http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 08 June 2012 11:05
Owen
Gagare
IN the aftermath of the Sadc summit in Luanda, Angola, where
President
Robert Mugabe’s (pictured left) push for early elections was
thwarted by
regional leaders who insisted on the implementation of the
Global Political
Agreement (GPA) and elections roadmap before the next
polls, it has emerged
Mugabe and his diehards were sabotaged by party
negotiators and senior party
officials opposed to their electoral
plans.
The situation has strongly brought to the fore that Mugagbe is
navigating a
sea of trouble before the next elections, including internal
factionalism
and infighting, fuelled by intensifying power struggles and
divisions over
the way forward.
Disclosures that Zanu PF
negotiators and senior party officials undermined
Mugabe ahead of the
crucial Luanda summit come as Zanu PF hardliners are
also blaming their
representatives in the constitution-making process
(Copac) for colluding
with the MDC formations to slow down the exercise to
disrupt Mugabe’s
elections agenda.
Hardliners, who include members of the Joint
Operations Command (JOC), which
brings together army, police and
intelligence chiefs, are behind Mugabe’s
vigorous push for early polls, with
or without a new constitution.
Mugabe’s loyalists have also been
privately calling for the removal of the
party’s negotiators, Patrick
Chinamasa and Nicholas Goche, accusing them of
making easy concessions to
the MDC parties during negotiations. Some senior
Zanu PF officials say the
negotiators have now become too close and cosy
with their MDC counterparts,
having worked together well before the GPA was
signed in September 2008 up
to date.
Some Zanu PF negotiators and their party allies have
reportedly become so
close that they are now involved in commercial
transactions and deals which
the hardliners believe have compromised them.
Sources say a Zanu PF
negotiator and another from one of the MDC formations
are currently under
the police radar over a shady deal involving the
construction and
refurbishment of roads.
Sources said Mugabe’s
position going to Luanda was already weak, with his
party negotiators and
envoys he had sent to the region having dissociated
themselves from calls
for early elections which imply abandoning the GPA and
roadmap.
Sadc facilitator in Zimbabwe, South African President
Jacob Zuma, had also
done his homework, having in March visited Botswana,
Namibia and Angola.
When his facilitation team visited Harare last
week on Monday ahead of the
summit they ensured they got the MDC parties and
the negotiators on their
side, it was said. Sources further say some of
Mugabe’s emissaries to the
region also destabilised his agenda by
dissociating themselves from the
messages they were
carrying.
“When the facilitation team was in Harare last week, our
negotiators
re-affirmed the party’s commitment to reforms, including the
constitution-making exercise and implementation of the GPA and election
roadmap,” a senior Zanu PF official said. “They then agreed with the
facilitation team that there was need to work on the implementation
mechanism and this is the exact position which was recommended by the Sadc
Troika to regional leaders and finally adopted by summit. In Luanda, the
negotiators distanced themselves from the call for early elections and
re-affirmed their commitment to the election roadmap. This was against the
president and the party’s official position.”
Zanu PF and its
negotiators have often taken different positions during Sadc
summits,
including at Livingstone, Sandton and Windhoek. The divergence
between the
hardline party position and the sober line of negotiators
widened before the
Luanda summit.
Prior to the summit, Mugabe sent his envoys to
influential countries in Sadc
to convince regional leaders to back his plans
for early polls, arguing the
inclusive government, which he claimed was
illegal, had outlived its
lifespan while there was now political and
economic stability, as well as
peace, to hold
elections.
Vice-President John Nkomo was sent to Pretoria to meet
South African
President Zuma and Botswana to meet President Ian Khama, while
Zanu PF
chairman Simon Khaya Moyo travelled to Namibia. Mugabe sent Defence
minister
Emmerson Mnangagwa to deliver a special message to Sadc chair,
Angolan
President José Eduardo dos Santos in Luanda while State Security
minister
Sydney Sekeramayi went to meet with Zambian President Michael Sata
in Lusaka
and Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete. The party’s secretary for
administration, Didymus Mutasa, was also part of the team which went around
the region with the message.
It is said some of these dissociated
themselves from Mugabe’s messages,
telling the regional leaders there was no
consensus on the issue.
Most Zanu PF officials, including
Vice-President Joice Mujuru and Mnangagwa,
who lead the two main factions in
the party, have not publicly and
systematically backed Mugabe on the
election issue. JOC members and some
Mugabe diehards have been driving that
agenda. Those who have publicly
backed early polls include Khaya Moyo,
Mutasa, Youth secretary Absalom
Sikhosana as well as senior politburo member
Jonathan Moyo.
Zanu PF spokesperson Rugare Gumbo has also been vocal
over holding elections
this year, although he is believed to be neither
working with JOC nor any
Mugabe diehard. He is said to be a Mujuru
ally.
JOC hardliners and Mugabe diehards have been pushing for early
elections
mainly because they fear Mugabe (88) may not be fit enough to
endure the
rigours of a gruelling election campaign if polls are held next
year, mainly
due to old age and health complications.
None of
those who were part of Mugabe’s delegation in Luanda openly defended
his
position, leaving him vulnerable. Mugabe was accompanied by Goche,
Chinamasa, Mnangagwa and Foreign Affairs minister Simbarashe Mumbengegwi,
among other officials. Zanu PF hardliners are now trying hard to limit the
damage after Luanda.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 08 June 2012 11:03
Faith
Zaba
CONTRARY to President Robert Mugabe’s claims that the lifespan of
the
inclusive government constitutionally expires in March next year,
lawyers
and negotiators from the three political parties have clarified that
it in
fact ends in June 2013.
