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GRACE MUGABE . . . The new group of hardline war veterans claims she is their patron |
HARARE – A new group of hardline supporters of President Robert Mugabe – whose patron is his wife, Grace – is urging the government to abort the electoral process and instead reconstitute the old parliament dominated by the ruling ZANU PF party and let the veteran leader keep his job.
The group of former fighters of Zimbabwe’s 1970s war of independence said it wanted the June 27 second round presidential election shelved until Western countries lifted sanctions against Mugabe’s government, which the group said have hurt the economy and turned voters against the Harare administration.
The group, calling itself the Revolutionary Council and led by war veteran Chris Pasipamire, said its major objective was to defend Mugabe’s controversial land reforms that saw white farmers expelled and their farms handed over to blacks, most of them supporters or top officials of ZANU PF.
“As the Revolutionary Council we hereby demand that the whole electoral process be set aside and the old parliament be re-constituted with President Mugabe remaining the head of state,” said the group that announced its arrival on Zimbabwe’s political scene late on Wednesday night.
“No run-off (election) will be held until the sanctions are lifted . . . elections are not a priority now as they serve no purpose except regime change,” the war veterans group said.
War veterans are key allies of Mugabe who he often uses as shock troops to intimidate political opponents.
While Pasipamire said Grace was the patron of the Revolutionary Council, Mugabe’s wife was not immediately available to confirm her role in the organisation or whether she subscribed to its call to abort the electoral process.
But Grace last week told ZANU PF supporters that her husband would never handover power to opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party leader Moragn Tsvangirai even if he were to win the second round presidential election later this month.
Grace – 40 years junior to the 84-year old Mugabe and known for her love for shopping – said her husband would give up power only to someone from his ZANU PF party.
The run-off election is being
held because Tsvangirai defeated Mugabe in a March 29 poll but failed to garner
more than 50 percent of the vote needed to take power under the country's
electoral laws.
Tsvangirai, who polled 47.8 percent of the vote in March against Mugabe’s 43.2 percent starts as favourite to win the run-off election. However, analysts say political violence that has to date killed at least 60 MDC supporters and displaced thousands others might just tilt the scales in favour of Mugabe.
Meanwhile MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa on Thursday dismissed the Revolutionary Council as a ZANUPF-sponsored group out to sow confusion ahead of the run-off poll.
Chamisa said: “The run-off is a legal requirement . . . we don’t care a jot about a ZANU PF-sponsored organisation afraid that Mugabe’s time is up.” – ZimOnline.
The tight circle of "securocrats", who sit on the Joint Operations Command (JOC) committee, are now believed to be in day-to-day charge of Zimbabwe's government.
They ensured Mr Mugabe did not step down after his defeat in the presidential election's first round in March and are now masterminding a campaign of terror to suppress the opposition Movement for Democratic Change and guarantee victory for Mr Mugabe in the June 27 run-off.
The government indefinitely suspended all work by aid groups and non-governmental organisations, accusing them of breaching their terms of registration.
Mr Mugabe is a useful figurehead who still commands the deference of other African leaders, notably President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa.
But the western diplomat said Mr Mugabe's power had ebbed away and Zimbabwe was now run by a "junta".
"This is a military coup by stealth," he said. "There are no tanks on people's lawns, but the Joint Operations Command runs this country."
The most powerful figures on the JOC are Gen Constantine Chiwenga, the overall military chief; Augustine Chihuri, the national police commissioner, and Gen Paradzai Zimondi, the commander of the prison service.
Air Marshal Perence Shiri, the commander of the air force, who masterminded a brutal military campaign against Zimbabwe's minority Ndebele people in the 1980s, is also part of the circle, although believed to be less influential.
All four fought in Mr Mugabe's guerrilla army during the war against white rule in the 1970s. Each has publicly proclaimed their support for the ruling Zanu-PF party.
They have also benefited from Mr Mugabe's seizure of white-owned land, with farms and business concessions falling into their hands, allowing them to amass considerable wealth.
The diplomat said after the first round of the election on March 29, Mr Mugabe, 84, "almost went" when it became clear that Morgan Tsvangirai, the opposition leader, had won significantly more votes.
But a pivotal meeting of the JOC on March 30 convinced him to stay.
"The generals didn't let him go," said the diplomat. From that moment, Mr Mugabe was "beholden to his senior generals to hold office".
Another source inside Zimbabwe confirmed: "He [Mugabe] was prepared to concede but the generals, whose positions would become uncertain with his departure, prevented that from happening," he said.
Other observers backed the diplomat's view that Zimbabwean politics had fundamentally changed.
Tiseke Kasambala, a Zimbabwe specialist at Human Rights Watch, said there was an "increasing militarisation of the state".
"The evidence points to an increasing role by the army in state affairs," she said.
"The army is no longer just in barracks, waiting to protect the country. The army is out there, taking a role in the day-to-day government of the country."
Mr Mugabe does not fear his generals will actually overthrow him – they still need him as the regime's titular leader – or he would not have travelled to Rome for the United Nations food summit this week.
However, observers believe Mr Mugabe's age and his new dependence on the generals means he is no longer the sole arbiter of Zimbabwe's fate.
Afrol News, Norway
afrol News, 5
June - Following yesterday's 9-hour detention of opposition
leader Morgan
Tsvangirai, reports of anger and outrage are streaming in from
all over the
world, indicating Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe at last has
managed to
alienate even his last friends. Also regional leaders, including
South
Africa's Thabo Mbeki, clearly marked President Mugabe has now crossed
the
line.
Mr Tsvangirai was only freed from police detention after a phone
appeal by
South African President Thabo Mbeki to the Harare government, Mr
Mbeki's
spokesman said today. President Mbeki has until now been the
guarantor of he
Mugabe regime, letting the Zimbabwean leader go through with
most foul
tricks to stop Mr Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) gaining
power.
