The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Central bank governor absolves former finance minister
Sat 4 June 2005

      HARARE - Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono yesterday
absolved former finance minister Chris Kuruneri of any wrongdoing saying the
former finance minister had helped avert a "crisis which could have plunged
the country into chaos".

      Gono, the then chief executive officer of Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe
through which Kuruneri transferred huge sums of foreign currency to South
Africa, was testifying at the former minister's trial at the High Court

      Gono said Kuruneri had bailed out the country when it was in the
middle of a serious foreign currency crisis. He said Kuruneri responded when
he called for "help to meet urgent national obligations."

      Gono said he called Kuruneri as it was a "very urgent matter which
could have plunged this country into chaos." But the governor said he could
not divulge the nature of the crisis citing the Official Secrets Act which
prohibits the release of sensitive information.

      Gono said he contacted Kuruneri whom he knew "could do something" and
help "avert a crisis, with deep consequences on this nation and its

      Kuruneri went on to give the Reserve Bank governor US$500 000
insisting that the money should be "returned at a particular time and to a
destination of choice."

      Kuruneri is being charged with externalising US$500 000, 37 000
British pounds, 30 000 euros and R1.2 million in breach of Zimbabwe tight
exchange laws.

      The former minister allegedly used the funds to buy properties in
South Africa. He is denying the charge.

      The former finance minister has already been convicted of a lesser
charge of possessing a Canadian passport in violation of the country's
citizenship law which bars dual nationality. - ZimOnline

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FEATURE: Bringing back glamour in Harare among least of evicted residents'
Sat 4 June 2005
  HARARE - It is the hopeless faces of hungry children hurdled around a fire
built on the filthy black tarmac that is most touching.
      Tonight will be the eighth the children and their parents will spend
out in the open here at Harare's Mbare-Musika bus terminus since the wood
and plastic cabins - the only homes for many of these children since birth -
were burnt down in a police blitz on shanties and informal traders that
began two weeks ago.

      "We have nowhere to go," a middle-aged looking man stepped in to
explain on noticing our news crew trying to strike up a conversation with
the kids warming themselves by the fire.

      Without prompting, the man, who later identified himself as Garikayi
Chihwayi, immediately began narrating how his wife and two young children
ended up stuck here at the bus terminus without shelter or a means of

      "Word came that the police were destroying all (living) cabins and my
wife and myself had to rush back home to salvage our household furniture
before it was all burnt," said Chihwayi - anger unmistakable in his
trembling voice.

      Dropping his voice to a whisper, almost as if speaking to himself, he
added: "It turned out the police started by destroying street side market
stalls before the cabins and by the time we returned, all goods at our
vending stall had been destroyed - now I am here, broke and with no money to
take my family to our rural home."

      But even if he had the money to pay for bus fare to his rural home in
Rusape about 200km away, Chihwayi and his family would probably still be
stuck here as most rural buses are grounded because of an acute shortage of
fuel, itself only one among a slits of key commodities in short supply in

      Zimbabweans have grappled severe economic hardships and poverty with
shortages of food, essential medical drugs, electricity and other basic
commodities since the beginning of an economic recession now in its sixth
successive year.

      But for the Chihwayis and fellow displaced families here at Mbare, the
world literally collapsed last week when they were left with neither shelter
nor livelihoods after the makeshift cabins they lived in and their informal
market stalls were destroyed in the highly unpopular government clean-up
campaign now in its second week.

      Heavily armed police have used bulldozers and fire to raze down flea
market stalls and the plastic and wood cabins in Harare and other cities in
a campaign the government says is meant to rid cities and towns of filth and

      The government says the campaign is also meant to smash an illegal
black-market which it says was thriving among informal traders and had
become the source of nearly every useful commodity in Zimbabwe, from
industrial machine parts to sugar to birth control pills.

      But human rights and church groups say while the government exercise
may be noble in intention, the state has used unnecessarily excessive and
brutal force in evicting informal traders and people living in makeshift

      Zimbabwe Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace director Alois
Chaumba said: "The behaviour of the members of the police who are taking
part in this operation is excessively violent and lacks respect for human

      "We suggest that this operation, which has spread to other centres
throughout the country, be stopped while concerned councils find other areas
to place people."

      In a statement this week, world human rights watchdog, Amnesty
International, criticised the operation saying the police had flagrantly
disregarded human rights and the dignity of homeless people in carrying out
the evictions.

      The main opposition Movement for Democratic Change party, which
controls cities, has accused the government of launching the blitz to punish
urban residents for rejecting it during last March's disputed election.

      The government has denied violating human rights or being motivated by
politics and says the operation was long overdue to restore cleanliness, law
and order in cities. Defending the police blitz on informal traders and
shanty dwellers President Robert Mugabe told a central committee meeting of
his ruling ZANU PF party that it was necessary to restore the beauty of
Harare and other cities.

      But for Chihwayi and other displaced people here at Mbare-Musika, the
aesthetic qualities of Harare are certainly the least of their worries as
the desperate father put it when asked to list some of the problems the
families were facing which could be highlighted to aid groups willing to

      "We have not had a decent meal since seven days ago, the adults can
manage but it is unbearable watching the young ones crying for food," he
said. - ZimOnline

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FEATURES: Mugabe turns tables against war veterans
Sat 4 June 2005
  HARARE - Fifty-six year old Raphael Tarumbwa of Whitecliff, an informal
settlement just outside Harare, looks visibly dejected.
      Standing on what used to be his home for the last five years, Tarumbwa
barely manages to hold off tears as he narrates his ordeal at the hands of
anti-riot police who razed to the ground what he called his home in a "clean
up" campaign a fortnight ago.

      Whitecliff, deemed a microcosm of the chaos and lawlessness on the
farms over the last five years, was two weeks ago over-run by anti-riot
police in what the government says was a "clean up" campaign in urban areas.

      The campaign, with Mugabe's approval, marked a turning point for the
war veterans who played a key role in fending off the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change's (MDC) challenge to Mugabe in the last few years.

      Now with Mugabe firmly in charge after a disputed election last March,
he has ditched the war veterans in a stunning development.

      Over the last five years, the informal settlement at Whitecliff, was
eulogised in government circles as a vision of hope for the black majority.
But on what used to be sprawling housing structures, now lay debris of
shattered dreams.

      "I never used to believe it when people said we were ruled by animals.
Our leaders are heartless liars," said Tarumbwa, his voice shaking with

      Tarumbwa is bitter that for the last five years, the government had
given him and his war veteran collegaues at Whitecliff and other informal
settlements around the country, a false sense of security.

      War veterans, deemed untouchable, formed a key cog in ZANU PF's
violent election campaigns during past polls. The war veterans were allowed
to settle on the farms near urban areas in what critics said was an attempt
by the government to neutralise the MDC's urban support base.

      Tarumbwa's equally dejected neighbour who only gave his name as
Mabhunu said: "Base commanders (war veteran leaders in charge of the land
invasions) made us pay large sums of money on different occasions to acquire
the "stands".

      "I'm sure altogether we each paid up to $7 million. We were taken for
a ride. Now we have no one to turn to."

      The government two weeks ago began a crackdown on informal traders and
settlements across the country in what it said was a campaign to bring back
order and sanity to the cities. The government also accused informal traders
of stoking the illegal foreign currency parallel market.

      But the MDC says the campaign is meant to punish the urban dwellers
for rejecting Mugabe and his ZANU PF party at the polls. The opposition
party also accuses Mugabe of trying to provoke riots so as to declare a
state of emergency and rule by decree.

      Zimbabwe is going through a severe economic and political crisis
blamed on Mugabe's policies. Mugabe denies charges of economic
mismanagement, blaming the West for sabotaging his government over his land
reform programme.

      Newly elected Member of Parliament, for the area who is also Mugabe's
nephew, Patrick Zhuwao had no kind words for the evicted war veterans.

      "A lot of people say we as government are doing this in retribution to
MDC supporters in opposition strongholds but from Whitecliff, I got about
nine times more votes than the opposition candidate (in the disputed March
election). So the argument does not hold."

      But for Lameck Maturure, an MDC supporter from neighbouring Kuwadzana
suburb, he says the war veterans thoroughly deserve the treatment.

      "At least now we will speak with one voice. They (war veterans) now
realise they were taken for a ride. Very soon everyone will realise just how
inhuman this regime is. It has no permanent friends." - ZimOnline
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Zim Online

HIV infection highest among security forces: commission
Sat 4 June 2005
  HARARE - The chairman of Zimbabwe's Public Service Commission (PSC)
yesterday said HIV/AIDS infection was highest among the country's security
forces than in any other government department.
      PSC chairman Mariyawanda Nzuwa, who blamed the higher infection rates
among security forces on the nature of their work, said he was unable to
give exact figures of how many among Zimbabwe's soldiers, police and prison
officers were infected with deadly virus.