In terms of Section 63 (4) of the
Constitution, “Parliament, unless sooner
dissolved, shall last for five
years, which period shall be deemed to
commence on the day the person
elected as president enters office after an
election … and shall then stand
dissolved.”
This means the term of parliament is linked to the
president’s tenure.
Mugabe was sworn in on June 29 2008, which means
parliament’s term expires
June 29 2013.
However, the constitution
allows the president to dissolve parliament before
its term ends. If he does
not, elections must be held after June 29 next
year. According to Section 58
of the constitution, a general election shall
be held within a period not
exceeding four months after parliament is
dissolved. This means the maximum
constitutional limit for polls is October
29 next year.
This puts
paid to Mugabe’s claims that he cannot extend the inclusive
government
beyond March 2013.
The issue was clarified at the Sadc troika meeting
in Luanda last week by
MDC leader Welshman Ncube who said the five-year term
of parliament ends in
June 2013, which he pointed out was the month when the
president was sworn
in.
This was not disputed by Mugabe and his
team, who included lawyers Patrick
Chinamasa (Justice minister) and Zanu PF
legal secretary Emmerson Mnangagwa.
Ncube was correcting Mugabe who
had earlier claimed the inclusive government
was illegal and could not go
beyond March next year.
In an interview with the Zimbabwe Independent
this week, MDC-T negotiator
Tendai Biti said if there was no premature
dissolution of parliament,
elections must be held within four months after
June 29 next year.
“The term of office of parliament commences from
the day the president is
sworn in, so this means that the five-year expiry
date is June 29 2013,” he
said.
“So what this means is that we have up to
end of June next year to implement
the reforms and hold elections
thereafter. This is why we were given 12
months to implement the reforms at
the troika meeting.”
Although he agreed with Biti, Zanu PF negotiator
Patrick Chinamasa told a
Sapes Trust policy dialogue last night, “There will
be elections sooner
rather than later. Elections must be held by June 29
2013.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 08 June 2012 11:00
Faith
Zaba/Owen Gagare
THE three political parties in the inclusive government
last week agreed at
the Sadc troika meeting to fully implement the Global
Political Agreement
(GPA) and necessary reforms, complete the
constitution-making process and
put it to a referendum within 12 months
before free and fair elections.
Sadc executive secretary Tomaz Salamao gave
an overview of the Zimbabwe
political situation, citing general
improvement. South African President
Jacob Zuma briefed the meeting on his
facilitation team visit to Zimbabwe
last week, where it met negotiators, who
said the three parties were
committed to working together.
Zuma
said there were a lot of expectations on Sadc to resolve the Zimbabwe
crisis.
“Everyone is therefore looking not just on Zimbabwe but
to Sadc…We are
looking forward to a time when elections will be held without
creating other
problems,” he said.
Mugabe said he was unhappy
that the constitution-making exercise was
dragging on and blamed it on the
two MDC formations which he accused of
stalling the
process.
Mugabe said he wanted elections as soon as possible, holding
that waiting
for the new constitution would be futile because the parties
were
deadlocked.
He said GPA had “baptised and christened” people who
lost elections. He said
he had studied law and the arrangement was
“unconstitutional” but they had
done it for the good of the country. Mugabe
said the government was not
given a mandate to run for five
years.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai said government was
dysfunctional, noting
there was a clique in Zanu PF which wanted to collapse
the GNU so that
elections are held under the current
constitution.
He said Zanu PF was insincere on reforms as evidenced
by some ministers’
refusal to implement the GPA and their open support of
services chefs who
were dabbling in politics.
Tsvangirai also
informed the troika that there was a resurgence of violence
and that the
military was still making threatening remarks. He called for
polls to be
held after implementation of the roadmap.
MDC-N leader Welshman
Ncube said the government was constitutional because
the GPA had been
incorporated into the constitution.
He said the people had voted for
an inclusive government by virtue of none
of the parties getting 50% plus 1
and a hung parliament.
The MDC leader said none of the agreed issues
in the election roadmap had
been implemented although work was in progress
on the constitution and a
ministerial team was engaging the European Union
on sanctions.
He suggested Zuma should visit Zimbabwe urgently and
work with the
principals on implementing the GPA.
Deputy
prime minister Arthur Mutambara said although elections were needed,
they
should be held after reforms.
He said media, political, security
sector and electoral reforms had to be
carried out first.
“If you
rush into an election you will replace dysfunctionality with
illegitimacy.
“Dysfunctionality is better than illegitimacy. You
must not allow that. Let
us suffer this arrangement and do the reforms, and
maybe just maybe we will
be able to produce an outcome that no one will
contest,” he said.
“I am very embarrassed for continuing to come
here. Let us do that what we
can in the next 12 months. Our elections must
be process driven. Let’s put
timeframes. Don’t discuss a date discuss
processes, don’t discuss processes
but timelines.
Tanzanian prime
minister Mizengo Kayanza Peter Pinda insisted on reforms
before
elections.
“Elections without completing this process will be worse
than 2008. This
will not be a credit to Sadc,” he said adding that Mugabe
must do it for
Zimbabweans.
Angolan President José Eduardo dos
Santos, who is the Sadc chair, said there
was need to speed up the
constitution-making exercise. He said the election
roadmap and GPA should be
implemented before polls.
Zuma promised to travel to Zimbabwe to
engage principals. He is expected in
Harare next week.
l
Meanwhile Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa has warned of an escalation
in
“war mongering” and exaggerated reports of violence by the MDC formations
in
the run-up to the next elections.
Chinamasa, one of Zanu PF’s
negotiators, said this would be meant to
provoke Western intervention as was
the case in Libya, leading to the ouster
and killing of former ruler Muammar
Gaddafi.