This first direct intervention by President
Mbeki into Zimbabwean affairs
marks a radical shift from his earlier "quiet
diplomacy" line. In March
2007, when Mr Tsvangirai was detained and heavily
tortured, President Mbeki
failed to act. Since that, however, pressure in
South Africa and from
development partners has made Mr Mbeki realise his
unconditional support for
President Mugabe must end.
The turning
point possibly came after the March presidential election, where
Mr
Tsvangirai was credited more votes than President Mugabe. While a second
poll round, slated for 27 June, is still needed to name a winner, the
elections indicated that Mr Mugabe's days in power may be counted and
regional leader need to come to terms with Zimbabwe's future leader. This
time, Mr Tsvangirai's arrest thus was seen as crossing the line, causing Mr
Mbei to intervene.
But the intervention only came after massive
pressure from the national
opposition and foreign leaders. South Africa's
main opposition party, the
Democratic Alliance (DA) earlier vehemently
slammed the arrests of Mr
Tsvangirai and party key representative Arthur
Mutambara. The party urged
President Mbeki to call upon President Mugabe to
immediately release Mr
Mutambara. The latter was apprehended during the
weekend for expressing a
stern dissatisfaction over the way government was
handling the country's
political impasse.
In a bid to ensure that
President Mbeki heeds the outcry, the DA requested
him to require of Mr
Mugabe to convince the Southern African Development
Community (SADC) that
his government will give the opposition unreserved
access to campaign,
without intimidation, by either the ruling ZANU-PF or
any of the state
organs, in accordance with existing electoral policies.
More
significantly, other African state leaders are now going on clear
distance
to President Mugabe. Kenya's Prime Minister Raila Odinga described
the
Zimbabwean leader as a dictator of yesterday in one of the harshest
attacks
by any African office holders against Mr Mugabe. Mr Odinga
reportedly said
Mr Tsvangirai's decision to campaign in the run off would
show "how far
Mugabe and his supporters are willing to go."
Also the MDC has put
pressure on regional leaders to finally intervene as
Zimbabwe's economy and
social structures are falling apart. The MCD blames
the Mugabe government
for chronic economic hardships and widespread
shortages of basic commodities
affecting most Zimbabweans. Around 80 percent
of the country's 11.6 million
people live in abject poverty, with the
country's inflation officially at
269 percent. Some four million
Zimbabweans - a third of the population - are
believed to need food aid this
year.
Hundreds of opposition
supporters and officials, including lawmakers have
been arrested and some of
them beaten, during the protests, the MDC has
said. The party claims that 65
of its supporters have been killed in
political attacks. The Harare
government however says that the scale of the
violence has been exaggerated
and blamed the MDC for instigating attacks.
Mr Tsvangarai's short-lived
detention also caused outrage around the world.
Sharp worded protests were
emitted by the Washington government, the British
Foreign Affairs Minister,
the European Union (EU) Commission and human
rights groups around the world.
"The situation raises the wider concern that
appropriate conditions be in
place ahead of and during the second round of
presidential elections," noted
for example EU Development Commissioner Louis
Michel.
For its part,
the US government has called for urgent dialogue between the
MDC and the
ruling party, to alleviate Zimbabwe's economic and political
dead end. The
State Department said Mr Mugabe should end the crackdown he is
leading
against the opposition in a bid to promote such a dialogue in the
interests
of the Zimbabwean people.
It requested the international community,
especially African nations to
heighten their efforts to press for the
dialogue. "The heightened climate of
confrontation and violence in Zimbabwe
this week we think heightens the
urgent need for a dialogue between the
government and the opposition," the
State Department spokesperson Richard
Boucher said. He further blamed the
worsening conditions on the government
and appealed on neighbouring
countries to do their part to help ease the
situation.
Similar statements have been made by Foreign Ministries across
the Western
world, from the UK, via Germany to Australia.
By
Leboela Motopi, Rainer Chr Hennig
VOA
By Blessing Zulu
Washington
05 June
2008
Zimbabwean opposition leader and presidential
candidate Morgan Tsvangirai
was on the presidential campaign trail again
Thursday after his release from
police detention for about eight hours on
Wednesday in Lupane, Matabeleland
North.
Campaigning in rural
communities near Plumtree, Matebeleland South,
Tsvangirai told VOA he he
would not let the incident derail his campaign for
president. Tsvangirai
will go head to head with President Robert Mugabe in a
run-off ballot on
June 27.
But human rights groups voiced concern that Harare is tightening
its grip on
the nation with about three weeks to go to the election, already
seriously
tarnished by a wave of pervasive and increasingly deadly political
violence
targeting the opposition.
Amnesty International issued a
statement saying Tsvangirai's detention was
part of a "sudden.and dangerous
crackdown on political opposition" in the
election run-up.
At the
U.S. State Department, spokesman Sean McCormack called on Zimbabwe's
regional neighbors including South Africa, to exercise "the maximum amount
of leverage" on the Harare government given the rising tide of
violence.
Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga called Mugabe a "dictator"
and criticized
African leaders who have been reluctant to criticize
him.
Nairobi-based political analyst Brian Kagoro told reporter Blessing
Zulu of
VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that Mugabe is using terror as a
campaign tool.
Yahoo News
by Lachlan Carmichael 1
hour, 46 minutes ago
WASHINGTON (AFP) - The United States said Thursday
it was "outraged" at
Zimbabwe's detention of US diplomats, raised the case
at the UN Security
Council, and denounced anew Harare's crackdown on the
opposition.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice told reporters in
Washington that "the
situation in Zimbabwe is really quite difficult and
quite grave" ahead of
the presidential run-off elections in Zimbabwe on June
27.
She said the detention of US and British diplomats on top of that of
opposition leaders "demonstrates that this is a regime that is very much out
of step with international norms."
Zimbabwe police detained US and
British diplomats Thursday in a dramatic
confrontation at a roadblock after
what the government described as a
gathering at the home of an opposition
supporter. The diplomats were later
released.
"It is outrageous. It
is unacceptable. And while this immediate incident has
been resolved, it
will not be forgotten," Rice's spokesman Sean McCormack
told reporters
earlier.