      Nzuwah, who also heads the commissions of service of the police, army
and prison service, was speaking at the launch of the government's HIV/AIDS
policy for its workers.

      He said: "Given the nature of security forces, they are likely to be
affected by the epidemic a lot faster than the other civil servants. I am
happy that representatives of the army are here because I need to say this.
The minister (of public service, labour and social welfare) will need to
convince his cabinet that we desperately need resources to fight this

      Zimbabwe has about 210 000 civil servants including soldiers, police
officers and prison officials.

      The southern African nation, hit by a severe economic crisis and food
shortages, is among the worst affected by the HIV/AIDS pandemic with at
least a quarter of the 12.5 million Zimbabweans said to be infected by the

      At least 70 percent of beds in Zimbabwe's hospitals are occupied by
people suffering from HIV/AIDS related illnesses while the epidemic claims
at least 2 000 lives in the country every week. - ZimOnline

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Waterford News, Ireland
Friday, June 03, 2005

Kathy forced off her Zimbabwe farm
By: Jennifer Long

A FAILING economy and the collapse of the once prosperous farming system leading to general starvation, have plagued Zimbabwe in recent years thanks to an oppressive land reform programme introduced by tyrannical president Robert Mugabe. Portlaw woman Kathy Martin has been living in Zimbabwe for over 40 years. On a rare visit back to see her family, she spoke to Waterford News & Star reporter Jennifer Long about her own distressing experiences of the oppressive regime that has brought her beloved ‘home’ country to its knees…and what it’s like to be re-united with her family back in Portlaw after 11 years.

WHEN she upped and left her native Portlaw for southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) in 1964, Kathy Martin would never have imagined that violence, fear, intimidation and oppression would end up being part and parcel of her life.

The young nurse was aged 25, headstrong, eager to travel, ambitious….and Rhodesia was then a prospering farming country that had much to offer both its own citizens and the world market abroad.

“I remember arriving there and basically falling in love with the place,” recalls Kathy. “It was such a wonderful country; the people were — and still are — amazing and I remember being made to feel so welcome at the hospital where I was due to work.”

Kathy Martin, who had just qualified in general nursing and midwifery, had caught the travel bug.

“I had just qualified and I suppose I had itchy feet. I didn’t mind whether I went to Australia or South Africa but as it happened, I got a reply from the embassy at Rhodesia first and off I went.”

“My parents (Richard and Nance O’Keeffe, Connolly Road), were okay about it but I remember older people in Portlaw being absolutely horrified that I’d want to go to South Africa!”

She didn’t know it then but while her early days in Southern Rhodesia were “wonderful”, the 41 years that she has spent there to date would end up being a ‘mixed bag’ for Kathy.

“When I went there first it was fantastic. There was a great camaraderie between the black and the white people. It was a very productive country at that time but I suppose trouble was already brewing in some of the outer areas; the Zanu PF (Mugabe’s party) were beginning to get restless and there were little agitations here and there.” In 1965, the conservative whiteminority government of Rhodesia declared its independence from Britain.

The country resisted the demands of the black Africans and Prime Minister Ian Smith dug his heels in to withstand British pressure, economic sanctions and guerrilla attacks to uphold white supremacy.

Eleven years of unrest followed from the Black nationalist movement, including guerrilla leader Robert Mugabe of the Zanu (Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front) who advocated revolution.


“The war years were difficult,” said Kathy. “I was working as a nurse so, as you can imagine, it was very hard at times to witness first-hand the troubles. My husband Dennis was also shot at one stage; I’ll never forget how difficult that was particularly. When Mugabe came to power in 1980, there was undoubtedly a feeling of relief…nobody ever imagined what was to follow.”

“I won’t say I was an admirer of his because I didn’t like the way he went about things; he had been accused of a massacre in the past. But we were glad to have peace, to have our men back, the chance to get on with lives and so the white farmers gave the full support that was needed at that time for change.”

“Look at Nelson Mandela and the bitterness he could bear to this day yet he’s a wonderful Statesman. I don’t know what’s made Mugabe different… unfortunately he just is and it’s been to the detriment of our once fine country.”

Kathy Martin, a 66-year-old grandmother, has spent 41 years living in Zimbabwe which she now considers her home.

She met her South African born husband Dennis there and they married in 1968. Their livelihood became their land, the 3,000-acres ‘Kanowna Farm’ situated close to the district of Mutoroshanga, which they bought after acquiring a taste for farming as a result of leasing another property.

“We bought the farm from a woman who had lost both her husband and her son; we built it up into something quite reasonable, producing crops such as tobacco, maize, soya beans and wheat as well as farming cattle. Our wish was that our son Sean would take it over in time and, I suppose, look after us both in our old age.”

“We had 80 workers there and they were essentially a part of our family. We provided them with homes and everything was going well. But it all came to an end when the Mugabe’s land reform programme kicked in.”

In basic terms, the land reform programme spearheaded by the Mugabe has brought the once-prosperous Zimbabwe to its knees. It boils down to simple facts.

The white farmers owned the best land from the colonisation days and Mugabe wanted it back for the blacks…but, detrimentally for the economy, was determined to resort to whatever means necessary to get it.

In 2000, war of independence veterans began squatting on white farmers’ lands and in 2002, Mugabe ordered all white farmers (about 4,000 in total) to leave their land without compensation. He even gave the go-ahead to his black supporters to kill if they had to in a bid to further his aims.

Mindless violence, the slaughter and destruction of animals and white farmers’ lands became widespread. Some white farmers were killed. But also black farm labourers and anyone suspected of supporting the political opposition (the Movement for Democratic Change) became targets…including Kathy’s son Sean (35) who was severely beaten by Zanu PF youth militia.


Kathy and Dennis Martin were among the white farmers who came under siege in Zimbabwe and, as a result, were to lose everything they’d worked hard for.

In 2002, they had to contend with up to 70 ‘settlers’ on their land; they found themselves barricaded into their homes on several occasions by Mugabe supporters who beat drums outside their front door as an intimidation tactic. They also had to endure the beating of their son and the merciless slaughter of their cattle… all because they defied an edict to give up their home and livelihood.

“At times, it was just awful. The threats, the intimidation…the fear,” said Kathy. “We weren’t allowed to farm the land and so we had to let our workers go. The settlers were growing their own crops on the land, it was okay for them but we had nothing for our future. We had to keep our cattle in our front garden so they wouldn’t interfere with the settlers’ crops.”

“It’s the way everything was done that caused the problems. If they (Mugabe and his supporters) had been willing to compromise with the white farmers I don’t think the problems would have been there….if they said we’ll take this and you keep the rest.”

Kathy, who ran a small clinic from her farm since she retired in 1981, as well as a shop supplying basic groceries for the locals in her area, said one of the most difficult incidents for the family was the violent attack on her son Sean.

“Sean is a supporter of Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC; he’s for change…we all are. We were away when it happened; Sean was on the farm alone when he was attacked by a group of ten Zanu PF youth militia. He was severely beaten with a fanbelt from a car and then chains.”

“When he told me over the phone, my immediate concern was whether or not he’d hit back. Because if he had, they would arrest him and have him thrown in jail for assault. Thankfully, he found the control to keep his hands down all the time.”

Kathy said that in another incident, two of the family’s cattle were inhumanely butchered by the Zanu PF.

“They were taken away and axed to death; they was nothing merciful about it. The worst part about it is the intolerable cruelty that these people are capable of. I know of people whose homes have been absolutely desecrated for no good reason. It’s a very, very serious situation out there.”


Kathy says that despite the threats and intimidation, she and Dennis stuck it out on the farm for so long because it was their home, their livelihood and they had faith that things would turn out okay.

“People say to me why didn’t you leave earlier but I had faith and hope that it would be okay. The farm was our home; we worked tooth and nail to build it up over many years. We reached a compromise with our settlers to stay in the short-term. The important thing to remember is that we had a wonderful relationship with the black people; we still have. It’s just a small segment that have caused the problems.” After sticking it out for nearly two years, Kathy and Dennis did up and leave for a new home 15 miles away….because of what they are convinced was a genuine immediate threat on their lives.

“We had someone come to our door and tell us we had 48 hours to leave…or the whole family would be killed. I asked that man why it was necessary. He looked at me with pure hatred in his eyes, pointed to my skin and said it was because of that, as in its colour.”

“We knew we had to go. Thankfully, we got the 48 hours extended to four days. We were packing up not only our home but our business. I just knew that it wasn’t a light threat …our lives depended on us leaving at that stage.” Kathy and Dennis now live three miles from Mutoroshanga (15 miles from the farm)…and she says that for the first time in years, they are getting on peacefully with their lives.

