independence that she fully understood the lie she
and her fellow whites had
been living.
"Independence opened my eyes
to reality. Only then did the scales fall away
and I realized we had been
living parallel lives," St John, a former golfing
journalist, biographer and
budding children's author, said.
"I also realized that as blacks and
whites had been living parallel lives,
so had my father with his affairs. I
grew up very quickly," she added.
St John, who is now reconciled with her
father who still lives in Zimbabwe
despite all the difficulties, returns
every year to visit the country she
still loves.
It was the contrast
between the harmonious multi-ethnic life she saw in
Harare on a visit in
2000 and the sudden collapse of the thriving agrarian
economy that started
three weeks later with Mugabe's state-sponsored land
grab that triggered the
book.
"That started me thinking. Here was a country being plunged back
into the
stone age," St John said.
"We betrayed the blacks by denying
them land ownership, but Mugabe is
betraying them all over again. The plots
of land they are given are simply
not viable.
"Things have got so bad
there now that I don't think Zimbabweans can rescue
themselves. If they
haven't done anything with inflation at 3,700 percent
then what hope is
there. South Africa must help," she added.
SW
Radio Africa (London)
1 June 2007
Posted to the web 1 June
2007
Lance Guma
The rigging of elections by Zimbabwe's
Registrar General seems to have
rubbed off onto student council elections at
the University of Zimbabwe a
week ago.
Following accusations of
double voting and the use of riot police to
intimidate voters, progressive
student leaders at the university are said to
be contemplating the formation
of a rival union to represent students. The
feeling is that Zanu PF
sponsored candidates were able to grab key posts on
the back of massive
financial backing and outright rigging.
Washington Katema, a
coordinator with the Zimbabwe National Students Union
(ZINASU) told Newsreel
the idea was one among many that came out during a
brain storming session
between students, after the chaos of 23rd May. It's
alleged one of the
candidates in the election, Christopher Mutangadura,
called in 3 truckloads
of riot police to force a counting of votes after
students confiscated
ballot boxes, protesting at the rigging that was taking
place. Other
candidates like Edwin Kunaka allegedly canvassed for votes
right outside the
polling booths and the general impression in the student
community is that
the election was stage managed to produce a result
favourable to
government-sponsored candidates.
Despite the dean of students nullifying
the poll, Vice Chancellor Levy
Nyagura is said to have over-ruled him and
endorsed the process. Clever
Bere, the SRC President at the National
University of Science and Technology
who observed the poll, condemned it as
fundamentally flawed. 'Is this what
you call an election?' he is said to
have asked his colleagues.' Another
student leader, Blessing Vava noted that
'it is disturbing when rigging
start at grassroots level and it shows how
desperate ZANU PF has become, as
revealed by their big involvement in
student activism.'
Meanwhile a ZINASU student leader Tellington Kwashira,
who was abducted by
suspected ruling party thugs in the Goromonzi farming
area on Wednesday,is
said to have been released on the same day. Kwashira is
the Education and
Research secretary for ZINASU and was serving his
industrial attachment with
the General Agricultural and Plantation Workers
Union of Zimbabwe in the
area.
A ZINASU statement said he was on an
official farm workers assessment visit
when he was taken to a ZANU PF office
near Ruwa. It's there that he was
allegedly detained and assaulted. The mob
used the usual government rhetoric
as an excuse, accusing him of working
with the British government to reverse
the land reform programme in
Zimbabwe.
From The Star (SA), 1 June
Angela Quintal
The government had no information
about divisions within Zimbabwe's ruling
Zanu PF or that there were internal
party concerns about President Robert
Mugabe's candidacy next year. Replying
to questions in the National Assembly
yesterday, President Thabo Mbeki said:
"I'm not quite sure where the matter
comes from, but certainly it does not
represent any knowledge that the South
African government has, and it is
certainly not something that we would want
to cook up. There may well be
other people in society who think so and may
have that information, but we
don't." Mbeki is mediating between Zanu PF and
the opposition MDC in line
with a Southern African Development Community
resolution. Foreign Minister
Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma this week again rejected
calls for tough action
against Zimbabwe during debate on her budget vote.
She told MPs that SA was
determined to maintain an approach that would not
push countries like
Zimbabwe over the brink. The success of attempts by
Mbeki to facilitate
dialogue between Mugabe's government and the opposition
would largely depend
on Zimbabweans themselves - particularly the "political
will of the
Zimbabwean government and opposition political parties - to take
Zimbabwe
out of this crisis".
Eddie Cross
If you are a farm boy like
myself, you will be very well acquainted with the
dip tank. It's a concrete
lined rectangular tank - quite deep at the
"plunge" end rising rapidly to
the "walk out" end with a long drainage
shute to a holding pen on the other
side. The purpose is to remove the
accumulated parasites off the skin of the
cattle and to give them some
protection from reinfection for a few days out
in the veld. It is filled
with water and dosed with an appropriate
insecticide.