The incident occurred a day after the Zimbabwean authorities
detained for
several hours the opposition chief Morgan Tsvangirai, who faces
President
Robert Mugabe in the run-off contest.
The US government has
already protested the incident involving its diplomats
directly with the
Zimbabwean government.
"We are going to raise this at the Security
Council ... and I sincerely hope
that this time the Security Council does
not consider the mistreatment of
diplomats to be an internal matter for
Zimbabwe," Rice said.
The comments may have been an implicit dig at South
African President Thabo
Mbeki, who has refused to criticize Mugabe despite
the violence since the
first round of parliamentary and presidential
elections on March 29.
Mbeki is the chief mediator between Mugabe's
ruling ZANU-PF party -- which
lost its majority in parliament for the first
time since independence in
1980 -- and Tsvangirai's main opposition Movement
for Democratic Change
(MDC) party.
Tsvangirai also beat Mugabe in the
first round, but officially fell short of
an outright majority.
The
15-member Security Council on Thursday "expressed concern" about the
brief
detention of US and British diplomats, US diplomat Jeff Delaurentis
said.
The council urged "respect of the Vienna Convention, in
particular
protection of diplomats and property" the minister-counselor at
the US
mission to the UN told reporters.
He added that the council,
which is under US presidency this month, would
continue to review the case
in the next few days.
Rice dismissed any suggestion that the United
States might recall diplomats
from Harare, saying they were needed there to
ensure "a modicum of civility
and a modicum of fairness" for the
run-off.
McCormack said earlier that the US delegation to the UN food
security summit
in Rome would seek out its Zimbabwean counterpart there to
complain about
the detention of the diplomats.
Although usually
barred from the European Union because of sanctions, Mugabe
has been able to
head the Zimbabwean delegation to the Food and Agriculture
Organization
(FAO) summit in Rome because it is sponsored by the United
Nations.
White House spokeswoman Dana Perino was scathing about
Mugabe.
"The fact that Mugabe then left his country, in the middle of
this (economic
and political) crisis, much of which he caused, and went to
Rome for a food
conference, is obscene," Perino said.
McCormack's
denunciations were unusually strong.
"While we are outraged by this
incident, it is really nothing compared to
what the Zimbabwean people suffer
on a daily basis," he said.
SW Radio Africa
(London)
ANALYSIS
5 June 2008
Posted to the web 5 June
2008
Tererai Karimakwenda
We received reports that members of
the youth militia, recruited by ZANU-PF
to intimidate and assault opposition
officials and activists in rural areas,
are now using the vehicles and
weapons they were provided with to commit
crimes in the urban
areas.
Our Harare correspondent Simon Muchemwa reports that crimes such
as house
robberies and looting have increased in the last 2 weeks. Some of
the young
thugs were caught wearing police uniforms that they used to gain
easy entry
into people's houses. The youths are also reported to be stealing
foreign
currency and mobile phones from innocent civilians in broad
daylight.
Muchemwa spoke to a junior police officer who said that
they have been
arresting these young criminals who are armed, only to be
ordered by their
seniors to release them without charge. It is believed that
the salaries
that the youths were receiving originally have been reduced or
cut off
altogether. As Muchemwa explained, ZANU-PF has a history of using
young poor
Zimbabweans, then dumping them with no further rewards. Many are
now in
desperate need of money and are taking advantage of the lawlessness
in the
country.
According to our correspondent, these criminals are
travelling in twin cabs
and other vehicles that are known to be owned by the
ruling party. Some of
the vehicles were used to transport ZANU-PF candidates
and officials during
the election campaign period before March 29. The twin
cabs were also used
by the youths to distribute fliers for ZANU-PF
candidates. Since the March
elections, several MDC activists have been
abducted by war veterans and
youth militia using twin cabs.
The
situation in Bulawayo has so far been more peaceful than other parts of
the
country. But our Bulawayo correspondent Zenzele reported that ZANU-PF
has
recently been recruiting many youths to join the militia. He said
several
bases have been opened and at least 1000 youths are to be recruited
to work
for ZANU-PF over the election period. It is feared that criminal
acts will
intensify as more and more youths find themselves out in the cold,
after
being dumped by ZANU-PF after the presidential runoff.
SW
Radio Africa (London)
5 June 2008
Posted to the web 5 June
2008
Tichaona Sibanda
A top official of the MDC disclosed on
Thursday that most of it's members
were living in fear of being abducted and
murdered, as state sponsored
violence wreaks havoc in rural
areas.
Professor Elphas Mukonoweshuro said the situation in the rural
areas
resembled a war zone, with the movement of armed bands across the
whole of
the country.
'Personal security is a constant worry and
none of us feel safe at all. It's
virtually impossible to mount any
meaningful campaign, even in urban areas,'
the MDC MP elect for Gutu South
said.
Since the 29th March elections, the regime has waged a retributive
campaign
against MDC supporters and activists, in retaliation for the shock
defeat of
Robert Mugabe and Zanu-PF. Soldiers, war veterans and militias
have been
attacking communities, abducting, torturing and killing political
opponents.
Mukonoweshuro observed that the campaign was meant to disrupt
the electoral
process in many parts of the country, making it impossible for
voters to
freely express their will.
'This violence and attempts to
manipulate the campaign sadly cast a shadow
over the forthcoming
presidential run-off. The violence is an unacceptable
breach of peace and
peoples' democratic rights,' Mukonoweshuro said.
He added that it was
most unfortunate that a sizable proportion of the
electorate was being
deprived of the right to express it's will in the
elections due to the
irresponsible, violent and destructive actions of
Zanu-PF.
'Such
actions are not conducive to the democratic process. Unfortunately,
the lack
of response to the numerous violations we reported soon after the
harmonised
elections did little to prevent the serious incidents of violence
that have
taken place in the last two months. We urgently urge the
deployment of SADC
monitors and observers to come and witness these
atrocities,' the MP
said.
Zim Online
by
Jameson Mombe Friday 06 June 2008
JOHANNESBURG -
Zimbabwe police released opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai only after the
intervention of President Thabo Mbeki, a spokesman
for the South African
leader said on Thursday.