Chinamasa last night told an emotionally-charged public
seminar organised by
Sapes Trust in Harare, running under the theme “After
Luanda: Whither
Zimbabwe”, that the MDC parties would cause turmoil before
the polls. At
the seminar negotiators of the three GPA political parties
discussed the
outcome of the Sadc summit held in Luanda, Angola, last week.
Finance
Minister Tendai Biti represented MDC-T, while and Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga stood for MDC-N.
Chinamasa said made
ominous conclusion to his representation.
“Let me conclude by a
prophetic message. I am not a prophet, but what I am
going to say is very
prophetic. What I see ahead of us is warmongering. I
see warmongering. The
tendency to provoke incidences, to overblow them and
exaggerate, to distort
in order to allow a Syria/Libya-type situation in our
country,” he said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 08 June 2012 11:00
ZAMBIAN
President Michael Sata (pictured) stole the show at last week’s Sadc
summit
in Luanda with his exaggerated antics which bordered on embarrassing
clowning, in the process annoying some delegates who felt his remarks were
more appalling than comical.
Right from the start of the troika meeting,
Sata appeared determined to
indulge in attention-grabbing clowning around
when he welcomed President
Robert Mugabe with chants like “sekuru, sekuru
(old man)”, pamberi ne Zanu
PF, pamberi ne Jongwe (forward with Zanu PF,
forward with the cock (Zanu PF’s
symbol).
Regional leaders and
officials who attended the meeting said they were
dismayed by Sata’s
unstatesmanlike behaviour. South African President Jacob
Zuma, Sadc troika
chair and facilitator in Zimbabwe, chaired the meeting.
Sadc chair, Angola
President Jose Eduardo dos Santos was present, including
Tanzanian premier
Mizengo Kayanza Peter Pinda.
As the Zimbabwe delegation stood up when
Mugabe entered the meeting room
Sata, pointing at them, shouted “sekuru,
vazukuru vako avo” (old man, there
are your young boys and
girls).
During the meeting, Sata is said to have made constant
interjections,
annoying some leaders. At some point Sata shouted Zimbabwean
deputy prime
minister Mutambara and MDC-N leader Welshman Ncube after their
presentations, saying: “I would like to ask these two professors, why are
you in this forced marriage? I’m ask a simple thing, why are you in this
illegal thing?” Mutambara and Ncube are both professors. Sources said Ncube
replied: “No, I will not answer that question because its foundation is
incorrect. The agreement is not illegal”.
After Mugabe, Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and Ncube had presented Sata
pounced once again,
remarking: “We are lucky to have President Dos Santos
and President Zuma
because the people who are here don’t remember 1963.
Where were you in 1963
when we were fighting imperialism?” he asked. “Where
were you when Zanu PF
was formed?”
On media reforms, Sata said there was no need for media
reforms because “if
you are a news maker you will always make news anyway!”
whether there are
reforms or not.
Sata also charged: “Don’t point
to fingers at Mugabe because when you point
at him three fingers are
pointing at you. Don’t blame sekuru here. If you
have a younger alternative
show us sekuru will retire and then Zuma will
retire, Dos Santos will retire
but I will not retire because I am only six
months into
government”!
In response to Tsvangirai’s contribution on Mugabe
unilaterally
re-appointing the top army and police commanders, Sata
retorted: “Where in
the world have you seen a situation in which to appoint
generals the
president must first beg the prime minister?”
Sata
dismissed calls for reforms, saying “You people don’t want to go for
elections because you don’t have a message. Do you want Mugabe to look for a
message for you? Look for a message for yourselves and go to face the
people!”
And after it was agreed that the three parties should
fully implement the
GPA and complete the constitution-making process before
polls, he said: “You
Sadc, if you listen to some of these things then you
are just replacing
colonial masters. Here in Angola they are saying that
President Dos Santos
is too old and you President Zuma, they say you are
also old. Did they apply
to be old?”
Sata’s theatrics did not
stop there. On concerns raised by Botswana present
Ian Khama on the need to
keep time for meetings, he blamed Sadc secretariat
and Zuma. “No! that
secretariat is bogus. They should tell the truth –– it
was Zuma who was
late”.
Sata’s remarks on women such as Malawian President Joyce Banda
whom he
described as an “amateur”, Thokozani Khupe, Priscillah
Misihairabwi-Mushonga
and a lady in the Botswana delegation, infuriated some
delegates. Equally
infuriating was his call for Sadc to bribe other African
countries to vote
for South African Home Affairs minister into the AU
position.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 08 June 2012 10:54
Paidamoyo
Muzulu
THE government’s appetite to spend more on luxury vehicles and
foreign
travel than service delivery has been further exposed after the
cash-strapped Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) recently splurged over US$7,5
million in acquisition of over 60 luxury vehicles for personal use by to
senior officers.
The police purchase of cars overshot by three times
the department’s 2012
budget of US$2,6 million set for cars in the Blue
Book.
As if taking a cue from cabinet ministers, the force
recently purchased the
2012 models of top of the range vehicles like the BMW
328i series saloon
cars, Range Rover Sports, Nissan Navara LE double cabs to
latest Ford Ranger
LXT and double cab Sport Utility Vehicles (SUVs) for
senior officers.
The delivery of vehicles comes hard on the heels of
cabinet’s outrageous
splash of over US$20 million for the purchase of
Mercedes Benz E280s for
ministers, Land Rover Discovery 4 TDis for deputy
ministers, and Jeep
Cherokees and Range Rovers for permanent secretaries
late last year.