On dipping day the cattle are brought together and herded
into a holding pen
that leads via a short shute to the dip tank. They have
been through this
before and although it is not a pleasant exercise they
seem to get used to
it and when pressured from behind they leap, one by one,
into the tank and
swim to the others side where they then climb out dripping
wet from head to
toe.
In the past week we have heard from several
commentators that the MDC/Zanu
PF talks are on track. Because of the secrecy
surrounding this process we do
not know exactly what that means but words
along those lines have come from
President Mbeki, Union Buildings in Tswane,
the German Parliament and
yesterday from Tony Blair in South Africa. By now
you will know that these
talks are the first ever between the two political
movements (both fractured
into several pieces) since the MDC was formed in
1999.
We also know that the talks are expected to lead to an agreement
about the
required conditions for a "free and fair" election in March 2008
by the end
of June. Today it is the 1st of June so in four weeks time we
should know
what is happening and can postulate what will happen
next.
I was very skeptical about this whole process at the start, but the
more I
have seen, both on the inside and the outside, has persuaded me that
this
time we might just have some chance of success and get a shot at real
change. It is the dip tank process that persuades me of this.
To be
successful the process requires a number of things. First you have to
muster
the cattle. That means you send out into the field several men who
are
familiar with the land and the cattle and get them to herd the players
towards the dip tank and then finally into the holding pen. In this
particular exercise, this has been achieved. Dipping was set down for
March
2008 and then the SADC States set about getting the cattle involved
into the
pen. This has been done and not without a bit of cussing and cracks
of long
whips made from good African rawhide.
The pen on this
occasion is an interesting one. I have worked with wild
cattle in
Matabeleland and can recall one scene where some Brahman animals
were being
penned for handling and I saw an animal sail over a gate that was
at least 6
foot high. Once free we never saw him again and the Rancher told
me that he
had to actually shoot the animal later as ration beef as they
simply could
not pen him for handling and loading.
The walls surrounding this dip tank
pen are too high for any of the
participants to get over. On the right hand
side we have the position of the
international community. They met earlier
this year and told those
responsible for this operation that they wanted
five basic benchmarks to be
met before they would recognise a new government
in Zimbabwe and provide the
resources required to get the country back on
its feet. These fundamental
demands have been set out with great clarity and
in specific terms, if they
are not met then what is the purpose of any
agreement? We have to have
international support to climb out of this deep
hole we are in at present.
Rescue is impossible without a rope!
The
very people herding the cattle - the leaders of the SADC, crafted the
other
side of this pen some years ago. They sat down and agreed that a "free
and
fair" election had certain common characteristics. These were defined
and
laid out in the SADC Protocols or principles for democratic activity.
All the
leaders at the time agreed that they would conduct their own
elections on
this basis and this decision laid the groundwork for much of
the progress in
the SADC that we have seen since then.
This side of the pen cannot be
broken out of, as they would be allowing one
of their numbers to violate the
very rules they prescribed and adopted for
the region as a whole. Indeed
they can legitimately say that the one bull in
this holding pen actually had
agreed to these conditions when they were
drafted and has been in violation
of them for some years now! They know this
bull well and they know that
given half a chance he will break out of the
pen and run. He is therefore
the target of a specific containment exercise
and a big whip is being used
to bring him into line if and when required.
So this weekend we are about
to close the gate on the cattle herded into the
holding pen. Once in there
they must decide how they are going to approach
that dip tank. I am told
that those with the whip are saying that no one
will be allowed to leave the
pen until all have been through the dipping
process.
For those of us
who have been demanding just such an intervention, the dip
tank holds no
fears. Lets get it over with, we say. For those who fear the
dip tank, they
do not know what lies ahead and they are deeply apprehensive.
The talks that
will start in the next few days will be about how to
translate conditions on
the ground in Zimbabwe into the clear requirements
laid out by the
international community and the SADC. They will not be about
the
requirements for a free and fair election - these are known and
predetermined. It is what we have to do to satisfy those requirements that
is at stake.
There is no way the cattle can avoid going through the
dip. Behind are a
number of herdsmen with cattle prods - battery operated
machines that
deliver a powerful shock to the rear end of any reluctant
animal. From the
sides of the pen you cannot see the prod being administered
because of the
dust and the heaving bodies, but you can clearly see the
effect! Once in the
dip, the liquid does the rest. We can expect that if we
can get to a free
and fair election, that the people will deal with the
parasites in our
midst. Those that survive the dip can then get on with the
task of
rebuilding our suffering land.