Mbeki's spokesman, Mukoni Ratshitanga,
told the media that the South
African president immediately contacted
Zimbabwe government officials after
he was informed by Tsvangirai's Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) party
of the opposition leader's detention by
police in Lupane in Matabeleland
North province.
Ratshitanga
said, "discussions did take place with government
representatives in Harare
in which the president (Mbeki) appealed for Mr
Tsvangirai's
release."
Mbeki is the Southern African Development Community
(SADC)'s mediator
on Zimbabwe. As leader of Africa's biggest economy, Mbeki
is seen as best
positioned to influence President Robert Mugabe to abandon
his controversial
policies and embrace democracy.
However
political analysts and the MDC criticise Mbeki for not doing
enough to push
Mugabe to end political violence ahead of a June 27 second
round
presidential election.
Police arrested Tsvangirai, his deputy
Thokozani Khupe and national
chairman Lovemore Moyo as they toured
Matabeleland North province to
mobilise support ahead of the run-off
presidential election.
Tsvangirai starts off as favourite to win
the run-off poll that is
being held because the MDC leader defeated Mugabe
in a March 29 poll but
fell short of the margin required to takeover the
presidency.
But analysts say political violence that has to date
killed at least
60 MDC supporters and displaced thousands others might just
tilt the scales
in favour of Mugabe. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
by Own Correspondent Friday 06 June
2008
JOHANNESBURG - Civic society groups on Thursday urged
southern African
governments to impose a moratorium on the supply of arms to
Zimbabwe where
election violence has killed at least 60 opposition members
and displaced
thousands of others.
The groups said such a move by
Southern African Development Community (SADC)
Governments would help enhance
peace and security before and after Zimbabwe's
second presidential election
later this month.
Zimbabwe holds a run-off election on June 27 to choose
a winner between
President Robert Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai who won the
first round poll on March 29 but fell short of the
required margin to
takeover the presidency.
Political violence has
marred campaigning for the run-off poll, amid charges
by the MDC that Mugabe
has unleashed state security forces and ZANU PF
militias to wage violence
against the opposition party's supporters and
structures in an attempt to
regain the upper hand in the second ballot.
Briefing the media in
Johannesburg, Obby Chibuluma of the Coalition for
Peace in Africa said: "We
are asking for a moratorium on Zimbabwe to make
sure security is guaranteed
before and after the June 27 run-off elections,"
adding that more than 110
000 people globally had since signed a petition on
the
moratorium.
Minister in the Presidency, Aziz Pahad, was on Thursday
expected to receive
the petition from the civil society
organisations.
Joseph Dube, Africa coordinator for the International
Action Network on
Small Arms said, "We are confident the moratorium will go
through. A
moratorium is critical to stabilise Zimbabwe."
Arnold
Tsunga, director of the African Programme at the International
Commission of
Jurists, said: "Small arms have been used to overturn the rule
of law in
Zimbabwe. ZANU PF attempts to do away with effective checks and
balances.
"The judicial system is undermined and is now subordinated
to a military
that violates human rights. Small arms are used to torment and
torture
people and must not be provided to Zimbabwe."
The NGOs
expressed concern over South Africa's authorisation of the
transportation of
arms in the Chinese ship, An Yue Jiang, destined for
Zimbabwe in
May.
It is unclear what became of the Chinese arms shipment with some
reports
suggesting that Beijing claims the An Yue Jiang was recalled with
its cargo
after southern African maritime countries refused to let the ship
dock in
their ports.
But there have been several reports suggesting
that the Chinese ship was
after all able to offload its lethal cargo before
turning back home.
They said South Africa had a committee that oversaw
the implementation of
this National Conventional Arms Control
Act.
The civic bodies said Mbeki, who is the region's chief mediator on
Zimbabwe,
should in the first place not have allowed issuing of a permit to
the
Chinese to transport weapons through South Africa to Zimbabwe given the
volatile situation in that country. - ZimOnline
nasdaq
(RTTNews) - Zimbabwe's government on Thursday
ordered all aid agencies and
non-governmental organizations to suspend their
operations in the country,
accusing them of breaching their terms of
registration.
"I hereby instruct all PVOs (Private Voluntary
Organizations)/NGOs to
suspend all field operations until further notice,"
read the order written
by Nicholas Goche, Minister of Public Service, Labor
and Social Welfare.
The suspension order comes a day after the country's
opposition and various
rights groups condemned the violence and intimidation
ahead of the
presidential run-off elections between opposition's Morgan
Tsvangirai and
President Robert Mugabe.
Human rights groups say that
President Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF party is
pursuing a campaign of
intimidation by beating and threatening the
opposition supporters before the
run-off elections.
"By introducing restrictions against aid workers in
Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwean
government is attempting to hide the worst of the
state-sponsored violence
from the eyes of the world," said Amnesty
International, condemning the
suspension order.
For comments and
feedback: contact editorial@rttnews.com
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
05 June
2008
The political violence that has plagued Zimbabwe's
rural areas since the
elections in March is starting to penetrate into
Harare, the capital, civic
activists say.
The Combined Harare
Residents Association said it has received reports that
militia of the
ruling ZANU-PF party of President Robert Mugabe are now
harassing residents
of the capital and its suburbs after establishing bases
close to the
city.
Sources said war veterans beat up residents of Chisipite, to the
east of
Harare, at the Lewisham shopping center on Monday. In Epworth,
southeast of
Harare, attacks by ZANU-PF militia sent a dozen people to the
hospital.
Militia members are said to have set up torture bases at
Lewisham, the
Caledonia informal settlement in the Mabvuku-Tafara
constituency, and in
Epworth.
Harare Combined Residents Association
Chairman Mike Davies told reporter
Jonga Kandemiiri that communities must
come together to address this threat.
Meanwhile, the ruling party and
opposition cooperated establishing a
committee to work with the police to
curb political violence. ZANU-PF and
the Movement for Democratic Change
agreed to co-sign a declaration drafted
by the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission's multi-party liaison committee
condemning
violence.