From the farm, they managed to bring with them some lorries and combine harvesters and are trying to make a living from a little transport business where they now employ just two workers. The possibility of acquiring land for a new farm is a non-runner however; they got a letter to tell them they were never to break into farming again. “We’re moving on,” says Kathy who is back in Portlaw on a two-month break to see her brothers and sisters; her first visit home since 1994.

“I’m trying to close the door on that other part of my life; it was wonderful while it lasted but now it’s gone and I’m trying to move on. Our son Sean is now in Capetown and is working in the construction industry with his father-inlaw. Our daughter Bridget Rae is living near Kwekwe (a townsland near Victoria Falls) with her husband and two children. They are happy and getting on with things.”

She says that while her “heart’” remains in Portlaw and she is really enjoying being re-united with her brothers and sisters, after 41 years Zimbabwe is now her home…and despite all that has happened, she still loves the country.

“It is such a beautiful place; there is nowhere like it in the world. It was so productive and could be again. It’s where I married, where I brought up my children; it’s been my home for 41 years to date and will be my home now into the future. No matter what has happened, it’s where I belong.”

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When turmoil spells a property bargain
      By Kevin Brass International Herald Tribune

      FRIDAY, JUNE 3, 2005

      Bargain hunters take note. There are lush beachfront lots available on
a beautiful Caribbean bay for dirt-cheap prices.

      There is only one catch: the property is in Haiti, the poorest and
most violence-ridden country in the region.

      But turmoil did not deter Gunter Holzner. A few years ago the retired
Geneva chemist bought a 2,400-square-meter, or 25,800 square-foot,
waterfront parcel in a walled community in Jacmel that is about 80
kilometers, or 50 miles, from Port-au-Prince. He paid about $30 a square
meter and built a colonial-style estate with large patios and a swimming
pool, which he rarely visits these days.

      "I'm confident that in one or two years it will be good again",
Holzner said of the situation in Haiti.

      Throughout the world, in countries like Haiti, Nicaragua and Colombia,
spectacular luxury properties are available, to those who are willing to
assume incalculable risk. Regime change, massive currency devaluation and
civil war can be dangers, and safety always uncertain.

      Buying activity by foreigners is almost nonexistent in these troubled
countries, agents say, but properties are still for sale, and at the right

      A four-bedroom house with a swimming pool on a golf course in Zimbabwe
can be purchased for less than £20,000 pounds, or $36,200, said Peter Caroe,
a London-based partner in the global real estate firm Knight Frank. "But
you'd have to be a brave man to buy now," he added.

      Government land seizures and signs of economic collapse - Zimbabwe's
currency traded on the black market at 120 to the dollar in April 2002,
today a single U.S. dollar is worth 25,000 Zimbabwean dollars - make any
thought of buying a vacation home in the lush country a dicey concept.

      Caroe, who focuses on real estate in Africa, said buyers instead are
looking in countries that appear to be recovering from unrest, like
Mozambique and Botswana.

      "Kenya is a lovely country and the politics have improved a little
bit," Caroe said. "There's definitely more interest in the Kenyan coast than
in the last 10 years."

      A resurgence of attacks by leftist rebels and continuing battles with
drug lords may keep Colombia off vacation lists, but "Colombia is making a
significant comeback," said Jorge Hurtado, director of Latin America and
Caribbean for CB-Richard Ellis, the real estate firm. As signs of
stabilization appear, Hurtado said that European buyers are starting to look
again at places like the old coastal city of Cartagena, famous for its
historic walls and old cathedrals.

      And real estate companies and investors are showing renewed interest
in Argentina and Venezuela, two countries that have been plagued by economic
and political problems, said Cesar Ruiz, senior managing director of Latin
America for Grubb & Ellis.

      "In both countries there are numerous commercial real estate
opportunities for multinationals and individuals with a long-term strategic
plan," Ruiz said. "Will you be able to find a good deal and flip it in six
months? No. But both countries will come back."

      Soaring prices in relatively stable countries like Costa Rica are
sending buyers shopping for bargains, agents say. A half-acre, or
0.2-hectare, plot of waterfront land in Costa Rica costs about $250,000 -
more than double what it would have cost three years ago, agents say. But a
2.5-acre island on Lake Granada in troubled Nicaragua is listed for $190,000
and a 1,800-square-foot lot on the waterfront in El Salvador can be
purchased for $47,000.

      But turmoil does not always spell bargains. Agents say, for example,
that prices are holding strong in Lebanon, once considered the most
cosmopolitan country in the Middle East. Even though it recently lived
through the assassination of its former prime minister and the withdrawal of
Syrian troops, apartments in fashionable districts of Beirut like the
revitalized Central District command as much as $1 million.

      Robert Haag is asking $800,000 for his family's four-bedroom,
four-bathroom villa with sea views in the south Lebanese town of Tyrus. The
market is "very quiet at the moment," Haag said.

      He has received numerous inquiries on the villa, which features large
terraces and rooms covered in Portuguese rose marble, "but they don't want
to pay anything."

      Haag is holding firm on the price though, believing the market will
rebound soon. "People think they can get it very cheap and I say no," Haag
said. "There is no reason to sell for dumping prices."

      Even in Haiti, where violence is commonplace, buyers still covet
certain properties. On the hillside above Port-au-Prince, "astonishingly,"
prices are going up, said Charles Fombrun, executive vice president of
development for GF Construction, a Haitian-based firm that develops
residential and commercial projects.

      Just last week the U.S. State Department issued a travel warning for
the island and sent some embassy staff members and their families home.
Despite the efforts of UN peacekeepers and the police, 400 people have died
in street violence since last September, when supporters of the ousted
president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, vowed to effect his return.

      Gueric Boucard, who owns the waterfront property in Jacmel where
Holzner built his house, is familiar with fluctuations in the market. The
Boucard family, which had been in the coffee, cocoa and cotton business in
Haiti for generations, lost most of its land during the reign of François
"Papa Doc" Duvalier in the 1960s. But they regained portions of their
original holdings in the 1990s, including the land in Jacmel, when Aristide
came to power.

      Several years ago Boucard subdivided the parcel into 26 residential
lots, ranging from 800 to 1,500 square meters. The plot is surrounded by a
security wall and protected 24-hours a day by armed guards. Each lot has bay
views and full utilities, and there is commuter plane service available from

      Boucard is asking $35 a square meter for the lots on the water; $30 a
square meter off the water. So far he has sold eight parcels, but only two
houses have been built: his own and Holzner's.

      Holzner is not actively marketing the property right now, given the
situation in Haiti. "It has to change," he said. "There is only a finite
amount of wonderful property in the Caribbean." But he says he has no
regrets about his purchase, even though he will probably stay in Europe this
year. "One day it will be beautiful. I just don't know when," he said.
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Independent, UK


Don't appease the tyrant of Zimbabwe

Sir: James Morris of the World Food Programme has just visited Harare. On 26
May police, backed by troops, launched an operation described by state radio
as a round-up of street traders and demolition of "informal housing". The
police were ordered to shoot to kill if they encountered resistance. The
shacks of 200,000 of the bitterly poor were razed to the ground and burned.
Goods were seized, street traders rounded up and, police claim, 22,375
arrests made.

The world has been rightly concerned and prepared to intervene to bring
pressure to bear in Uzbekistan and in the Sudan, both sovereign states. In
both places the world press has been able to report what is happening; not
so in Zimbabwe. As in Darfur, the UNCHR should immediately mount an
independent investigation of these and other atrocities. The UN agencies
which are operating in Zimbabwe should report to the UN, to the Security
Council, at once. It will be a criminal act of complicity and appeasement if
we do not now require the African Union and, in particular, Thabo Mbeki and
the UN, to refuse utterly to deal with Mugabe without an immediate end to
these appalling acts of violence against his own people. Any food aid given
now must not be used as a political tool. There must be no more quiet
diplomacy designed to protect a tyrant rather than his innocent people. Not
to protest publicly in the strongest terms through the UN and the EU will be
to make the Commission for Africa mockery.






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The Telegraph

Africa needs to make poverty history
(Filed: 03/06/2005)

We carry reports today of two events on either side of the Limpopo River
which are unconnected except in that they both have a bearing on attitudes
to this summer's Live 8 festivities. In Zimbabwe yesterday, Robert Mugabe
took the oppression of his own people to a new level of brutishness by
sending his riot police into one of Harare's most pitiful slums. Deployed
under the codename "Operation Drive out the Rubbish", Mr Mugabe's men
demolished wooden shacks where the capital's poorest residents live, even
forcing Irish missionary nuns to dismantle a clinic for children orphaned by
the Aids epidemic. When the apartheid government in South Africa deployed
similar tactics in the 1970s in defence of white "group areas", the
civilised world quite understandably reacted with revulsion and demanded
sanctions against Pretoria.