Eddie Cross
Bulawayo, 1st
June 2007
African Path
Ntandoyenkosi Ncube
June 01, 2007 10:15 AM
IN an extraordinary display of indifference
to what the world thinks
of Zimbabwe's political and economic woes, the
ruling party, Zanu-PF has
began a series of embedded and cheque-book
journalism to unleash the highest
level of propaganda to all corners of the
world.
This was marked by the recent seventy-seven
(77) paged sponsored supplement published in one of world's leading
magazine, NewAfrica on behalf of Zimbabwe government.
Zanu-PF which is now venturing on grim "party public relations
campaign"
following the 11 March barbaric attacks by police on innocent
civilians,
opposition party and civic leaders, through the ministry of
Information and
Publicity hired veteran journalist and NewAfrica editor
Baffour Ankomah to
lift the government and party's face.
Ankomah whose was on
an all expenses paid trip was hosted for a week
at Harare's plush Rainbow
Towers Hotel, formerly Harare Sheraton. "I went to
Zimbabwe at the
invitation of the Zimbabwean government, because it wanted
to tell its side
of the story", Ankomah said in his report.
Zimbabwe's 11
March moment of madness was described by the
international community as a
"barbaric act not even belonging to the 20
first century" and as a "shame
and embarrassment to Africa" according to
African Union and Ghana President,
John Kufour.
Subsequent to the March events Zambian
president, Levy Mwanawasa
described Zimbabwe as "A sinking
titanic".
Ankomah carried interviews with President Robert
Mugabe, the police
and featured articles authored by Zanu-PF gurus and its
political
sympathizers which political activists dismissed "not only as the
highest
level of propaganda but a complete falsity and an exercise of
treachery
never to be expected in the media".
"I have
gone through the supplement several times. It's nothing but
highest level of
propaganda, falsity and treachery not to be expected in any
form of media",
political activist Simbarashe Mutangadura in Johannesburg
said.
He added: "Zanu PF was now resorting to using
paid supplements as a
last resort to improve its battered image as the
international media was
very critical of its mismanagement and the suffering
of the people in
Zimbabwe".
Sources with direct
information to what happened said reserve bank
governor Gideon Gono paid
approximately US$ I,6 million to a UK based IC
Publications which publishes
NewAfrica.
The amount can feed starving Zimbabweans for
period of more than two
months.
Efforts to obtain a
comment on the issue from IC Publications were
fruitless as Ankomah and
publication marketing and advertising department
did not respond to
questions posted to them by the time of going to press.
During
the 2002 presidential election the government introduced
several radio and
television campaign strategies, apart from recording music
albums,
government had other ideas for television and radio. It began to
record and
release a series of Chave Chimurenga (its now war) music campaign
jingles.
By September 2004, there were several music jingle
titles dominating
the airwaves and they included Kwedu Kumachembere,
Sisonke, Our Future,
Siyalima, Mombe Mbiri Nemadhongi Mashanu, Uya Uone
Kutapira Kunoita Kurima,
Rambai Makashinga, Sendekera Mwana Wevhu and Zesa
Yauya neMagetsi. Save for
Zesa Yauya neMagetsi which centers on the rural
electrification programme,
the rest of the music jingles promote farming and
the land redistribution
programme.
An estimate made in 2003
for one Chave Chimurenga music jingle titled
Rambai Makashinga showed that
for radio (four stations) it was being played
approximately 288 times a day,
which amounts to 8 640 times per month. On
television the advert was
flighted approximately 72 times a day, which
amounts to 2 160 times a
month.
Below are some annotations, extractions and
citations made by the
president during his exclusive interview with Baffour
Ankomah:
"THEY WILL GET MORE TSVANGIRAIS BEATEN
UP".
"If a person challenges the police, breaches law and
order, and thinks
the police would just look at him and shake hands with
him, and say "you've
done a good thing by tossing and pushing us around",
well, he is quite
mistaken. The police are there to maintain law and order.
And it doesn't
matter who, if you threaten them with force, they will answer
back with
force.
We may regret that in doing their
work, they might have exceeded the
punishment they gave them. But these
things happen.
It happens in war, it happens everywhere. If
you challenge the police,
don't think they are going to be merciful with you
at all. The opposition
can do another 11 March incident, certainly if they
do a repeat, and if they
dare challenge the police, they will get more
Tsvangirais beaten up", The
president said.
"AMBASSADORS WILL CERTAINLY BE KICKED OUT".
"We have read
them the riot act, and if they continue to do that, we
will certainly kick
them out of the country. It doesn't matter who it is. If
America wants a man
like Christopher Dell [their ambassador] to remain here,
then he's got to
behave because we will not brook further nonsense from
him.", Mugabe
said.
"THE OPPOSITION IS AN EXTESSION OF
IMPERIALIM".