Opposition spokesman Nelson Chamisa said that the MDC has
written to the
electoral commission demanding that torture bases set up by
ZANU-PF militia
be dismantled, and that the military stop campaigning for
President Mugabe
against opposition candidate Morgan Tsvangirai in the June
27 run-off
election.
But National Director Alois Chaumba of the
Catholic Commission for Peace and
Justice, also chairman of the Zimbabwe
Peace Project, told reporter Jonga
Kandemiiri that it is questionable
whether the ruling party is truly
committed to nonviolence as its supporters
are the main perpetrators of
violence and intimidation.
ISPnews
An Interview with Nelson Chamisa,
Zimbabwean Member of Parliament
HARARE, Jun 5 (IPS) - Fourteen members of
Women of Zimbabwe Arise, a
Bulawayo-based human rights organisation, are
being held in two prisons in
the capital Harare. They were arrested while
marching to demand that the
Southern Africa Development Community (SADC)
intervene to end post-election
violence; their case is just one illustration
of escalating human rights
abuses in Zimbabwe.
A leading human rights
lawyer, Andrew Makoni, has fled to South Africa after
receiving credible
warnings of a plan to murder at least one lawyer to deter
others from
publicising abuses and defending victims of state-sponsored
violence.
According to the Southern Africa Litigation Centre, four of
Makoni's clients
have been murdered in the past two weeks.
Since elections on March 29, at
least 22 people have been killed in a
campaign of torture, beatings and
destruction of homes that the Solidarity
Peace Trust reports has been
carried out by supporters of the ruling
Zimbabwe African National
Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) supporters --
including war veterans, the
party's youth wing and serving members of the
Zimbabwe's security
services.
IPS reporter Tonderai Kwidini spoke with Nelson Chamisa, a
Movement for
Democratic Change party spokesperson and member of parliament,
was himself
attacked at the Harare International Airport last year, while on
his way to
an international meeting of parliamentarians in Brussels. And
last week four
of his family members were also severely assaulted by
soldiers and suspected
ZANU-PF militias.
IPS: What impact the
violence has had on campaigning for the June 27 run-off
elections?
NELSON CHAMISA: This is the worst political environment we
have ever
experienced in the history of our party. We are fighting a regime
that is
staring defeat in the face but is determined to stay in power and
has become
desperate. Our supporters are being maimed, tortured and killed
and no one
has been arrested. This is a situation you can only expect to get
from a
barbaric state.
IPS: How is the ongoing violence affecting or
changing the political
landscape in Zimbabwe?
NC: The violence has
displaced voters. Remember we are going to be using a
ward-based system and
lot of our supporters have been forced out of their
homesteads as a result
of the violence. It has not just displaced voters, it
has eliminated the
electorate. We have over 50 supporters who have been
killed since March
29.
IPS: A recent report from Solidarity Peace Trust describes this
repression
in painful detail. The report also recommends further mediation
and the
establishment of a transitional government. The International Crisis
Group
has made a similar recommendation: what is your response to this
suggestion?
NC: It's simple: no one is against the idea of a government
of national
unity, because Zimbabwe will need one as it shapes up its
nation-building
efforts. But that government can only be chosen by the party
that wins the
elections because only then will it have the mandate of the
people.
We are calling on the international community, SADC, the African
Union and
the United Nations to deploy peace keeping forces as well as
monitors to
come to Zimbabwe and save the people from ZANU-PF.
IPS:
What is the message you are giving to MDC supporters in the face of
this
extreme violence?
We are just telling them that this is the last hurdle
and it is going to be
painful, but it will come to pass. We are telling them
to vote with their
conscience -- they have to be strong. This is the end: we
spoke on 29 March
and we have to speak again on 27 June.
IPS: We
understand that your political party has been prevented from holding
rallies
in certain parts of the country. What has been the effect of these
bans on
your political activities?
NC: You don't have to talk about those bans
alone as we have some rural
areas that have been declared by ZANU-PF as
no-go areas for the opposition.
Those bans have not only managed to disrupt
our campaign strategies but have
given the ZANU-PF regime an edge against
us. The whole idea is to render our
party comatose.
IPS: Can you
describe how you are campaigning in this environment?
NC: Our rallies
have been banned, so we are now resorting to doing door to
door
campaigns.
IPS: What needs to be done to make the June 27 elections a
free and fair
contest?
NC: Firstly, there is a need to de-politicise
the police force as it has
become partisan in favour of the incumbent. Then
there is a need to create
conditions in which all political parties are
covered fairly in both public
and private media.
I was in Rwanda
recently and I have learnt a lot about how the media can be
used as a tool
to fan violence. The ZANU-PF campaigns on national radio and
television are
genocidal and have to be stopped before it's too late.
IPS: Have you at
any time felt a threat to your life as a result of the
crackdown on
political freedoms?
NC: Everyone within the party's leadership is living
in constant fear of
being abducted, tortured before being killed. We are now
security animals
and we have to be careful. We are dealing with a vampire
regime. But
remember: dictatorship is temporary and we are witnessing the
end of Robert
Mugabe's tyranny. (END/2008)
Jun 5th 2008 | JOHANNESBURG
From The
Economist print edition
AS ROBERT MUGABE, Zimbabwe's president, raised hackles at a United Nations food summit in Rome this week (see article), his henchmen at home have been getting down to the violent business of making sure that their man wins the run-off presidential election scheduled for June 27th. Neighbouring countries continue to call plaintively for a peaceful vote. But on the evidence so far the election will be neither peaceful nor fair.
Arthur Mutambara, the leader of a splinter of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), was arrested on June 1st for writing an editorial criticising the president. Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC's leader and the man who bested Mr Mugabe in the first round in March, was detained by the police for nine hours on June 4th while on the campaign trail. Many opposition rallies have been banned and scores of opposition activists arrested. A ruthless campaign of repression has, so the MDC claims, left 65 of its supporters dead since March (Mr Tsvangirai is pictured above at the funeral of one of them). Thousands have been severely injured and, according to some estimates, 25,000 people displaced.