A generation later, the ANC government is spookily silent about these
grotesque activities north of the Limpopo. Defenders of President Thabo
Mbeki might say that he is distracted by political problems closer to home.
Jacob Zuma, South Africa's deputy president and tipped to succeed Mr Mbeki,
was yesterday implicated in a long-running corruption trial when a close
business associate was convicted in a Durban court of taking bribes. The
judge found "convincing and overwhelming evidence of a corrupt relationship"
between the businessman and Mr Zuma arising from the bribes paid by a French
company bidding for a large defence contract.

The fact that this trial could proceed is an encouraging sign that judicial
independence is alive in South Africa. But it is alarming that official
corruption, that constant scourge of post-colonial Africa, has seemingly
taken root so soon after democratic elections, and may have reached into the
very highest levels of government.

Later this summer, young Britons are to be summoned onto the streets and
into pop stadiums to "Make Poverty History". We salute the concern of those
people buying wristbands and clicking their fingers, and we applaud the
ageing rock stars who will perform for them. Indifference and complacency
are the worst responses to the privations of Africa, and there is a
magnificence about the anger of Bob Geldof as he challenges the world to do
something about the state of the continent.

But it is important to be clear-headed about the causes of Africa's dismal
economic performance in the years since independence. Certainly, disease,
ruinous levels of international debt, and unfair trading rules have wreaked
havoc. But corruption, and grotesque misgovernance of the sort that scars
Zimbabwe today, are critical factors. Until African leaders themselves get
angry about these abuses, many in the northern hemisphere will remain
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Moyo's ZBC Reign of Terror

Zimbabwe Standard (Harare)

May 29, 2005
Posted to the web June 2, 2005

John Mokwetsi

AFTER the eagerly awaited demise of former junior Minister of Information
and Publicity, Jonathan Moyo, musicians and former radio personalities have
come forward to reveal how the ex-propaganda chief controlled the music

Musician Patricia Matongo revealed recently during a Freemuse-sponsored
workshop on censorship in Zimbabwe how Moyo denied her airplay because of
her association with a particular recording company.

Freemuse - The World Forum on Music and Censorship - is an independent
international organisation advocating freedom of expression for musicians
and composers worldwide.

Matongo said she approached Moyo after friends who are radio and television
personalities told her that her music was being denied airplay on the
directive of the minister.

"The minister told me in no uncertain terms that my music would continue to
be banned if I continued to record with my recording company," she said.

A representative of the recording company later told participants at the
workshop that the information minister intended to be a shareholder of the

According to the representative who requested anonymity, when the company
board resisted Moyo sought to "punish" the company by denying airplay from
artistes who recorded with its studio.

Musavengana Nyasha, a former radio presenter, revealed to Freemuse that
during his stint with the State-owned Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, DJs
were sometimes given orders not to play certain songs, and towards elections
songs critical of the government were not to get any airplay.

He said the iron-handedness of the minister planted in the hearts of many a
culture of fear and self-censorship.

Musavengana added that there was a stern warning from the bosses at the
radio station that Thomas Mapfumo's controversial album, Chimurenga Rebel,
was not to be played because it was critical of the government.

"During my tenure at the state-owned station, decisions to ban music were
made by the station's supervisors and chief executive officers and sometimes
the perceived wishes of people in power such as the Minister of Information
and the President himself," he said.

Three weeks ago StandardPlus, which also attended the workshop, published a
story in which prominent sungura musician Leonard Zhakata gave a
heart-rending account of how his career has taken a nosedive due to the
censorship of his music by the State broadcaster.

Takura Zhangazha, a media analyst, said that some musicians in Zimbabwe
acted complicitly with the government by singing propaganda tunes for
monetary reasons, thereby censoring their own honest views on what would be
prevailing in the country, as well as crowding out other critical voices
from the national stations.

In an interview with StandardPlus a month ago Andy Brown, who joined the
bandwagon of musicians who "sang for their supper", acknowledged that he did
Zanu PF land grab jingles for monetary gain.

Efforts to get a comment from Moyo proved fruitless as his mobile phone
initially went unanswered, and was later on voicemail.
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The Telegraph

Mugabe's raids leave townships in tatters
By David Blair, Africa Correspondent
(Filed: 03/06/2005)

Desperate people picked through the wreckage of their homes yesterday after
Zimbabwe's police raided Harare's townships, destroying "illegal shelters"
and leaving 10,000 homeless.

Riot police conducting "Operation Drive Out the Rubbish" were accused of
bringing misery to the urban poor, the latest target of President Robert
Mugabe's campaign of terror.

      Children wait with their belongings after their home was destroyed
In one township Irish missionaries were forced to dismantle a clinic and a
creche for children orphaned by the Aids epidemic. Police demolished shacks
inhabited by impoverished orphans.

"How can the little ones of this world be brutalised in this way?" asked
Sister Patricia Walsh, of the Dominican Order.

"They are poor, they are helpless and they happen to live in the wrong part
of town."

The latest operation centred on the shanty town of Hatcliffe Extension in
the north of the capital.

The regime says police are enforcing the law by demolishing "illegal",
temporary homes of wood, cardboard and twisted metal.

The authorities moved thousands of people to the extension in 1992. They
were forbidden to build permanent homes and told their stay would be
"temporary", pending the provision of proper housing. However, the regime
broke its promise and people built the makeshift shacks that were demolished
in an operation launched last week.

Sister Walsh, who has worked in the extension for years, visited the shanty
town after the first raid on May 26.

"People were sleeping out in the open, many of them sick, cold and hungry,"
she said. Police returned on Sunday and Sister Walsh said children were
screaming and sick people were in agony.

The nuns had been helping 180 Aids orphans in the extension. They provided
food and basic medical care for thousands. On police orders, they pulled
down their creche and clinic and removed vital medicine.

Sister Walsh found two orphans, Peter, 10, and John, four. "We had provided
them with a wooden hut when their mother was dying and she died in the
meantime. These two little people had their little home destroyed.''

Mr Mugabe's latest palace, in the style of a Chinese pagoda, is about a mile
from the extension.

The townships overwhelmingly supported the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change in the election in March. His critics believe that he
ordered the demolitions as a reprisal.
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New Zimbabwe

Moyo fights constitutional amendment

By Mduduzi Mathuthu
Last updated: 06/03/2005 11:49:28
ZIMBABWE'S former Information Minister Jonathan Moyo on Thursday filed a
constitutional petition challenging Zanu PF's claims of a two thirds
majority in Parliament.

Professor Moyo, through his lawyer Johannes Tomana wants the Supreme Court
to make it clear that the 10 chiefs in Parliament are not Zanu PF 'MPs'. If
granted, the declaration will prevent Zanu PF from pushing ahead with
planned constitutional amendments.

Zanu PF won 78 of the 120 contested parliamentary seats in March. President
Robert Mugabe has the power to appoint 12 non-constituency MPs and eight
governors. Added together, Zanu PF has claimed that it has 108 MPs, which
give it a two thirds majority and a licence to ammend the constitution.

Moyo's petition is based on a document presented by the Zanu PF secretary
for legal affairs Patrick Chinamasa at the party's 162nd extraordinary
session last week in which he claimed the party had the constitutional force
to amend the constitution.

Acting on Chinamasa's advice, Zanu PF immediately set in motion plans to
amend the constitution and reintroduce the Senate which was abolished soon
after Independence in 1980.

Moyo says the Zanu PF two thirds majority claims are "concocted", further
describing them as a "political fraud".

New was unable to obtain the court documents last night, but a
Harare lawyer who read the petition said: "Prof Moyo is arguing that the 10
chiefs are elected through their own electoral college system (peers), and
not through registered voters on the common voters' roll.

"Therefore, they are not part of Zanu PF in terms of the law and
constitution, and if they are withdrawn from the Zanu PF numbers, it leaves
the party with 98 seats and short of the two thirds majority it claims.

"Moyo also contends that Chinamasa misled his own party when he said Zanu PF
had 108 seats (78 elected, 10 chiefs, 8 governors and 12 non-constituency
MPs). Moyo also states that the 12 non-constituency MPs and eight governors
are open to question as to whether they can be counted as Zanu PF MPs," the
lawyer said.

"His point is that they were appointed to parliament by Mugabe as Head of
State, and not as leader of Zanu PF which therefore means they have a
constitutional role in parliament rather than a partisan, political-driven
one. He points out that the apparent assimilation of the chiefs, the
governors and the non-constituency MPs into the Zanu PF set up is through
patronage arrangements which have no constitutional force.

"Moyo wants the constitutional court to make it clear that while the chiefs
are free to vote with whichever political party, they are not part of Zanu
PF and their presence in Parliament cannot, therefore, be used to boost Zanu
PF numbers.