Other senior civil servants like principal directors
and directors now drive
the latest Isuzu KB300Dtec double cabs while
parliamentarians have received
either Isuzu 300Dtec or Mazda BT50 double
cabs.
The police took delivery of the vehicles in the last six weeks
but the cars
have remained out of the public eye since they are unmarked and
have no
registration plates.
The Zimbabwe Independent saw the new
fleet parked at the designated senior
officers’ parking bays at Police
General Headquarters in Harare.
Sources revealed that the saloon cars
and SUVs were bought for senior
officers from the rank of Senior Assistant
Commissioner (SAC) to
Commissioners and the
Commissioner-General.
“The police force recently acquired the fleet
of vehicles for about 30
senior officers,” said one source. “The figure
takes into consideration that
there are two SACs in each administrative
province and the others are at the
Criminal Investigations’ Department,
Police Protection Unit, Traffic, Border
Control and the remainder at the
commissioner’s pool.”
Research showed that a BMW costs about US$35
795, Ford Ranger XLT 3.2 diesel
double cab US$53 390 and the Nissan Navara
LE 3.0dCi V6 R533 000.
However, local car dealers are selling the BMW
328i for US$98 000 while the
SUVs go for anything between US$70 000 and
US$90 000, including duty and
other taxes.
The cars have leather
seats, hi-fi-stereos and come with Internet
connectivity, among other
specifications.
Chief police spokesman Senior Assistant Commissioner
Wayne Bvudzijena
confirmed purchase of the vehicles saying they were
acquired as part of
conditions of service for senior
staff.
“There is nothing sinister since it’s not the police who
decides what makes
or models to buy but the Police Service Commission in
conjunction with the
Public Service Commission,” said
Bvudzijena.
He said the acquisitions were not limited to the police
but officers
ofsimilar rank in the military, Central Intelligence
Organisation and Prison
Services.
In addition to these
acquisitions, the force has also bought Ford RangerXLT
single cabs for Chief
Superintendents at district levels.
Bvudzijena declined to identify
the source of funds, but it is widely
believed that it is money collected
from traffic fines or diamond proceeds.
“It’s government money but I
am not at liberty to disclose the real source
but it is still government
money,” Bvudzijena said.
Last month, Home Affairs permanent secretary
Melusi Matshiya told parliament
that police were depending on money from
traffic fines since they were
getting very little from treasury. Police are
also involved in diamond
mining.
Transport minister Nicholas
Goche was not immediately available to comment
on how much the state had
spent in the acquisition of vehicles.
Government has faced fierce
criticism from civil servants who for have been
calling for a review of
their salaries and working conditions in vain.
Last year the
government only reviewed upwards the civil servants’ transport
and housing
allowance. Finance minister Tendai Biti is on record saying
salaries will
only be reviewed if diamond revenues started coming to
Treasury. Government
is currently spending nearly two-thirds of its revenue
on recurrent
expenditure leaving very little for capital projects.
Biti told
parliament in April during the first quarter budget performance
review that
most ministries had overspent more than their annual transport
and
subsistence allowance within the first three months.
Biti’s calls for
ministries to live within their means have largely gone
unheeded as the
opulence of senior civil servants and VIP travels continues
to overshadow
service delivery.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 June 2012
18:57
Brian Chitemba
SENIOR Zanu PF officials in Matabeleland have
accused Zanu PF founding
member and former Defence minister Enos Nkala of
committing atrocities
against the people of the region before and after
Independence.
This was in response to Nkala’s pronouncements this week
distancing himself
from the Gukurahundi massacres, which left over 20 000
people dead in
Matabeleland and parts of Midlands between 1983 and
1987.
Nkala resigned in 1989 from government and Zanu PF in a
huff after being
implicated in the Willowgate vehicle scandal. He was
Minister of Defence at
the time.
Last week Nkala also attacked
Matabeleland politicians as spineless, drawing
a barrage of angry reactions
from a Zanu PF clique comprising former Zapu
senior politicians who joined
Zanu PF following the Unity Acord of 1987.
They labelled Nkala a “sellout”
who always plotted against the late former
Vice-President Joshua Nkomo and
the Matabeleland region at large.
A politburo member told the
Zimbabwe Independent this week Nkala started
working against Nkomo as far
back as 1957 resulting in the formation in 1963
of the breakaway Zanu from
Zapu.
According to politburo source, Nkala failed in an attempt to
topple Nkomo as
Zapu leader and hence his hostility toward
him.
“How can Nkala accuse Matabeleland politicians of being
spineless when he
was the one who planned Gukurahundi and other shameful
acts which resulted
in the loss of lives of thousands of innocent and
courageous people?” asked
onepolitburo member.
But Nkala insisted
he never killed anyone when he served in President Robert
Mugabe’s
government in the 1980s. On reports that he was part of a plot to
assassinate Nkomo, Nkala defended himself saying he was in fact the one who
had alerted him to the plot and advised him to flee the country in
1983.
“There were plans, I believe, to assassinate him,” said Nkala. “I
contacted
him to get out and go to London.”
Another politburo
member said Nkala was a dangerous “mole” who sowed serious
divisions even
during the liberation struggle.
Nkala is on record making numerous
inflammatory remarks against Nkomo and
Zapu. He is widely blamed for
inciting violence in Matabeleland.
“Some of us are former Zapu and we are in
Zanu PF because of the Unity
Accord which was signed to stop the mass
killing in the 1980s, but Nkala is
Zanu PF through and through,” said the
politburo member.
Nkala recently held a 45-minute closed-door meeting
with Mugabe at the
Joshua Nkomo International Airport, sparking speculation
that the veteran
but ailing politician was set for a rebound in the
political arena.