In an ominous sign of how the election campaign might affect those who are suffering most under Mr Mugabe, Care International, an aid agency, has had to suspend its relief operations after being accused by the government of supporting the opposition, a charge it denies. Human Rights Watch, a monitoring group, reports that the authorities have blocked some other aid agencies from distributing food in several provinces until after the election.
The beating, kidnapping and killing of key MDC activists has gravely weakened the opposition party's local organisations. Areas that were former strongholds of ZANU-PF, the ruling party, which dared to switch to the opposition in March, have now been turned into no-go areas for the MDC. Mr Tsvangirai plans to visit the ZANU-PF heartland of Mashonaland but ensuring his safety there will not be easy, as his party has not been licensed to carry firearms or even radios. A prominent human-rights lawyer fled to South Africa this week following threats against his life.
In order to vote, those who have already fled the violence will have to go back to their wards. To do so, they will need help and some assurances of safety. The MDC has launched a fund to assist victims with medical treatment, repatriation and rebuilding their homes, many of which have been burnt to the ground.
The Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN), a local electoral organisation that sent about 8,000 independent observers around the country to monitor the first round, is struggling to do its work. Its offices have been raided and its members harassed. ZESN monitors have been asked to reapply for accreditation for the second round, and it is unclear how many requests will be granted. Observers from neighbouring countries deemed to be friendly by the government were expected to arrive in Zimbabwe on June 8th, but monitors, observers and journalists from the United Nations, the European Union or Western countries will not be let in.
It remains possible that Mr Mugabe's determination to hang on to power at all costs will strengthen the resolve of voters to turf him out rather than crush their spirit. But even if Mr Tsvangirai once again defeats his opponent at the ballot box, Mr Mugabe is not expected to bow out gracefully. His wife is reported to have said that her husband will only allow someone from the ruling party to succeed him. Security chiefs have vowed not to serve under a president from the opposition.
Things might be different if a trusted outsider were available to mediate between Mr Mugabe and the opposition. But the MDC has lost patience with Thabo Mbeki, president of South Africa, who has been the region's appointed mediator to date. In a scathing, bitter letter dated May 13th but leaked this week, Mr Tsvangirai asked Mr Mbeki to relinquish this role.
The letter (which Mr Mbeki says he never got) accuses Mr Mbeki of being ineffectual and partial, of blocking discussions at the United Nations and of letting a shipment through South Africa of weapons for Mr Mugabe's regime (though the shipment was blocked after trade unionists refused to unload it). “Since the 29th March election, Zimbabwe has plunged into horrendous violence while you have been mediating,” writes Mr Tsvangirai. “With respect, if we continue like this, there will be no country left.” The opposition refuses to participate in more talks with Mr Mbeki and asks for the appointment of a broader team. But time is running short.
African Path
June 05, 2008
04:10 PMBy
Scott A Morgan
We all have been thought that Patience is a
Virtue. But in Zimbabwe it seems
that having patience can also be fatal.
This has been true during past
election cycles and expecting
NeighboringStates or the World to intervene in
the many crises plaguing the
country.
Southern Africa has watched with baited breath the Aftermath of
the latest
Election Cycle. First the Results of the Parliamentary Elections
were
delayed until the Opposition Victory could not be held back any longer.
Then
the Presidential Poll Results were released in such a manner that one
could
reasonably assume that it was more important to have President Mugabe
remain
in Office that listen to the wishes of the Zimbabwe People. Let us
not
forget the many attempts to import Million of Tons of Weapons as well
during
the Vote Count as well.
Currently the violence continues
around the country. Over 20 People have
been killed since the end of the
First Round of the Elections. Several Aid
Groups have been forced to cease
operations in the Country by President
Mugabe. So now in some instances the
people have lost their main source of
Food and Medical Assistance. Several
Countries including the US, Britain,
Japan and Tanzania have sent their
Diplomats out into the field to assess
the claims of violence.
In
recent weeks there has been an effort to intimidate these Diplomats as
they
have been conducting their investigations. They have been routinely
harassed
by the Police at roadblocks including being manhandled, they have
had
Satellite Phones and other items confiscated by either the Police or
Militias and in one instance the US Ambassador to Zimbabwe was grazed by a
Zimbabwe Police Vehicle.
As this item was being prepared there was a
report of American and British
Diplomats being manhandled by Militiamen and
the Police in a township North
of Harare. The Police Position has been that
some of these Diplomats have
been conducting "Criminal Behavior" while out
doing their work. But there
have been some changes that may have the World
take a more firm stance
against the Lawlessness that has plagued
Zimbabwe.
Earlier this year the Presidency of the UN Security Council
rested in the
hands of South Africa. Various Attempts to have Zimbabwe
placed on the
Agenda while the Security Council was under the stewardship of
South Africa
failed. However this is June and the Presidency resides with a
New Country.
The Power that currently has the leadership position is the
United States.
And already it has called for a meeting of the Security
Council regarding
Zimbabwe.
How will such a meeting pan out?
President Mugabe and Zimbabwe has two
allies on the Security Council right
now they are South Africa and China.
The US will no doubt be backed by the
UK and Europe when it comes to
addressing the Situation. Russia could end up
being a Swing Vote as well as
most of the rest of the Non-Permanent Third
World Bloc of Countries. What
ever happens before the runoff occurs and
afterwards will be crucial to the
Stability of that whole region.
The
Author is the Editor of Confused Eagle. It is located at
morganrights.tripod.com
Times Online
June 6, 2008
The
dictator's henchmen have detained nine Western diplomats, but in human
terms
this is the least of their crimes
As Robert Mugabe basked in his own infamy
in Rome on Wednesday, his
enforcers in Zimbabwe soaked five opposition
members with petrol and set
them alight. Two died.