"Moyo contends that if Zanu PF manages to effect constitutional amendments
based on its highly questionable two thirds majority, that would undermine
the country's constitutional order and the operations of our sovereign

Moyo expelled himself from government when he rejected Mugabe's pleas not to
stand as an independent candidate in Tsholotsho, where he beat both the Zanu
PF and opposition MDC candidates for the seat.

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Home and Factories Destroyed
By our own correspondent.
In excess of one hundred riot police armed with AK 47 assault rifles descended on the rented home of Chris and Elsie Viljoen today.
Located along the Seke Road, the property, consisting of a five-bedroom house and eight factories, was razed to the ground by bulldozers under the supervision of the police.  No warning was given, and the reason cited for the destruction was that the property was "Too close to the (Harare International) airport".  The property has apparently been in place for fifty years.
In a brief telephone interview, Mr Viljoen indicated that very little property was able to be removed before the onslaught.  Virtually all personal effects, furniture and all internal electrical appliances including the stove and micro-wave oven were destroyed in the onslaught.  Of the house and other buildings, only the foundations remain.  According to another source, hundreds of bystanders witnessed the destruction.
Mr Viljoen indicated that his twin ten year old sons were "highly traumatised" by the event and that he and his family were staying in a backpackers accommodation that had been kindly opened up to them for the night.
A further interview with Mr Viljoen is forthcoming.
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Business Day

Posted to the web on: 03 June 2005
Tanzania's president defends Mugabe
Jonathan Katzenellenbogen


International Affairs Editor

CAPE TOWN - Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa strongly defended Zimbabwean
President Robert Mugabe at a meeting of the World Economic Forum in Cape
Town yesterday.

"Zimbabwe has a right to manage its own affairs," Mkapa said yesterday.

In reply to a journalist's question about his views on developments in
Zimbabwe, Mkapa said Mugabe's land-redistribution programme was, "returning
the ownership of the country to its people".

His remarks have confirmed further the Southern African Development
Community's reluctance to distance itself from Mugabe on governance issues.

But the Tanzanian president's strident remarks in support of Mugabe also run
counter to the message that the World Economic Forum is pushing at its Cape
Town meeting - that of a continent increasingly unprepared to tolerate poor

Issues of governance and accountability and how Africa can establish a
common brand to promote the continent to investors are the focus of talks at
the Cape Town meeting.

Tanzania has over the past decade established a good reputation among
investors for what is widely regarded as friendly environment for business.

Mkapa said he felt emotional about Zimbabwe and particularly about what he
saw as the west's unjust criticism.

As he would be leaving office when his term ended in a few months' time, he
now felt free to speak out on Zimbabwe.

The Tanzanian president said he found "sanctimonious and pious declarations"
by western countries about Zimbabwe "totally abhorrent".
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Alleged mercenaries likely to serve more jail time

June 03, 2005, 07:30

The alleged South African mercenaries recently freed from a Zimbabwe prison
are expected to appear in the Pretoria Magistrate's Court this morning. They
will be charged with contravening the Regulation of Foreign Military
Assistance Act.

The charges relate to an alleged plot to overthrow the government of
Equatorial Guinea. Sixty-one alleged mercenaries were released from
Zimbabwe's Chikurubi maximum security prison outside Harare last month where
they spent a year after being convicted of violating Zimbabwe's immigration
and security laws.

The group was arrested at Harare International Airport last year when they
apparently landed to refuel and pick up military equipment. Zimbabwean
authorities said they were on their way to join 15 other alleged
mercenaries - including eight South Africans - arrested in Equatorial Guinea
around the same time. The group in Equatorial Guinea was convicted and given
long prison sentences for attempting to overthrow the country's long-time
dictator, Teodoro Obiang Nguema.

The National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) said it planned to prosecute them
in South Africa. The lawyer for the accused says the NPA has rejected any
plea bargain. The sixty-one are now likely to spend more time behind bars -
this time at home.
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The Zimbabwean

Coins to replace notes
HARARE - In a desperate move Fidelity Printers, a subsidiary of the Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe{RBZ} is minting new Z$10000 and Z$5000 coins - to be
injected into the fiscal system by September this year, an official from the
central bank has said.
"The RBZ regularly reviews the note/coin periphery and denomination mix
based on the changes in inflation trends and the value of money. The
decision was made at a meeting held by the central bank recently to provide
an appropriate note and coin mix for the convenience of the public."

The official said the average life span of the $20 000 bearer cheque in
circulation had been reduced to less than five months due to high velocity
of circulation.

"The cost of supplying notes to the public has drastically increased, hence
the decision to introduce coins which have longer life span," the source

Alex Magaisa, a lecturer in corporate and commercial law at the University
of Nottingham said: "It is important to maintain lower denominations,
otherwise ordinary people will incur huge losses. The introduction of coins
and devaluation of Zimbabwean dollar at the official level is simply an
acknowledgement of the prevailing economic realities, although it probably
does note go far enough".
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The Zimbabwean
Bulawayo is still beautiful
In this gently humorous article comparing Bulawayo past and present, long-time Bulawayo citizen MARGARET KRIEL finds that the new is as lovely, if different, from the old. However, the government’s crackdown on informal sector trading could soon put an end to it all.
The CBD has moved - no longer does one buy one’s furniture at Meikles, one’s lingerie at Haddon and Sly and one’s school uniforms at Sanders!!

If you need a recharge card for your cell phone you will find a willing seller sitting patiently at every robot, every intersection, every cross roads in the city - one on each corner diagonally facing the talk-hungry passengers in the vehicles, which hoot for attention. Nimble feet dodge the traffic to sell you a card, in just the right amount of time it takes for the traffic light to change (or who cares if it takes longer?)

If you do not have a cell phone you can find a phone shop just about anywhere, phone booths are a thing of the past, cos someone stole the phones.

I think the most ingenious phone company I have ever seen is the one right outside the Post and Telecommunications Building. There in the middle of the pavement is a table, an umbrella and an array of bright blue telephones.

The lady takes your money and times you with a stopwatch. It does not take a genius to see the wires cunningly concealed under the tablecloth - leading into the storm drain and possibly into the Posts and Telecommunications mainframe phone system.

Now if you need flowers forget the once-famous Joan the Florist or Wright's Florist, they no longer exist, BUT the City Hall flower sellers are doing a roaring trade.

They no longer sell just loose flowers in colourful plastic buckets - they have become talented florists in their own right. You can buy anything from your entire wedding floral requirements including the bride’s bouquet, to a funeral wreath, an upright arrangement featuring proteas and gypsophila or a Valentine's posy with cellophane and satin ribbon.

Morrison's and Zippers Dress Shops, where one could buy that special imported outfit, no longer exist but there is always the Bend Over Bazaar outside the City Revenue Hall.

Imported outfits abound here, imported from China, Botswana and Swaziland. You can get some good bargains here and the vendors are lovely people. If you need to try the garment on .... no problem ... off the vendors' backs come the babies... dumped unceremoniously on the floor and the towels used to tie baby on back, are smilingly held in a neat square while you undress, in the middle of the market square, accompanied by a great deal of appreciative clucking at how nice you look in your new garment.

A hairdo is also hard to find these days unless you make an appointment with Mark at least six weeks in advance. But if you stop off outside the Renkini Bus Station or outside any suburban shopping centre, you can have your hair braided beautifully (if you have about seven hours of spare time) or if your hair is too short, you can have long extensions woven into your existing locks. Right on the sidewalk in the nice open fresh air too, sitting comfortably on a wooden crate.

Broken a heel on your shoe? Well don't worry about trekking lopsidedly all the way to Jivans or Jacobs, there is bound to be a shoe repairer in your neighbourhood, probably sitting right outside your garden, with his various stiletto heels or pieces of leather from which to cut you a whole new sole.

If you are looking for fuel, don't be daft and expect to find it at the more traditional garages (service stations) like Dulys and Thelwalls, pop into the alley behind any garage and there is bound to be an enterprising fellow with a 44 gallon drum and a hose pipe.

And the piece de resistance, if you need bird seed, veggies, millet, sorghum, dried bean, macimbi (mopani worms), solar panels, ghetto blasters, anything electrical smuggled (oh sorry I mean "brought in") from Botswana, in fact dried or fresh anything at all, the colourful, bustling, noisy vendor markets in Fife Street and Fifth Avenue are your very best bet.

What a tragedy that this way of life, which has evolved naturally, gradually and beautifully over the 25 years of Independence is now under threat of destruction, in the most cruel and vicious manner, from the government of the day.
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The Zimbabwean
MDC - Zimbabweans to mobilize
HARARE – The National Council of the MDC has resolved to condemn in the strongest terms the continuing destruction of informal sector businesses and homes in urban and peri-urban areas.
Over half of the economy of Zimbabwe is now conducted in the informal sector, which consists of nearly 3 million individual enterprises and supports the great majority of the people. With barely 8% of all adult Zimbabweans in formal sector employment, the wholesale destruction of these small family businesses is a betrayal of the principles of the liberation struggle. The use of armed police to carry out this exercise and to intimidate those affected reveals the true character of this regime.