"The opposition is an extension of imperialism, they
are agents of
imperialism; they are not home-grown opposition people, they
were put
together as an opposing package by the British, the three parties
in
Britain - the Labour Party, Conservative Party and the Liberal Democrats
-
established the Westminster Foundation Fund, and it was on the strength of
that fund that the MDC was formed. They chose the leaders, and they had to
come from the labour movement. Tsvangirai became the president of the new
movement, and they took Welshman Ncube from the university to become
secretary-general. But now they have split into two, and we think they can
even split into four, and like the amoeba go on multiplying until they come
to nothing", said Zimbabwe president.
"IT IS THE
PREROGATIVE OF THE PRESIDENT TO CALL ELECTIONS".
"Ready or not
ready, we will have elections next year. Mind you, it is
the prerogative of
the president to call elections any time. But in this
particular case, a
presidential election is constitutionally due in March or
soon after March,
because the current presidential term ends in March. So we
must go to
elections then. If they are not quite ready, well, hard luck.
They must get
ready. In politics you must stay ready. So if you are not
ready and you
think in politics we should wait for you, to enable you to
take your time?
It is when we judge that you are not ready, and we can take
advantage of
your being unprepared, that we perform best, isn't it? These
are tricks of
electioneering and it's done all over. But anyway in this
particular case,
they knew that the presidential election was due in March
next year - they
have had six years to prepare, surely they must be able to
do something",
President Mugabe told Ankomah.
WHO ARE YOU TO TALK ABOUT
THE CONSTITUTION?
"Buy you don't just conceive a
constitution, who are you? The majority
of the people support the ruling
party, that's why we are ruling, and the
majority of the people have not
demanded a new constitution. However, the
government is prepared to offer
amendments if the opposition want amendments
to the constitution. We will
discuss them in the context of what we
ourselves are proffering", He
said
A NEW CONSTITUTION IS OUT OF
QUESTION.
"Out of the question, certainly! Our current
constitution has
undergone various amendments and there is no way a fresh
constitution can be
written between now and March. The opposition must have
a mandate from the
people for that kind of thing to happen, and they haven't
got it. They are a
minority party and they can't call the
tune".
MY PARTY HAS NOT FOUND A
SUCCESSOR.
"Well, for as long as I can go and for as long
as the party wishes me
to go. That's the combination. And if the party says
stand, it means the
party has not found a successor. We will find a
successor in due course",
the president said
The Herald
(Harare) Published by the government of Zimbabwe
1 June 2007
Posted to
the web 1 June 2007
Harare
THE Zanu-PF Politburo has set up a task
force comprising three Cabinet
ministers to investigate reports of the
discovery of a diesel-like liquid in
Chinhoyi and Kariba in Mashonaland West
Province.
The move follows a visit by a committee made up of security
forces,
Government officials, academics and traditional leaders, led by
Deputy
Police Commissioner Godwin Matanga, to the two places last weekend to
investigate the discovery.
The ministerial task force --
comprising Cde Sydney Sekeramayi (Defence),
Cde Kembo Mohadi (Home Affairs)
and Cde Didymus Mutasa (National Security,
Lands, Land Reform and
Resettlement) -- begins its work today by visiting
Mashonaland West
Province.
The Matanga-led committee reported its findings to the Zanu-PF
Politburo on
Wednesday, when the ruling party's policy-making organ held a
routine
meeting, following which the decision to appoint a ministerial task
force
was made.
It is understood the committee told the Politburo
that it was satisfied that
the liquid oozing out near Chinhoyi Caves and
Makuti was pure diesel.
A video footage of the visit by the committee was
shown to the Politburo.
The video showed the liquid gushing out of a rock at
the summit of a hill
near Chinhoyi Caves and Makuti.
Zanu-PF
Secretary for Information and Publicity Cde Nathan Shamuyarira
announced the
establishment of the ministerial task force at a Press
conference in Harare
yesterday.
"The ministers have been tasked by the Politburo to go to the
two areas and
ascertain if there is diesel and report back as soon as
possible. If we
establish that we have a marketable quantity of oil
deposits, that will be a
big boost and relief to the nation because fuel has
been expensive," said
Cde Shamuyarira.
Kariba legislator Cde
Shumbayaonda Chandengenda, who was part of the Matanga
team, said they were
led to the areas by a spirit medium (mhondoro) called
Sekuru
Dombo.
He said the spirit medium performed some traditional rituals
before they
proceeded to the site where large quantities of "diesel" were
gushing out.
Cde Chandengenda said some vehicles were filled with the
liquid and were
driven without any problems.
Mashonaland West
Governor and Resident Minister Cde Nelson Samkange, Chief
Manyepa Dandawa,
and Chief Bepura, among others, were present when the
Matanga-led team
visited the areas.
The legislator said Sekuru Dombo told them that the
"diesel" was a gift from
ancestral spirits and should be used for the
benefit of the whole country.