As the world food
summit heard Mr Mugabe blame Britain for his people's
hunger, his Government
suspended charity operations that have been keeping
four million of them
alive. As the UN counted the cost of Mr Mugabe's
diplomatic immunity
yesterday, thugs attacked a convoy of British and US
diplomats. Their crime:
investigating the plague of state-sanctioned
violence that grips
Zimbabwe.
Yesterday's incident at a roadblock north of Harare was
inexcusable. But it
was, as David Miliband noted hours later, merely a
glimpse of the
intimidation that Zimbabweans suffer daily for daring to
demand change.
Their chance comes in 21 days, in a second-round
presidential vote that by
rights should not be happening. The first round,
three months ago, was
marred by murder, beatings and fraud but was still won
by Morgan Tsvangirai,
the man who offers the best hope of an end to Mr
Mugabe's 28-year tyranny.
Mr Tsvangirai could have refused to fight a second
round, but he has not. He
had every right to insist on a truly international
corps of election
observers, but the regime has let in only monitors from
Zimbabwe's
neighbours. He has called this "sufficient".
The Movement
for Democratic Change, which Mr Tsvangirai leads, has seen its
rallies
banned, its meeting venues occupied by army tents and its supporters
killed
and tortured by loyalist militias. He has survived three
assassination
attempts, and this week was detained for eight hours while
campaigning near
Bulawayo. He shrugged off the harassment and yesterday
continued his efforts
to unseat Mr Mugabe at the ballot box, accusing his
rival, with little
exaggeration, of turning Zimbabwe into a warzone.
Mr Tsvangirai has shown
extraordinary courage in a struggle that he is by no
means guaranteed to
survive. Meanwhile, Mr Mugabe's insulation from the
appalling reality he has
created, and Africa's dismaying acquiescence, has
persuaded him the world is
powerless to stop his crimes.
It is not. If Zimbabwe's neighbours and
their Western partners can agree on
the demands of basic justice, jettison
the inhibitions of the past and
co-ordinate their efforts in the coming
weeks and months, they can help to
end this nightmare. These are big ifs,
mainly because of South Africa's
woeful failure to lead. President Mbeki's
refusal to condemn Mr Mugabe
outright or enforce meaningful sanctions on his
Government has deprived the
international community of its best levers
against Harare. But there are
others.
Ban Ki Moon, the UN
Secretary-General, has so far confined his public
efforts in this crisis to
vague calls for an end to violence and for
international election observers.
In Rome, he "suggested" that Mr Mugage
receive a special UN envoy. He must
stop suggesting and demand that Harare
accept an envoy with the task of
listing in stark terms the consequences of
attempting to steal the June 27
vote. These could and should include the
pursuit of foreign assets held by
Mr Mugabe and his inner circle; the
collection of evidence against them for
potential use in criminal charges
under the UN Convention on Torture; and,
in extremis, a resolution allowing
the freezing of foreign remittances on
which Zimbabwe's devastated economy
depends.
The US, which currently
chairs the UN Security Council, should make clear to
Zimbabwe's neighbours
that a whitewash of election observers' reports, which
many fear, would be
unacceptable. Whatever happens to Mr Mugabe this month,
this is his endgame.
The civilised world must use every legal means to win
it.
VOA
By Patience Rusere
Washington
05 June
2008
The Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe said
state-controlled media have
not only been highly partisan in their coverage
of the presidential run-off
campaign but have been using inflammatory
language likely to incite violence
against the opposition.
Media
Monitoring Project Advocacy Coordinator Abel Chikomo said state radio
and
television have been giving air time to senior army officers up to
Zimbabwe
Defense Forces Commander Lt. Gen. Constantine Chiwenga. He said
these
officers have threatened those who support the Movement for Democratic
Change.
A MISA bulletin said eight Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corp.
employees were sent
on forced leave for failing to push Mr. Mugabe's
candidacy energetically
enough. It said ZBC Chief Executive Officer Henry
Muradzikwa was recently
fired for disobeying ministerial orders to deny the
MDC coverage before the
March 29 elections.
Chikomo told reporter
Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that
the state-controlled
media have accused opposition members of perpetrating
violence, ignoring the
documented role of ZANU-PF militias in beatings and
killings.
A
recent MMPZ report stated that state media "remained reluctant to expose
widespread reports of state-sanctioned violence against opposition
supporters. They only acknowledged the existence of violence in the context
of blaming it exclusively on the MDC, accusing it of terrorizing ZANU PF
supporters."
It continued: "ZANU PF's culpability only appeared in
the private and
international media. Consequently, all 14 incidents of
politically motivated
violence they recorded in (a recent week) portrayed
the MDC as the aggressor
and ZANU PF as the victim."
http://www.swradioafrica.com
After 28 years in power, it may
be surprising to many observers that the
theme for President Mugabe's run
off election campaign is "100 Percent
Empowerment, Total Independence", not
only because one would expect
President Mugabe to account for his record as
the undisputed leader of a
post colonial Zimbabwe but it represents the
ultimate hypocrisy by a leader
who knows that he has nothing new to offer
than dwell on the past while
avoiding to talk about his
failures.
Having reluctantly accepted that he lost the 29 March election,
President
Mugabe now wants the country to believe that if he were to be
re-elected on
27 June, the country will be in safer and responsible hands
and that
miraculously he will be able to do what he has failed to do for the
last 28
years.
For any leader, 28 years is a long time and Zimbabwean
people must be
congratulated for being patient with President Mugabe. At
independence,
President Mugabe knew that the agenda for a post colonial
Zimbabwe
necessarily called for transformation and growth. He should and
must have
known that black Zimbabweans were already exposed to poverty and
alienation
from their natural resources.
Who could have guessed that
President Mugabe would 28 years after
independence run his campaign on
empowerment issues without even attempting
to explain why he had allowed
so-called colonial and imperialist forces to
entrench themselves under his
watch.
People are now entitled to ask legitimate questions about
President Mugabe's
record on empowerment. Even if we accept that the
Lancaster House
Constitution imposed its own limits on the speed with which
the land reform
program could be implemented, it is still important to raise
the question of
how much was done or not done by President Mugabe's
administration to
transform the land ownership structure before what has
been described as a
politically manipulated stalemate with former Prime
Minister Tony Blair's
government.