“Nkala will never be forgiven for his role in
Gukurahundi because we know he
was involved in the mass killings. A lot of
people disappeared because of
him,” said the senior Zanu PF member.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 June 2012 18:57
Tendai
Marima
INDIGENISATION minister Saviour Kasukuwere is intensifying
pressure on
foreign-owned banks to comply with the controversial empowerment
laws
despite bankers’ protests that the sector is already controlled by
local
investors.
Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono and bankers have been
resisting Kasukuwere’s
proposals, arguing the sector is dominated by
indigenous players. Gono said
last week he preferred a “gradual
approach
However, Kasukuwere is trying to bulldoze his way through.
After summoning
Bankers Association of Zimbabwe president George
Guvamatanga, who is also
Barclays MD, for talks on Monday, the minister held
further meetings with
officials of Standard Chartered, Stanbic and MBCA on
Tuesday in a bid to
force them to yield to his plans.
“We are
aware Barclays has a local listing of about 33% and we want to
identify who
are the players in there, are they indigenous or not. We need
to identify if
they are bona fide indigenous persons or entities,”
Kasukuwere said in an
interview on Wednesday.
The minister said he would push Barclays to
comply, saying “they are going
to immediately transfer 10% to workers and
then after that 5% and 3% to the
indigenous investors to make it
51%”.
Kasukuwere is said he would meet with Barclays officials next
week to try to
bring finality to their negotiations. “After meeting them on
Monday, we
spoke to them this morning (Wednesday) and we will go back to
them again
next week to check progress on implementation,” he said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 June 2012 18:56
Gamma
Mudarikiri
THE Insurance and Pension Commission (Ipec) has ordered the
immediate
dismissal of Mining Industry Pension Fund (MIPF) chairman James
Maphosa on
charges of incompetence.
An Ipec report seen by the
Independent said the board headed by Maphosa
failed to hold meetings
consistently as required, resulting in the fund
operating without an
approved budget and audit plan, among other
allegations.
“The
chairman should be relieved of his duties since the commission believes
him
not fit and proper to preside over the affairs of the fund,” reads part
of
the report.
Maphosa is accused of having an overbearing influence in
the operations of
the board of trustees, which seriously compromises its
independence.
However, both the MIPF and Maphosa had not responded to
the report 14 days
from the date from which they had been asked to. Maphosa
said he failed
to respond within the stipulated time frame because he
was outside the
country for medical purposes.
Ipec was irked by
the fact that the last MIPF board meeting was held on
September 6 2011 while
the one scheduled for February 21 2012 was aborted
due to allegations of
irregularities in the appointment of new trustees.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 June 2012 18:56
Nqobile
Bhebhe
INTERNAL strife has rocked the MDC-T in Matabeleland South with
its
supporters demanding evaluation meetings with incumbent MPs and
councillors
to ascertain if they are suitable to run for another term in the
next
elections.
However, resistance by sitting MPs has prevented the
meetings from being
held.
The MDC-T’s representatives in the
province include its national chairman
and Speaker of parliament, Lovemore
Moyo, Gabriel Ndebele and Sithembile
Mlothswa, as well as scores of
councillors in various districts.
Party insiders said MDC-T
supporters in the province are demanding that all
MPs and councillors
present reports of what they have done since elected.
It is from these
scorecards that members would then decide whether to give
them another
chance or dump them.
“We are drawing closer to crunch elections and
we want to undertake an
evaluation of what our legislators and councillors
achieved and what was not
implemented based on their election promises,”said
a party insider.
“As a democratic party, members feel that leaders
should prove their worth
to be the party’s representatives. However, our
moves seem to have hit a
brick wall, at least for now.” Ndebele said:
“Elected members are willing to
present updates to members but proper
procedures should be followed.
I doubt whether this matter is
coming from bona fide party members or it’s
just a small group. Anybody who
has grievances and is a bona fide MDC-T
member should use party structures
to air their concerns. As an MP for
Matobo South, any party member is free
to challenge me.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 June 2012 18:22
Wongai
Zhangazha/Herbert Moyo
COMPTROLLER and Auditor-General Mildred Chiri has
ordered an investigation
into the procurement procedures by the Ministry of
Tourism of Liquid
Electronic Display (LED) television sets from China which
were supposed to
be installed at fan parks during the 2010 World Cup but
only arrived three
months after the tournament.
This comes as Tourism
minister Walter Mzembi is under the spotlight for his
involvement in the
loss-making and controversial Benjani Mwaruwari
testimonial match two weeks
ago.
Mzembi was also embroiled in controversy following the
Warriors friendly
against Brazil in the run-up to the 2010 World Cup finals
in South Africa.
Allegations were that he had used his position to secure a
contract to ferry
the Brazilian national team during its
visit.
These issues have put Mzembi under scrutiny amid fears he is
using his
position to pursue personal interests.
In her 2010
audit report, Chiri said an investigation should be carried out
to establish
why tender procedures were followed or not and why the
Ministry of Tourism
allowed the delivery of the equipment worth US$2
million 13 weeks after the
World Cup.
In April 2010 Mzembi’s ministry made arrangements to
purchase 40 LED TV
units from a company in China as part of preparations for
the World Cup, but
the sets were only delivered 13 weeks after the
event.
Chiri said: “Since the units were received after the end of
the World Cup,
it is my opinion that the purpose for which the units were
acquired was not
met, thereby rendering the expenditure incurred
nugatory”.
She added that the absence of documentation for audit
examination concerning
the fan park equipment loaned to the Zimbabwe Tourism
Authority and also the
loaning of state equipment was tantamount to
misapplication of public
assets.