If the liquid is proved to be diesel, then
the discovery would come barely a
year after diamond and emerald finds
triggered a rush in parts of
Manicaland.
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
01 June
2007
All residents associations in Zimbabwe, converged in
Masvingo Thursday, to
discuss the state's countrywide take over, of the
management of water and
sewerage systems, from local authorities.
The
government repealed the Water Act of 1976, and passed into law the Water
Act
of 1998, which authorized the Zimbabwe National Water Authority, to run
and
manage all of the country's water resources.
But residents, local
authorities and other stakeholders, including some
lawmakers, have opposed
the decentralization of water management in the
country, because they said,
the state cannot carry out the services as
efficiently as local
authorities.
Combined Harare Residents Association vice chairman Israel
Mabhowo, who
attended the three-day convention in Masvingo, told reporter
Jonga
Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe, that they hope to find a
solution
to the take over and issues of compensation to local authorities
over the
assets taken by ZINWA.
VOA
By Carole Gombakomba
Washington
01 June
2007
All healthcare staff from Harare's two main referral
hospitals, Parirenyatwa
and Harare Hospitals, have threatened to join their
junior and senior
counterparts, and down their tool on Saturday, unless the
government
increases their salaries.
The healthcare staff reached
this decision following a meeting at the two
hospitals, Friday
afternoon.
The move comes one day after junior and senior residents from
Harare state
hospitals went on strike, demanding that the government pay
them $Z70
million a month, and US$3,000 for car loans.
Meanwhile,
some junior and senior residents at government hospitals in
Bulawayo, also
went on strike Friday, while the remaining 50 percent have
decided to stay
on their jobs to complete their housemanship.
Health secretary Henry
madzorere of the Movement for Democratic change led
by Morgan Tsvangirai,
told reporter Carole Gombakomba of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe, that the
junior doctors were justified in demanding high salaries,
which he believed
are in line with the rate of the country's more than 3,700
percent
inflation.
Zim Online
Saturday 02 June 2007
By Hendricks
Chizhanje
HARARE - Zimbabwe bank workers this week filed a 14-day notice
to embark on
a crippling job boycott to force employers to award them a 165
percent
salary increase granted by independent arbitrators last
March.
In a letter to the Bank Employers Association of Zimbabwe, the
Zimbabwe
Banks and Allied Workers Union (ZIBAWU) President Blessing Mujuru
said bank
employers had since March refused to comply with the order leaving
them with
no option but to resort to strike action.
Under the terms
of the arbitration award, the lowest paid worker could have
seen his salary
rise from Z$100 000 to $600 000 a month. The arbitrators
also ruled that
transport and housing allowances be reviewed bi-monthly to
cushion workers
from the current high inflationary environment.
"Notice is hereby given
of our intention to engage in an industrial
Collective Job Action in terms
of Section 104 (1) of the Labour Act Chapter
28:01 as amended.
"This
fourteen day (14) notice follows the failure or unwillingness by the
Bank
Employers Association of Zimbabwe to implement in full an Arbitral
Award
that was issued in the Cost of Living negotiations for the period 1
March
2007 to 30 June 2007," read part of the letter.
The lowest paid bank
worker earns about $600 000 a month, way below the
country's poverty datum
line which currently stands at Z$1.7 million a
month.
Zimbabwean
police last month barred the bank workers from demonstrating in
Harare over
the refusal by bank employers to honour the arbitration award
saying the
protest could be hijacked by unruly elements from the political
opposition.
Protests by workers over poor pay and working conditions
are common in
Zimbabwe that is in the grip of a severe eight-year old
economic crisis most
critics blame on President Robert Mugabe's
mismanagement of the economy.
The southern African country, once seen as
a model economy on the continent,
is battling with the world's highest
inflation rate of over 3 700 percent,
massive joblessness and poverty. -
ZimOnline
VOA
By James
Butty
Washington, D.C.
01 June
2007
Transparency International, the global civil society
organization that is
leading the fight against corruption, says most
Africans believe the
judicial systems in their countries is corrupt. In its
recent survey of
eight African countries, the group says one in five people
it polled said
they paid a bribe in their interaction with the judicial
system.
Transparency says of the eight countries polled, Niger, Nigeria,
Zambia, and
Zimbabwe were the most affected.
Casey Kelso is
Transparency International's regional director for Africa and
the Middle
East. He told VOA why people said they paid bribes to the
judicial systems
in their countries.
"There are two major reasons that corruption takes
place in the judicial
system across Africa. One is the lack of resources
that provide room for
corruption and often denies access to justice for the
poor. The other major
reason that we found was political influence. So
across the continent of
Africa, we found that from Zimbabwe to Algeria,
Zambia, Niger, there was
political influence over the selection of judges,
there was political
interference in the decisions such as in Zimbabwe to
remove judges that were
perceived as being ruling against the ruling party
or the party of the day,"
he said.