At independence the white
population was no more than 250,000 and today the
population could be no
more than 50,000. All the whites who elected to stay
in post colonial
Zimbabwe did so on the understanding that President Mugabe's
government was
sovereign and was in total control of the instruments of
power and at all
material times he did not behave as if he we under siege.
However, 28
years later and still in charge, President Mugabe is making the
case that in
truth and fact he was never in control. This leads any rational
person to
ask how no more than 5,000 white Zimbabwean farmers under the
control of
President Mugabe could cause so much grief to a man who has
presented
himself not only to his people but to the rest of the world as a
strong and
responsible African leader.
For President Mugabe to now talk about 100%
empowerment raises many
unanswered questions about his
credibility.
The President has made the case that black Zimbabweans need
his stewardship
to protect the so-called gains of land reform. Some cynics
have asked
whether in fact there would be a land issue in Zimbabwe if white
commercial
farmers had not utilized the land into productive economic
units.
President Mugabe's election manifesto in so far as he now purports to
be the
champion of the poor resonates with the views of many naļve Africans.
In
fact, he may be able to get away with this kind of cheap politics if the
hypocrisy is not exposed.
A case has been made that the mere transfer
of title to an asset i.e. land,
mineral resources, and other economic assets
necessarily constitutes
empowerment. President Mugabe sees the role of the
state as that of any
parent who allocates resources to his children as
inheritance ignoring
empirical facts that demonstrate that inherited wealth
does not necessarily
mean that the beneficiary will be able to succeed in
terms of efficiency and
output.
Even in discussing the question of
African poverty it would be irresponsible
to argue that the mere transfer of
land rights to the poor translates itself
into economic prosperity. The last
8-9 years have demonstrated that farm
output has dismally declined and
Zimbabwe is now facing the embarrassment of
importing maize from former
Zimbabwean farmers who are now operating in
Zambia.
Does President
Mugabe's understanding of poverty in Zimbabwe and reasons
thereof reflect
the reality on the ground? To what extent have wrong
policies of President
Mugabe's administration been responsible for
exacerbating black African
poverty? Do asset transfer schemes work as
poverty alleviation mechanisms?
What should the role of the state be in
engineering social and economic
changes?
At independence, the majority of the poor were black and nothing
has changed
in Zimbabwe. What is the possibility that change will be
attainable if
President Mugabe were to be re-elected? Does President Mugabe
know what the
country needs to move forward? How best can Zimbabweans tell
President
Mugabe that Idi Amin's type policies do not deliver
value?
This is the first week of June and at the end of this month
Zimbabwe may
have a new President if the votes are counted and announced on
time. There
are two individuals who will be on the ballot box and it is
clear to
everyone that Zimbabwe needs to turn a new leaf.
Empowerment
is a recycled argument that any desperate person trying to cling
to power is
easily tempted to use. Anyone who does not understand the proper
role of the
state can be excused for accepting cheap arguments that a state
can lift a
country up by merely changing the names on title deeds.
It has been
accepted universally that the most reliable engine of growth is
the private
sector and most sovereign economic units cannot be relied upon
to move any
nation forward. It may be argued that the experience in China
and other
former communist state capitalist systems suggests that the state
can be a
reliable agent for nation building and economic progress but
without a
fundamental change in policies, the progress we witness in these
countries
would have been impossible to attain.
In the case of Zimbabwe, an
analysis of the post colonial experience would
suggest that President
Mugabe's administration has been found wanting in
using state institutions
as instruments for production and efficiency. Most
of the institutions
established by President Mugabe's government have failed
and even prior to
the land reform stalemate, the government of Zimbabwe had
conceded that the
state corporations were a drain on the fiscus at a time
when the tax base
was shrinking due to punitive economic policies.
It would, therefore, be
unreasonable to expect that President Mugabe's new
administration will have
any new ideas that can work. It has been generally
accepted that President
Mugabe is not a friend of the private sector whether
black or white
controlled. It is not clear how a regime that is not a friend
of agents of
economic transformation can be trusted after 28 years of missed
opportunities to move the country forward.
Many have observed that
President Mugabe is a man of the past and Zimbabwe
urgently needs a new face
in the statehouse. The state is broke not because
of a colonial conspiracy
but due to the fact that the numbers do not add up.
President Mugabe
believes that a state can never be bankrupt and can exist
even without a tax
base. It is not surprising that the busiest and most
productive factory in
Zimbabwe today is the printing press.
Can any country that prints money
as a substitute for production be
classified as a viable entity? President
Mugabe has made the case that he
will transfer assets to penniless blacks
after the elections and hence they
should vote for him so that they can have
share certificates in place of
food and jobs.
One would have expected
President Mugabe to take the country's problems
seriously given the
consequences. However, the mere fact that he is still
campaigning on the
empowerment ticket and his name is on the ballot paper
must scare anyone who
passionately believes in Zimbabwe's future.
If there was anytime that people
of Zimbabwe must come together for a
project that will save the country from
total economic collapse it is now
and the hour is fast approaching. Many
have spoken about government of
national unity as a substitute to taking a
stand against violence and
bankrupt policies. Zimbabwe is too important to
retreat into silence and
inaction.
Given that President Mugabe has
been tried and tested with known outcomes it
is time that a new leader
emerges on 27 June. This should not be an accident
of history and it is
evident that there is a desperate man on the ballot
paper who will stop at
nothing to remain in power.
The only viable and predictable instrument
for empowering Zimbabweans is not
to entrench the status quo but to vote and
become part of the history
makers. The hour of change will become a footnote
of history if the people
who care about the future decide to watch a naked
emperor play games in the
name of empowerment.
Surely cash flow is
more important that share certificates. It is your time
to tell President
Mugabe what time it is. It should and must be Zimbabwean
time and not a
tired President's time. The vote has all the answers to
violence as long as
people fix their eyes on the prize.