“At the time of audit on May 29
2011, generators powering the fan park
equipment were said to be at Manyame
Air Force base where they were sent for
safe keeping. The balance,
comprising 10 generators, was loaned to the
Zimbabwe Tourism Authority as
complete sets, while one generator was said to
be in use at Murombedzi
Growth Point, where fan park equipment was
installed,” Chiri
said.
“An investigation should be carried out to establish why tender
procedures
were not followed and why the ministry allowed the delivery of
the equipment
at the end of the World Cup showcase where it was supposed to
have been
used.”
Without explaining why the TV units were
delivered late, Mzembi dismissed
Chiri’s report as a “petty issue”, saying
the televisions could be accounted
for, but have since been “donated”
countrywide.
Besides the televisions and Brazilian match
controversies, sources close to
the Mwaruwari testimonial match fiasco say
President Robert Mugabe grilled
Mzembi for almost 45 minutes, demanding
explanation why the Tourism Ministry
got involved in a football match
project which should fall under Zifa and
the Ministry of Education, Sports
and Culture (David Coltart’s
jurisdiction).
Sources said senior
football administrators, including Ndumiso Gumede, only
agreed to be part of
the proceedings after a phone call from Zifa President
Cuthbert Dube who was
in Brussels on Fifa business.
Zifa, which did not want to be part of
the event if those implicated in
Asiagate like Henrietta Rushwaya were
involved, is still fighting Mwaruwari
over contract obligations and money.
It is feared Mwaruwari’s testimonial
match proceeds were looted by shadowy
characters who were involved.
Mzembi, however, said his meeting with
Mugabe was “cordial” and he had
explained to him how the testimonial match
had been suggested to him by
Mwaruwari and its benefits to tourism through
hotel revenue and related
expenditure from fans coming from outside Harare
and the region.
He also said there was no acrimony between himself,
Zifa and the Ministry of
Education as demonstrated by Gumede’s presence at
the match, which was
nothing more than a “glorified social soccer game” that
did not have to be
under the jurisdiction of Zifa.
Gumede and
other senior football officials were not impressed by how
politicians and
opportunistic characters got involved.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 June 2012 18:21
Herbert
Moyo
CHINA is set to invest massively in Zimbabwe’s decaying water,
power, and
transport infrastructure, following the recent visit to Beijing
by Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and government ministers, Gorden Moyo
and Samuel
Sipepa Nkomo.
During the trip the premier said Zimbabwe was in
dire need of assistance in
“embarking on an aggressive programme of
infrastructure rehabilitation”.
Water Resources Development and
Management minister Samuel Sipepa Nkomo said
Chinese capital and expertise
were essential in the construction of
hydro-electric projects to boost
Zimbabwe’s power generation capacities,
including solving Matabeleland’s
perennial water problems.
“Sino-Hydro (a Chinese company) will be
coming to look at Takanda dam near
Nyamapanda, with a view to constructing a
hydro-electric project to produce
3 000 megawatts of electricity,” said
Nkomo. “Zimbabwe has more than 200
large dams and there is the potential to
construct hydro-electric schemes to
boost our electricity
output.”
Nkomo also said he had signed a memorandum of understanding
(MoU) with the
Chinese government, which would see a Chinese company coming
to engage in a
variety of projects including irrigation.
He added
he held a fruitful meeting with Chinese Water Resources minister
Chen Lei,
who invited him back to China in September, where they would
conclude
another MoU to assist Zimbabwe through capacity-building
programmes.
Minister of State Enterprises and Parastatals Gorden
Moyo said they met
various Chinese state enterprises (Seps), including China
Machinery and
Engineering Corporation, Sino-Sure (financial services) and
Hydro-Sino
currently undertaking power-generation activities with the
Zambian
government at Kariba North.
“The strength of China is in
its well-managed and well-resourced Seps,” said
Moyo. “We went there to
understand their model as they are also coming from
a background where Seps
were loss-making, poorly managed and infested by
corruption. We went there
to understand how they transformed these Seps to
technological
success.”
He said they also discussed how Zimbabwean Seps could work
closely with
their Chinese counterparts to achieve re-capitalisation through
joint-ventures, as well as assistance to re-capitalise Zimbabwe’s Seps to
enable them to fulfil their potential of contributing to at least 50% of
GDP, employment and services.
China is projected to become the
world’s biggest economy by 2020.
Tsvangirai’s visit — which has irked
Zanu PF officials who consider Beijing
their exclusive ally in Zimbabwe —
suggests China is looking beyond Mugabe’s
rule. The Chinese have always been
considered close allies of Zanu PF since
the liberation struggle. However,
Tsvangirai’s visit at the invitation of
the Chinese government has given the
distinct impression that he could form
the next government.
In
his speech at the Sino-African Trade in Services and Investment Forum in
Beijing on May 29, Tsvangirai assured the Chinese investors of government
protection but stressed the importance of investments that gave maximum
benefit to Zimbabweans.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 June 2012 18:17
Wongai
Zhangazha
“MUGABE: international tourism ambassador!! No thanks!”
This
is one of a series of messages that are part of an online campaign
being
waged by human rights activists in Europe and elsewhere protesting
against
the alleged appointment of President Robert Mugabe as international
tourism
ambassador by the United Nations World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO).
This
campaign was torched off by state media reports last week claiming
Mugabe
and his counterpart Zambian President Michael Sata had been appointed
United
Nations international tourism “ambassadors” in recognition of their
role in
the promotion and development of tourism.