We are working with the suffering people of Zimbabwe and will continue to fight for their rights and dignity.
We want the people of Zimbabwe to have jobs, to be free from hunger and to have the skills and opportunities to realise their dreams and aspirations. We want for Zimbabwe what Africa’s progressive political leaders want for the continent: plural democracies build on the social democratic principles of solidarity, social justice, freedom and equality. We are fighting for a new Zimbabwe, a new beginning for the people of Zimbabwe.

The people whose homes and property have been destroyed are the victims and yet are now being punished for trying to feed their families and for being suspected of having voted for the MDC.

A government that destroys properties of people who are trying to make an honest living is evil. In particular the Party objects to the wholesale destruction of thousands of homes in urban areas. Many of these were established with the support and assistance of Zanu (PF) cadres in their efforts to win support in urban areas prior to the recent election.

These same people now find themselves, in the middle of winter, without shelter - n provision has been made for alternative accommodation or shelter and sanitation facilities. Thousands of children are now denied schooling or health facilities.

The MDC Council resolved to demand that the Zanu PF regime desist immediately from the continued destruction of informal sector business and homes and assist those already affected with compensation for the losses incurred to date and whatever help is needed to reestablish their shelter needs.

The National Council is calling upon all Zimbabweans to contribute to the struggle. We call on all Zimbabweans to mobilize against this assault on their dignity, livelihoods and well-being. Mindful of its responsibilities to the suffering people of Zimbabwe and in response to the agony expressed by the victims of this regime’s brutality and cruelty, the MDC will employ appropriate measures to redress this tragedy.

In addition the party will pursue all avenues including mounting a legal campaign to secure the rights of those who were operating within the law and to seek compensation for the massive losses involved.

The Party also resolved to continue to press for a Constitutional reform process that is transparent, inclusive and people driven. The Council decried the efforts by Zanu (PF) to press for piecemeal amendments to the present Constitution that do little to address the present economic and political crisis.

Paul Themba Nyathi is the MDC Secretary for Information and Publicity.
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The Zimbabwean

Debating Zimbabwe's future
LONDON - The Open Forum 2005: Zimbabwe, South Africa and the region is to be
held at SOAS in London on 4 June. All those interested in Zimbabwe are urged
to attend.
International media coverage of the recent Zimbabwean elections did
highlight human rights abuses, use of food aid as a political tool and other
aspects of the crisis. However, since then, news reportage has subsided and
international efforts to resolve the crisis seem to have lost momentum. The
Open Forum thus also offers a prominent London platform to refocus attention
on the Zimbabwean crisis.

The line-up of speakers includes Professor Brian Raftopolous, of the
Institute of Development Studies at the University of Zimbabwe, who will no
doubt draw attention to the education sector, a crucial sector for future
reconstruction efforts but one often left out of discussions.

In common with other professionals accused of anti-government sympathies or
activities, teachers and academics are being harassed and detained. Many
well-qualified staff have left the country over recent years to escape such
a fate or because salaries, even for senior staff, fall seriously short of a
living wage.

As a leading educational NGO, with a history rooted in the anti-apartheid
struggle, the Canon Collins Educational Trust for Southern Africa (CCETSA)
is responding to the situation in various ways. One of its principal
activities has always been the provision of individual postgraduate
scholarships for promising students from disadvantaged backgrounds.

Initially, these were all for study in the UK but since the political
transition in the region, funding has been shifted progressively towards
local universities, which are closer to home and where lower costs enable
more students to be supported with the available funds. Accordingly, the
Trust opened an office in Cape Town.

In the last few years, the level of applications from Zimbabweans has
skyrocketed, and CCETSA initiated a new scheme in the UK specifically for
Zimbabweans. It is co-funded by the British government and is being
expanded, as are funded places in South African universities. CCETSA is also
increasing its educational sponsorship for Zimbabwean victims of human
rights abuse and their families, and will also be supporting appropriate
educational projects within the country.

David Simon, Professor of Development Geography at Royal Holloway,
University of London, is a CCETSA Trustee and Management Committee member.
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The Zimbabwean

"OAU must intervene" - UK MDC

LONDON - Speaking to a crowd of Zimbabweans demonstrating outside Zimbabwe
House on Africa Day, the UK MDC Chairman, Washington Ali, called on the
signatories of the OAU to adhere to its principles of freedom, peace and
justice and intervene in Zimbabwe.
"Africa Day is a very important day for African countries and in particular
Zimbabwe, we should be celebrating our right to peace and justice but
Zimbabweans are not enjoying these freedoms. We are standing here today to
fight against oppression, human rights abuses and killing."

"The situation in Zimbabwe is a genocide in the making," said secretary for
Information and Publicity, Mathew Nyashanu.

The demonstration was attended by an estimated 50 people, some of whom came
from as far away as Wales, Birmingham and Leicester.

The demonstrators attracted a large number of passing pedestrians with their
energetic dancing and singing and many people signed the Vigil petitions.
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The Zimbabwean

Zimbabwe Vigil Diary - 28th May
LONDON - One of the most animated Vigils for ages. A lovely, sunny - though
blustery - day; with Ephraim and Julius on the drums and Patson again
leading the singing and dancing enhanced by Dumi's flying dreadlocks. Well
attended from beginning to end and abuzz with street gossip from Zimbabwe.
The word is that the regime is now eating itself, destroying the informal
economy and tearing down the homes of the people.
The Vigil is now turning its attention to our new protest - directed at the
meeting in London on 4th July of the New Partnership for Africa's
Development (NEPAD). Our message will be directed at South Africa for its
failure to insist on good governance in Zimbabwe and for its appalling
treatment of Zimbabwean refugees. For the record: 36 people signed the
attendance register today.
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The Zimbabwean

Police have chased them all away
Dear Family and Friends,

This week I find myself as a stranger in my hometown. Familiar faces have
gone, familiar stopping places have been demolished. Men and women who would
nod, wave and smile as I passed have disappeared and I feel an overwhelming
sadness at what has happened to them and to their struggle to make a decent
living in these most desperate of times.

Around the corner from my home a woman used to sit on a concrete block with
her vegetables laid out for sale on a piece of cardboard in front of her:
butternuts, tomatoes and onions. She has gone, chased away by police. At the
end of the road a young woman, sometimes with her little boy in his bright
red jersey, sat on the ground under a tree with a few things to sell to
passers by.

She had pushed four sticks into the ground and fashioned a little table to
hold her products: popcorn, matches and vegetables. Often her little boy
would smile and wave when I passed by, but they have gone, chased away by
the police.

Outside the junior school four women waited every day to sell their wares to
parents and children when the last bell of the day rang. They sold frozen
drinks, toffees, peppermints and bubble gum balls. They have gone, chased
away by police. Opposite the hospital eight or ten women, many with children
at their feet or babies on their backs, used to sell fruit and vegetables to
nursing staff, patients and visitors.

Their stalls were substantial - made of treated gum poles with thick plastic
sheeting overhead to protect them and their produce from the weather. They
have gone, chased away by the police.

On the main road through town there were at least a dozen places where young
men stood with pockets of oranges, potatoes and butternuts for sale and on
upturned crates they had jars of golden nectar which they were adamant was
honey but we all knew was syrup.

They too have gone, chased away by police. Near the main petrol station a
group of men used to weave baskets, stools and wicker chairs which they sold
on the roadside along with hand woven rugs and mats. For years those men
have been there, their fingers twisting and pulling the canes into intricate
designs with such skill that it was a delight to watch them work and an
insult to bargain with them over their prices when you knew how much work
had gone into the finished product.

These men too have gone, chased away by police. Outside the main Post Office
the woman with her battered enamel basin crowded with bananas and twisted
cones of newspaper filled with ground nuts or nyimo beans has gone, chased
away by the Police. In this case out of sight to the authorities is not out
of mind to us, the ordinary people.

What I am describing is the tip of the iceberg. In towns and cities across
the country the police have embarked on what they call a clean up campaign.
It is not only street vendors who are having their stalls demolished and
goods confiscated - but also people who the police say have built illegal
houses in illegal areas.

On Thursday night I watched in shock as the main TV news carried film
footage of a crowd of riot police standing watching a bulldozer demolishing
"illegal houses". The camera focused on three young children, one with a
school satchel on her back, watching the brick house being torn down; the
walls were plastered and painted blue and I cried inside knowing exactly how
it feels to have the place you call home stolen from you.

It is winter here in Zimbabwe. Last night the temperature dropped to just
seven degrees Centigrade. In Harare last night over 500 families spent their
second night out in the open as their homes had been demolished by police.

I have seen such cruelty and such a lack of compassion and humanity this
week that I cannot imagine which way now for Zimbabwe. No one can understand
what this is about or why it is happening now.