Kelso admitted that political
influence over the judiciary was not unique to
Africa. But he said Africa
was unique because of the level of violence
against
judges.
"Certainly one of the things we found is that political influence
is across
the world. In the United States, the current controversy of the
ruling party
there where the Republicans selectively getting rid of some
federal
prosecutors because they are perceived to be too liberal in the
interest or
the ideology of the ruling party there in the United States. So
it's not an
African problem per se, but the situation that really did seem
to be
different in Africa was the level of violent intimidation and outright
threat against judges," Kelso said.
From Nigeria to Uganda, judges
have recently handed down major rulings
against the ruling parties in those
countries. Kelso said the judiciary in
Africa has made some
progress.
"Yes, certainly I would say Transparency International views
both the
positive elements as well as some of the negative elements. In
Nigeria, the
judicial reform has made the people believe in the Nigerian
system of
justice. In Ghana, several reform initiatives, including the fast
track
initiative and a judicial council review of judges' behavior actually
seems
to have succeeded in reducing some corruption," he said.
Kelso
said Transparency International has been working to improve the
African
judicial systems.
"I think there's a couple of different steps in terms
of how we see judicial
reform stepping forward. One of the things that
Transparency has been doing
is to try to monitor how have people interacted
with the judiciary. I think
also there's an awareness raising that needs to
be done as well. One of our
initiatives in Madagascar, for example, helped
put out in both French as
well as the Madagascan language, brochures that
tell people exactly how to
deal with court procedures, how to file a court
case and that you don't need
to file with a bribe for a court official,"
Kelso said.
He also said part of the judicial reform being promoted by
Transparency
International is to make sure that judicial salaries reflect
the
performances and professional development of court officials who he said
are
often underpaid.
Cricinfo
staff
May 31, 2007
Zimbabwe's hopes of resuming playing Test
cricket have been dealt a hammer
blow by the ICC Cricket Committee which met
in Dubai this week.
The newly-constituted committee, chaired by Sunil
Gavaskar, has recommended
that the ICC does not allow Zimbabwe to return to
the Test arena "until such
time as the team demonstrates its ability to
perform at a standard that does
not risk undermining the integrity of Test
cricket". It continued: "In order
to be able to judge when Zimbabwe's
performance merits a return to Test
cricket, the committee felt the team
first needed to continue in its current
practice of playing a number of
representative four-day matches. The
committee encouraged the scheduling of
such matches against ICC Full Member
A teams and Associates with, for
example, the inclusion of Zimbabwe in the
next ICC Intercontinental
Cup."
Although the recommendations still have to be discussed by the ICC
executive
when it meets in London at the end of June, they will make it much
harder
for Peter Chingoka, the ZC chairman, to persuade other members that
Zimbabwe
are ready to resume playing Tests.
It has always been
stressed that Zimbabwe's suspension was at their own
behest, but there have
been increasing concerns that the standard of their
side is now so poor as
to threaten the ethos of Tests.
Zimbabwe first voluntarily suspended
themselves in 2004. They returned to
Tests in January 2005 but of eight
matches between then and their second
withdrawal in January 2006 they lost
all but one by massive margins, with
the one drawn match being severely
disrupted by rain. They have also won
only one of their last 19
ODIs.
If the committee's recommendations are accepted then Zimbabwe could
be added
to the eights countries in the 2007-08 Intercontinental Cup which
gets
underway next month and runs until late 2008. That would enable them to
play
four-day matches against the leading Associates as well as other series
against A teams.
There is unrest, especially among the Associates,
that Zimbabwe continue to
be heavily funded by the ICC - they are about to
receive US$11.5 million
from the World Cup - and yet they do little more -
less in some instances -
than Associates such as Ireland, Scotland and Kenya
who receive a fraction
of that money.
© Cricinfo
Harvard Political Review
By Mary Cox
Harvard Political Review: As the leader of
the opposition party, how
possible have you found it to advance a political
agenda in South Africa?
Tony Leon: South Africa has a lot of
possibilities, but it's also got a lot
of history, and history weighs quite
heavily on the present time. I always
think of that old joke told in Russia,
"We know the future; it's the past
that keeps changing." There's quite a lot
of contest about who did what in
the struggle, and a lot of our politics is
still burdened by racial
identities. So that makes it difficult to espouse
and advance non-racial
liberal democracy, which my party stands for, because
you tend to find that
the minority community will vote for you, and the
majority community will
align itself with the liberation party, which is the
African National
Congress. You want to break out of those particular racial
molds, but you
also have an electoral base that tends to reinforce them. To
me,
transcending race and getting into issues of ideology is the great
challenge, which we haven't overcome yet. On the other hand, I have to say
that when President Clinton came to South Africa in 1998, he requested a tea
party with the opposition in Parliament. He said the only question in
politics is, "Compared to what?" And if I look at the past in South Africa,
the real past, not to how we imagine it, it was a pretty brutal place. It
had no testing power for the Supreme Court, no multi-party politics, no
equal citizenship. Compared to that, it's fantastic now, but there are some
big challenges and some orange lights that are flashing which we must turn
to green. My party has established areas of control, including Cape Town,
the biggest city, and most of the municipalities in the Western Cape. I hope
we can use that as a base to expand and really become a national
alternative, not just a regional minority party.