Zimbabwean and Zambia,
along with the Secretary General of UNWTO, signed a
trilateral agreement
last Tuesday to co-host the UNWTO General Assembly in
Victoria Falls and
Livingston in August next year.
Tourism and Hospitality Industry
minister Walter Mzembi has been quoted as
saying UNWTO had awarded Mugabe
and Sata the ambassadorial “status” in
recognition of their efforts in
showcasing tourism’s critical role in the
development of
Africa.
This has sparked a furore in tourism circles with many human
rights
activists asking how Mugabe could be a tourism ambassador given the
country’s
poor human rights record and destruction of tourism.
In
response to the criticism, the UNWTO issued a statement, saying: “The 155
UNWTO member states decided, at the 19th Session of the UNWTO General
Assembly held in October 2011 in the Republic of Korea, to hold the 20th
session of the UNWTO General Assembly in Victoria Falls (Zambia/Zimbabwe) in
2013. In this framework, the UNWTO Secretary General was in Victoria Falls
on 29 May 2012 to sign a tripartite agreement with both countries on the
hosting of the 20th session of the General Assembly … On the occasion of the
signature of the above mentioned agreement, the Secretary-General presented
the Presidents of Zambia and Zimbabwe with an open letter on travel and
tourism.
“This letter was sent to all heads of state and
government worldwide and
aims to raise awareness of the potential of tourism
for development, job
creation and economic growth. UNWTO does not have an
ambassadors programme
and that the receiving of the open letter implies no
legal commitment or
official title attribution to the country or
recipient”.
Canada was so angry with UNWTO for “honouring Mugabe as a
global leader of
tourism” that it quit the organisation. Last week it
formalised its
withdrawal from the UN tourism body, with Canadian foreign
minister John
Baird saying correspondence by the UN world tourism office, in
which its
secretary-general reportedly praised Mugabe and Sata for their
role in
tourism at Victoria Falls, was the “last straw” in the country’s
participation.
The UNWTO General Assembly is the world’s supreme
tourism decision-making
body and is expected to attract a significant number
of international
investors and tourists at its conference next
year.
Zimbabwe Crisis Coalition regional information and advocacy
co-ordinator,
Dewa Mavhinga, said Mugabe was not a tourism ambassador, but
people had
fallen for propaganda.
“Well, we understand that no
such appointment has been made, and that it is
only Zanu PF trying to
exaggerate the importance of a letter written to
President Mugabe which is
not officially recorded on the UNWTO website,”
said
Mavhinga.
“Mugabe has not been appointed tourism ambassador by the
UN, but even the
letter written to him and Zambian President Sata over the
co-hosting of the
UNWTO conference next year sends the wrong signal to him
and the
international community.”
He said the murder of MDC-T
official Cephas Magura by alleged Zanu PF
activists in Mudzi last month is
“clear testimony Zimbabwe is not out of the
woods yet”.
“This is
not the time to shower Mugabe and his cronies with accolades of any
sort; it
is time for sustained pressure to deliver reforms that will pave
the way
for credible, non-violent, free and fair elections,” said
Mavhinga.
An organisation called Avaaz meaning “voice” in several
European, Middle
Eastern and Asian languages last week denounced the
supposed appointment of
Mugabe.
“It may be hard to believe — but
a UN body has just announced Mugabe as its
latest international tourism
ambassador!” reads the campaign message.
“Better known for his brutal
suppression of democracy in Zimbabwe, the UNWTO
has seen it fit to honour
Mugabe as an international ‘leader for tourism’
and urged people to visit
his ‘wonderful country’. The man who has
single-handedly destroyed
Zimbabwe’s international reputation with repeated
human rights abuses, and
Zimbabwe’s tourism industry along with it, is now
an official ambassador for
tourism!”
However, Mugabe has not been without support. Tawanda
Kanhema, editor of
Investigative Africa, a news blog on African affairs
based in the United
States, believes the move by Canada to quit the UNWTO
General Assembly and
subsequent negative campaigns are
short-sighted.
“Countries boycotting the UNWTO are basically
boycotting Zimbabwe’s
leadership,” said Kanhema, a former Herald reporter.
“Mugabe is a
figurehead, but he represents a much more diverse country, a
vibrant tourism
industry with a lot of potential and one of the countries
that has pursued
the most sound conservation policies in Africa, if not in
the world. The
UNWTO does not just randomly pick tourism ambassadors (but)
this is a
recognition of the contribution that several people and
organisations in
Zimbabwe’s tourism sector have made to ensure the country’s
competitiveness
and preserve its biodiversity, not a referendum on Mugabe’s
record as a
leader.”
Commentator David Takawira said it was
necessary the host country plays
“ambassadorial” role.
“We should
also note that the event is not for the president but
Zimbabweans. They
could try to lobby for the observation of human rights and
rule of law in
Zimbabwe either through demonstrations here on the particular
days that the
assembly will be held,” he said.
Since 2000, tourism has terribly
declined due to the political and economic
situation in Zimbabwe including
the country's international isolation and
bad publicity.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 June 2012 17:16
Chris
Muronzi
AN international financial consultant with local business
interests has
proposed a plan that would help government save indigenous
banks currently
reeling from liquidity crisis and non performing loans in
the event of a
collapse.
A document sent to government recently and seen
by businessdigest shows that
a leading global fund manager has urged
government to come up with a plan
that would, among other things, see the
existence of fewer but consolidated,
larger banks.
This comes
against the backdrop of a struggle by many indigenous banks to
raise the
US$12,5 minimum capital requirement and the imminent collapse of
banks such
as Interfin and Genesis. A number of local banks are
struggling.