There are already so few voices speaking out for the desperate ordinary
people in Zimbabwe that it is with overwhelming sadness that we heard this
week that Short Wave Radio Africa is about to stop broadcasting as they have
run out of money.

Through SW Radio Africa ordinary people could tell of their own struggle to
survive and for those of us who have listened faithfully every night, I do
not know how we will find the courage to go on without our voice of hope. We
feel more alone now than ever before. Until next week, Ndini shamwari yenyu.
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The Zimbabwean

Last breeding stock killed
EDITOR - I'm ex Concession farming, now in US, hail from 1820 settler stock.
Your summing up is spot on - but what to do?
What option do the workers have and how thick is the shoe leather left - to
walk to work?

And now Mugabe invites the ruthless Chinese in. Every single thing they do
is suicidal and yet he remains 'popular' in Africa?

I thought that "chain link fence" comment this week about the Zimbabwean
economy was such a great analogy. On one hand they want white farmers back,
but just look at what's happening on other farms . who would go back?

Apart from that, it takes GENERATIONS to build farms and you have to utterly
dedicate your life and soul and cash to endlessly build up from virgin
land - what do you do if there is fearful erosion and how do you cope with
lawlessness and mass theft?

I feel desperately sorry for Bennett but little sympathy for Mann -
translate - none at all.

If commercial agriculture were to start again tomorrow - what would the cost
be to just repair the damage done in the past five years? What about the
generations to re-breed up seed, herds, fences, roads, power, education,
health not to mention the initiative, mindset and self-confidence it takes
to develop a place?

I wonder too if the present generation aren't just too plain soft. The world
has also lost the reservoir of farmers that existed in Britain in early
1900s from which our pioneers were drawn. It took 80 years to build our
farms in Concession to the level they reached and just a few weeks to
destroy it all.

The last breeding herd of Mashona cattle has been killed - so that's extinct
now! So, it seems, are "we". And I can never figure out WHY he did it!! What
does he think he "achieved"?

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The Zimbabwean

Results of continued brutality
This section of our series on the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace
in Zimbabwe report on violence and human rights violations in the 1980s
looks at the consequences for the entire country of continued brutality. The
reports have been shortened.
In reality there were many more events, but these figures give an
indication. Eighty percent of all atrocities were committed by 5 Brigade.
The CIO is the next highest, with 6.5%, followed by 'the army' with 4.5%.
Dissidents committed only 2% of reported crimes.

The number confirmed dead is over 2 000 and probably between 3 000 and 4
000. The confirmed number of homesteads burnt is 680, and at least 10 000
people were detained and 7 000 beaten or tortured. All these are
conservative figures.

Organized violence deliberately inflicts pain and suffering to achieve a
political objective. The most common type of physical torture seems to be
beating, and others include asphyxiation, suspension by arms or legs, forced
painful body postures, sexual torture and rape. All these types of torture
were reported during the 1980s in Zimbabwe. Eighty percent of people
reported beatings.

Studies of civilians who suffered in the 1970s War of Liberation show that
many have permanent physical disabilities, which make carrying loads,
walking, chopping firewood and many other activities difficult. There are
also the more obvious disabilities such as loss of eyesight, deafness, loss
of limbs or paralysis of limbs.

Deprivation is the deliberate withholding of something vital. The food
curfew in Matabeleland South in 1984 is a clear example. People were also
told not to seek medical help after beatings, and were kept in deliberately
overcrowded camps.

Psychological torture, widespread in the 1980s, almost invariably
accompanies physical torture. Examples are threats to oneself or one's
family, mock executions, sexual verbal assaults, abuse with excrement and
forced nudity.

Witnessing - forcing people to witness those they love or respect being
tortured or executed - is an effective way of destroying the morale of
entire communities.

Another cruel tactic, forced disappearances, rids the opposition of
leadership and causes huge distress. In Zimbabwe, disappearances occurred
during the 1970s when people went off to train and never returned. In the
1980s, disappearances were used as a deliberate government strategy,
particularly around the election in 1985. There are several hundred
disappeared persons on record.

Consequences of organized violence

Torture causes short-term and long-term physical and psychological damage,
and organized violence generally terrorizes whole communities and is a very
effective way of silencing political opposition. Sadly, the long-term
effects can profoundly affect people's abilities to lead full social lives.

They remain afraid of officialdom, or even attending functions where there
are large numbers of people together. Studies in South Africa and Northern
Ireland show an increase in random violence and violent crimes in areas
where organized violence has been widespread. The transition from strong
repressive government to a weak democratic government can give rise to more
violence. There is also the problem of future generations wanting revenge
for the past.

There is cause for concern in Zimbabwe because of the high numbers of
survivors in the country. Many of these are survivors from the 1980s
violence and the impact has been enormous. The possibilities of healing or
repairing the damage are slim and require the input of resources and good
will by the authorities.

In terms of the Prescription Act, claims for damages have to be made within
three years. In the 1980s disturbances people were too afraid to claim
damages, or did not know how to. Claims against torturers have also been
made impossible by the amnesties in 1982 and 1988.

Those who suffered violence and loss in the 1970s can claim compensation
through the War Victims Compensation Act. However, those who suffered after
1980 are not included in terms of the fund. It is nonetheless quite clear
that many suffered huge material and personal damage.

The Zimbabwean government itself stated in its report in 1996 to the United
Nations Commission on Human Rights that 'pursuant to the signing of the
Unity Accord in 1987, [the Government] had decided to compensate all
families with missing relatives, regardless of whether there were court
proceedings concerning the circumstances of the disappearance'.

This remains to be legally enforced by families of missing people. The
damages due in all currently documented cases are conservatively estimated
at more than US$68 000000. It is suggested that this amount, sourced from
government and international donors as a basic minimum, be used to establish
a Reconciliation Trust to provide communal reparation for those regions
which suffered in the 1980s.

Throughout Matabeleland and in parts of the Midlands, communities are
disturbed by the presence of mass graves, shallow graves and human remains
in mine shafts. Reburying the dead could help heal the suffering of
families, and help establish causes of death and therefore the truth about
the history of the region. Importantly it would encourage the rest of the
nation to acknowledge this history.

Next week: the Commission's recommendations for peace in Zimbabwe.
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The Zimbabwean

Playing with Fire - Part 15
Continuing the Zimbabwe Institute report on human rights abuses inflicted on
opposition MPs and election candidates - the accounts of 11 more MDC MPs.
Makwembere, Bethel: Mkoba, MP

On February 11, 2002 Makwembere reported that Zanu (PF) youths stoned his
house. His two sons fled the country after threats on their lives.

Mangono, Silas: Masvingo Central, MP, Shadow Minister of Transport

Mangono was arrested for alleged involvement in the March 18-19, 2003 mass
stay away. He was arrested again with 24 other MDC supporters on June 2 in
Masvingo on a peaceful march. They were released without charges after
spending several nights in police cells without access to lawyers and food.

Masaiti, Evelyn: Mutasa, MP, Shadow Minister of Youth, Gender and Employment

Masaiti was arrested in April 2000 on allegations of kidnapping two war
veterans in Mutasa. The next month her home was petrol-bombed and, after a
warning of more attacks by Zanu (PF) supporters, her vehicle and 18 homes of
relatives and supporters were torched. Two years later, on the eve of the
presidential election, she was beaten by soldiers with rifle butts at Ruda
police station.

In December 2002, her Parliamentary Constituency Office at Hauna Growth
point was forcibly closed. It was finally agreed that the council would
offer her another office, but this has not been done. On February 14, 2003,
she and 58 other women were arrested and detained for two hours when they
tried to hand in a letter at the UN offices in Harare.

Mashakada, Tapiwa: Hatfield, MP, Shadow Minister of Finance

In May 2001, some 50 armed police without a search warrant ransacked
Mashakada's home, found a rifle belonging to his security officer and
accused him of being a terrorist. At his first court appearance the charge
of having an unregistered firearm was dismissed. In September 2002 police,
again without a warrant, searched his home, claiming he was involved in the
death of a Zanu (PF) activist. He was charged with murder and interrogated
for three days in police cells before the murder charge was switched to
bombing a radio station. Eventually that charge was also dropped.

Mhashu, Fidelis: Chitungwiza, Member of National Executive

In April 2003, 15 armed men, 14 of them in army uniform, ransacked Mhashu's
home while he was out of the country, severely assaulted three male
relatives, and stole Z$270,000.

Mupariwa, Paurina: Mufakose, MP, Shadow Minister and Secretary for Labour

Arrested on January 20, 2003 and detained for 48 hours on allegations of
being involved in plans for an NCA-organised mass stay away, Mupariwa was
released without charge. On March 16, 2003 Zanu (PF) activists ambushed and
fired on the car in which Mupariwa and Job Sikhala were travelling, forcing
the MPs to flee into a maize field.