HPR: You mentioned
the problem of race in politics. A decade after
apartheid, what exactly is
the status of race relations between people in
everyday
interactions?
TL: I think that "on the ground," at the grassroots level,
they're pretty
good. The white minority which held the monopoly of power
until 1994 has
come to terms pretty amiably with the fact that they're a
minority now and
they don't control the political power. And the black
majority, which you
might have expected would have gone for some racial
revenge after 350 years,
have not done that. On those two important facts we
can express a lot of
satisfaction. But in the "chattering classes," as the
English call them,
among the elite, there's an enormous amount of
race-holding. To take two
American examples, you have a lot of Al Sharptons,
and you have one or two
Don Imuses in our country, people who really are
race-warriors, who use race
as a club and a shield. But I would say that
it's much better on the ground
than it is at the top.
HPR: What are
the main policy issues that your party is facing right now and
what are you
trying to do to advance your positions?
TL: The biggest issue in South
Africa is poverty. In a sense we have the
most wonderful democratic
transitions, but most of our population lives on
the red line or below it
and we've got a massively unequal distribution of
income. It's as if we have
Belgium and India together in one country; we've
got a core of fantastic
development and a very large periphery of massive
underdevelopment. How does
one keep a market economy going, and at the same
time make sure that those
at the bottom actually start having some hope of
escaping poverty? One
approach by the government is called "Black Economic
Empowerment," which is
a nice concept, but it's made some exceptionally rich
blacks into
billionaires. It hasn't actually spread the economic wealth in a
proper way.
We don't want to do it in a Marxist way, we don't want to kill
the goose
that lays the golden eggs in the economy, but it's becoming a very
big
debate in South Africa.
The second major issue in South Africa is
determining our role in the world.
We've got quite a respectable position in
the world, but we use it sometimes
in bizarre ways. To show no action on
Darfur or in Zimbabwe shows that we
have this very impressive legacy of
human rights commitments, yet we
squander it in the international
forum.
HPR: Would you like to see South Africa taking a more active role
in cases
like Zimbabwe?
TL: Absolutely. I would like to see South
Africa standing up to its basic
principles and starting to export them
instead of shielding some
neighborhood oppressor from scrutiny. Even if we
can't make a difference, we
should at least do the right thing. Doing the
right thing often does make a
difference, but it surely does no harm. We've
gone in the opposite direction
and we could certainly do much
more.
HPR: From your experience, what have been the most important steps
in
building lasting democratic institutions?
TL: The most important
thing we did was to settle upon a constitution,
because that provides you
with the roadmap and a framework. Establishing a
democratic culture is more
prosaic, but also somewhat more difficult. And we
have all the "bells and
whistles" of a democracy, including Parliament and
Question Time, when the
Ministers have to answer. The spirit of true
governmental accountability is
something that still requires quite a lot of
attention and work in our
country. The executive often has disdain for the
legislature, which is also
an issue here in the United States. In a young
democracy, those issues are
more profound, because if you don't get it right
in the beginning, you might
never get it right at all. While having a
representative parliament with the
whole country represented is not a mean
achievement given our past, I
remember on the other hand Tolstoy's famous
description of a tree, where the
leaves enchant us more than the roots. I
think the leaves are very good but
sometimes the roots need more attention.
HPR: Do you feel like there's
faith among the people that this democracy
will work out, or do the problems
with unemployment, or any number of other
issues, disenchant the
people?
TL: I think it's mixed. There's a lot of deference toward
leadership, which
can be a very bad thing in our country. People tend to
say, "Well, the
government says it so it must be alright." On the other
hand, people are not
voting as much in South Africa. In the first election,
about 90% of people
voted, but in the last election, there was a 13%
drop-off. In a sense, the
people vote with their feet, and the disillusioned
just drop out of the
system completely. I don't think there's going to be
any violent revolution
in South Africa. But some people feel alienated from
the system. One of the
problems in our system is that we don't have
electoral districts, so
Parliament gets elected on a party list. This
process creates distance
between the legislators and the electorate. It's
very nice for me, as leader
of the party, because I get control over the
members of the Parliament, but
it's not good for the voters at all. Our
party and a lot of other people in
South Africa are very much in favor of
changing the system, so you can mix
proportional representation with the
constituents on a district basis, as in
the United States. Then you will
establish a more direct contact and bring
the government closer to the
people.