Three days later, 60 armed people in military uniform ransacked and
vandalised Mupariwa's home, beat up a relative and threatened to beat and
rape Mupariwa and her 9-year-old daughter.

Musekiwa, Tafadzwa: Zengeza, MP, Member of National Executive

Fled to Britain because of continual and has since resigned from Parliament.

Mushoriwa, Edwin: Dzivarasekwa, MP, Shadow Minister of Environment and

Some 20 armed soldiers, spilling from Presidential Guard army vehicles,
broke up a celebratory rally in Mushoriwa's constituency after the 2000
elections. They beat Mushoriwa on the testicles and ribs and vandalised his

In October 2001 Mushoriwa was held in police cells overnight on grounds he
had caused disturbances when Zanu (PF) youths fired on his car. Arrested
again in March, he spent another night in cells. The charges have never been

On the evening of June 1, 2003, just before an anti-government mass action
protest, Mushoriwa's car was again fired on from two trailing vehicles. As
he walked to central Harare for the protest the next day, he was attacked by
15 Zanu (PF) youths, all holding communication radios. Mushoriwa says police
only intervened when a crowd gathered.

Mutsekwa, Giles: Mutare North, MP, MDC Shadow Minister for Defence and

On April 15, 2001 Zanu (PF) youths and War Veterans deflated Mutsekwa's
vehicle tires. On January 6, 2002 Zanu (PF) youths and War Veterans
violently broke up a public constituency meeting and stoned cars. He was
arrested during MDC-organised mass stay aways in March and June 2003, but
not charged.

Mzila-Ndlovu, Moses: Bulilimamangwe North, MP, Shadow Minister of Foreign

Mzila-Ndlovu was arrested in April 2001 for allegedly defaming Robert Mugabe
and detained overnight in Gwanda. That November, 12 armed men arrested him,
initially on murder charges, later changed to kidnapping. He was held in
several police camps for five days, stripped naked and flogged.

Nyathi, Paul Themba: Gwanda North, MP, MDC Spokesperson, Secretary for

In June 2001, four Zanu (PF) youth militia members sideswiped Nyathi's
vehicle in Bulawayo, causing it to roll into the ditch. After numerous death
threats at his home, his wife and daughters fled to Britain. In August 2002,
Nyathi was interrogated by Gwanda police for allegedly calling for the
violent overthrow of Mugabe's regime. In April 2003 he was arrested on
charges of organising a mass political action and held in police custody in
appalling conditions for four days. That September he was interrogated by
police about adverts in the Daily News during the two earlier mass actions.
To date, no charges have been filed.

Next week: further accounts.
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The Zimbabwean

1st hand account of Police brutality
Freelance journalist FRANK CHIKOWORE was arrested by the ZRP last week for
filming police details while they raided flea market vendors in Harare's
central business district. Here we continue his harrowing account of his
They forced me to sit on the pavement at Angwa Flea Market, just opposite
the Angolan Embassy. Then they threw me into the back of a police truck
loaded with raided goods and we headed to Harare Central. They took me to
the backyard where I was put in the hands of one police officer.

Unlike the rest of the cops, who were now busy admiring their loot, the man
tried to comfort me. He said he didn't like what they were doing to me, but
it was on the orders of his superiors. He allowed me to contact my lawyers
and they arrived 10 minutes later.

A 'senior' cop then intervened and told me to keep quiet. I could hear the
voices of my lawyers but I could not call them. The barrel of a gun was less
than 50cm away.

Then I was taken inside, where, accidentally, we met the lawyers who were
looking for me everywhere. In pain as I was, and with the weather chilly,
they forced me to sit on cold floor in full view of my lawyers. The lawyers
tried to phone senior officers of the Criminal Investigations Department Law
and Order Section - but the only official who came said he had "no powers"
to release me.

They confiscated my bag - containing a video camera, two short-hand
notebooks, and the state outline of the court case involving former finance
minister Christopher Kuruneri, an email printout of notes on Kuruneri's
court case and a blank computer disk.

One of the details then made a "formal" application for my detention for the
night for violating AIPPA. The lawyers were quick to ask him under which
section. The officer, who was writing in broken English on the application,
just replied "AIPPA is AIPPA".

They ordered me to remove my shoes, socks and belt. I looked for the belt
but it was not there. It fell to pieces when the police were assaulting me.
The freezing weather did not mean anything to them. They told me to remove
my jacket (which was now torn as a result of the beatings). I asked if I
could be allowed to remove my shirt instead of the jacket and, for the first
time, they listened to me. I was taken into the holding cell.

I could not sleep. It was overcrowded and stinking. The other inmates were
at each other's throats, scrambling for the tiny space available. I could
only stand for the whole night, with no blanket. I could hear prisoners in
other cells screaming.

Some inmates claimed they had been in custody for over a week with no food.
One street kid, who claimed that he was arrested for public violence two
days earlier, said he would rather be in the street as at least, there, he
could access food thrown into rubbish bins by the public.

The next day I spent the whole day, with my lawyers in the office of the
Investigating Officer (IO), who kept saying that the "chefs are in a meeting
discussing your case".

At around 1500 hours the IO asked me to re-play the recorded material on my
camera. They had obviously failed to operate it. Modern technology! I played
the camera and he took it to his bosses again. He came back after about 45
minutes. The lawyers knew he was just buying time in order to detain me for
another night. NOT AGAIN please!

At around 1850 hours, I was called by the Officer Commanding the CID Law and
Order Section, who told me they could see no reason to keep me in custody
but would confiscate the Kuruneri court document - the state outline, itself
a public document - and my email printout. I agreed and left quickly.

I now fear for my life. I have not seen my family members since my release
from police custody. They are all afraid. Is this the independence that our
fathers fought for during the liberation struggle? Is the media in Zimbabwe
independent when journalists are arrested, harassed and assaulted
willy-nilly by an uncaring police force that has a mandate to protect the
same journalists and vendors whom it victimizes?

I am not the only one who has suffered - I think of former Daily News
photographer Virginia Mauluka, my colleague Tsvangirai Mukwazhi and many
others who have been arrested on countless occasions.

As I write, the back part of my foot is swollen and I cannot put on a closed
shoe because of the assault. But when reporters write that human rights are
being abused in Zimbabwe, our government is quick to condemn them.
Non-governmental organizations are raided at random because they register
their discomfort over human rights issues. Shame. Cry my beloved country.
Zvichanaka nerimwe zuva! (The situation will return to normal one day)
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The Zimbabwean

Youth party formed
HARARE - A new political party, The Zimbabwe Youth in Alliance, has been
formed on a platform of advocating a return to democracy, increased
participation by young people in public life, and rejoining the
Commonwealth. The party manifesto also calls for the restoration of
agricultural productivity by both increasing support for resettled farmers
and encouraging a return to the industry of existing and displaced white
farmers and their evicted workers.
"We are a new party advocating for youthful ideas and new leadership in
Zimbabwe," said party secretary general, Moses Mutyasira, who ran as a
candidate for Buhera North in the March parliamentary elections. "We will
continue to lobby for democratic change."

In its manifesto, the party deplores the current dire state of education in
Zimbabwe at all levels, and pledges to stop the practice of the governing
Zanu (PF) elite grabbing scholarships to send their children to foreign
universities. "The party will forthwith deny scholarships to study abroad
for families of government ministers and their associates who have been
abusing such a facility for many years," the manifesto says. "Education must
be the preserve of all Zimbabweans, regardless of their social standing in

On land reform, the party says that young Zimbabweans have not benefited. It
pledges to ensure support for resettled farmers, and adds, "All
stakeholders, including existing and displaced white farmers and ex-farm
workers will be incorporated in the turn around of the agricultural sector
in the country."

The youth party pledges to work with the millions of Zimbabweans in the
diaspora to help solve the economic crisis. "All efforts will be made to
consult and engage Zimbabweans in the diaspora on the way forward for
Zimbabwe (rather) than to take a confrontational approach that the current
regime has adopted."

The party would also seek to normalize relations with the Western nations -
regularly attacked by Robert Mugabe - and with the IMF and the World Bank.
It says it does not support the withdrawal from the Commonwealth by Mugabe
after observers from the largely Asian and African body ruled that the last
presidential election in which he claimed victory was flawed.

Other aims include making traditional chiefs - now an important arm of Zanu
(PF) - politically non-partisan and setting up a 'Traditional Governance
Council' which would have an advisory capacity.

The youth alliance's stance on the informal sector and cross border trading
also contrasts with the current crackdown by police on flea markets and
street traders. "ZIYA will ensure access to loans for the purposes for the
purposes of developing cross-border trading and informal sector growth."

Contact: Moses Mutyasira: phone 263-91-331-071
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