Posted on Tuesday, May 29, 2007 at 09:03PM
Columbia Tribune
By
NAT HENTOFF
Published Friday, June 1, 2007
The United Nations is
increasingly becoming a parody of itself while
American taxpayers last year
provided $439 million to the regular U.N.
budget - plus a headquarters in
New York that the U.N. management wants to
expand.
Not only has this
dysfunctional and occasionally corrupt organization failed
to stop the
genocide in Darfur, but on May 11, the insatiably brutal Robert
Mugabe's
government of Zimbabwe was elevated by the United Nations to chair
its
Commission on Sustainable Development - dealing with land, rural and
economic development, and the environment.
Astonished, The Economist
magazine on May 19 noted that Zimbabwe, once known
as "the breadbasket of
Africa," has had its agriculture "largely destroyed
by its government's
catastrophic policies."
This year, it was Africa's turn to lead the
Commission on Sustainable
Development, and the U.N.'s African members
shamefully and inexcusably
support Mugabe's government for that
post.
Zimbabwe is a disaster area. The country's own Social Welfare
Commission, as
reported by The New York Times on Dec. 19, found that 63
percent of the
rural population and 53 percent of the urban population
cannot meet basic
food requirements.
Under Mugabe's rule, Zimbabwe's
inflation is the highest on the planet -
more than 2,200 percent.
The
African nations voting to bestow "legitimacy" on Mugabe's terrorism
against
his own people closed their eyes and consciences to the fact - as
reported
by The Economist - that "every day, desperate Zimbabweans cross the
Limpopo
River, braving crocodiles and occasionally drowning, to try their
luck in
neighboring South Africa. Trapped into illegality there, many are
exploited
and abused."
Meanwhile, the liberator of Zimbabwe from white rule into
its present
wasteland is planning a 2008 campaign for an additional six-year
term and a
$4 million museum - a "shrine" - of his lifetime achievements, as
reported
in the May 2 issue of the Washington Times.
Mugabe will
surely win - if not by acclamation, then certainly through
long-practiced
intimidation.
In May, for example, he forbade Zimbabwe journalists -
those who still risk
beatings and prison for reporting the truth - from
marching in commemoration
of World Press Freedom Day, the May 7 New York
Times reported.
While the United Nations elevates Mugabe to alert the
world on vital issues
of sustainable development, on May 15, Christopher
Dell, who is ending a
three-year assignment as U.S. ambassador to Zimbabwe,
gave National Public
Radio his assessment of the living hell Mugabe has
created: "The metaphor I
have is that it is like a lake. And as the waters
of the lake recede, more
and more of the fish are being left to die in the
mud. At the center, the
big fish are swimming around nicely and making huge
fortunes, huge
fortunes."
Metaphor turns into reality in this Dec. 17
dispatch by Erik German of
Newsday from Victoria Falls, Zimbabwe: "A few
miles south from empty luxury
hotels in this once dazzling tourist spot,
dozens of gaunt young men survive
by scavenging food from the town dump.
Alan Sibanda, 23, has been coming
here ... for the past five years,
scuffling with baboons and vultures for
the least-rotten scraps. Since
midsummer, garbage has been his main source
of food."
I guess the
U.N. members who voted to honor Mugabe by making Zimbabwe the
head of the
Commission on Sustainable Development didn't bother to interview
Sibanda
before the final ballot.
To cap the current and chronic disgrace of the
United Nations, guess who the
new officers of the U.N. Disarmament
Commission are?
The chair is Syria, home of abundantly armed warring
factions, and the vice
chair, believe it or not, is Iran, the leading
prospect to blow up its
region of the world. Having this proud stoker of
nuclear destruction become
second-in-command of the U.N. Disarmament
Commission is like springing Jack
Abramoff from prison to fill the new
vacancy at the World Bank.
In one of its series of editorials, "Your U.N.
at Work," the May 19-20 Wall
Street Journal said: "It's a shame the U.S.
didn't respond to the outcome of
these two 'leadership' elections -
including Zimbabwe heading the
Development Commission - and walk away from
both of these useless U.N.
outfits."
It makes much more sense for us
to walk away from the United Nations itself,
period. There are other
organizations that - with more help from us and
other concerned nations -
can feed the hungry and provide medical aid for
those in need around the
world.
But Eleanor Roosevelt's dream of the United Nations serving as an
international beacon of human rights has become a nightmare of millions of
people's betrayed
hopes.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Nat
Hentoff is a nationally renowned authority on the First Amendment and
the
Bill of Rights and author of many books. His column is distributed by
United
Media.