According to the proposal, reduction inthe number of
banks would be
achieved through consolidation and increasing minimum capital
requirements
to US$50 million.
As part of the proposal, a
corporation owned by the Ministry of Finance
would be established as a
close-ended domestic special purpose vehicle.
This corporation would
be managed by an independent management company,
established by the
consultant and staffed with dedicated professionals with
the appropriate
credit skills.
It would then charge a management fee based on total
assets under management
and a performance fee based on recoveries, with all
other returns accruing
to the company channelled towards building a capital
buffer.
The corporation would have a board of directors chaired by
the Minister of
Finance, two members from the Ministry of Finance and three
independent
non-executive directors.
Although the Government of
Zimbabwe would facilitate this solution, the cost
of bailing out the banking
industry would be borne by the industry itself
through the payment of a levy
on banking assets.
In order to raise funding, government would impose
a levy on all licensed
banks, based on total risk-weighted assets for 10
years.
The sinking fund’s assets would be managed by the
consultant.
The proposed management company would be managed on a
best practice basis
through allocations to third party asset
managers.
The levy would be 2% of total risk-weighted assets but this
level would
reduce to 150 basis points over five years to take into account
the expected
growth of the banking sector, the proposal says.
“It
is likely that the growth of assets in the banking industry will be
significant, and the sinking fund may be over-funded. Such surplus capital
could, in time, be deployed to support lending for SMEs, or other targeted
industries,” the proposal says.
The architects of the proposal
are targeting investors such as Afreximbank
and the Development Bank of
Southern Africa to chip in with US$350 million,
international organisations
such as sovereign wealth funds to invest US$150
million, while others such
as the National Social Security Authority and
domestic banks would be
expected to come in with US$150 million each.
Domestic depositors were
expected to come in with US$50 million, according
to the
proposal.
The financial experts also noted that while most domestic
banks faced a
liquidity crisis, many were technically insolvent and probably
trading with
negative capital if they were to write-off or provide for bad
and doubtful
debts.
More importantly, such banks as remained out
of such consolidation would
have to be governed by persons truly “fit and
proper” for this purpose.
“One way to achieve this is to identify
those banks that have such high
calibre persons in place and encourage them
to be the consolidators, with
the ones with less good governance becoming
the consolidated,” the proposal
reads. “Such a process can only follow or be
combined with a restructuring
of the banking system by creating a Resolution
Vehicle capable of taking
over the bad and doubtful debts from the banks and
thus returning liquidity
and capital back to the banks.”
The
consultant said the principal beneficiary of this would be the economy
as a
whole, as the banking system would once again be able to start issuing
loans
based on the true cost of funds and not the opportunistic
undisciplined
lending that charecterised the past few years.
Such a Resolution
Vehicle will need to be funded by placing 10-year tax free
bonds with
investors. Such bonds would be serviced and retired from the
recoveries on
the loans taken over as well as the tax to be levied on all
banks, equal to
2% of Gross Banking Assets over a 10-year period.
The 2% charge,
according to the plan, would be reviewed downwards as banking
assets grew in
size. “With current banking assets of the size they are
being carried at
(after write-offs and provisions that should be made), the
income would be
$30-50mm annually, but should grow rapidly,” reads the
proposal.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 June 2012 17:49
Qhubani
Moyo
THE outcomes of last week’s Southern African Development Community
(Sadc)
summit as well as the troika meeting in Luanda, Angola, are important
in
many different ways.
At the core of the Luanda summit was the
discussion on how to integrate the
three regional economic blocks, namely
the East African Community, Comesa as
well as Sadc. Regional integration
requires shared solutions to political
and economic problems. Increasing
regional trade and investment is essential
to meeting Africa’s social
challenges.
The integration of these economic blocs is also crucial
in ensuring bigger
markets and improving trade amongst member states as well
as strengthening
Africa’s voice in the broader global economic
agenda.
Africa is endowed with vast natural resources, yet it remains
the poorest
continent in the world –– home to the globe’s poorest billion
people.
Instead of the resources of the continent being used to develop and
transform the lives of its people for the better, they are siphoned
overseas. Due to lack of beneficiation and value addition, Africa is losing
billions annually.
Besides, the resources are being looted
and going to waste due to corruption
and incompetence by ruling elites.
Public resources are also abused to
promote patronage and defend entrenched
dictatorships. In countries with
oil, diamonds, gold, platinum and other
valuable resources, the masses
remain desperately poor while the rich live
in the laps of luxury.
Resources which should be used to build
crucial infrastructure, including
roads, hospitals, schools and dams as well
as factories, medicines and food
are diverted towards arms, teargas and
baton sticks, among other instruments
of repression.
Instead of
having budgets more attuned to social services provision, huge
allocations
are given to the army, police and secret services who in most
cases serve
partisan political agendas, not the national interest.
As a result of
the uneven distribution of national resources, Africa has
become the hotbed
for conflicts exacerbated by disease and famine. However,
recent
developments, which saw among other things the strengthening of the
African
Union Peace and Security Council through the establishment of an
African
standby military brigade, is a step in the right direction.
Equally
important is the active role in peace and conflict prevention,
especially by
blocks like Ecowas.
Sadc, previously seen as a club of dictators,
seems to be gradually changing
and transforming into a more cohesive and
effective organisation. The
ongoing democratic transition and consolidation
is still work in progress.
The current generation of Sadc leaders is
breaking way from the
backward-looking culture of revolutionary and
fraternal solidarity which
thwarted democratic development and expansion.
The Zanu PF leadership, still
frozen on the liberation struggle paradigm and
ethos, has failed to adjust
and keep in touch with changes within the
region. That is partly why
President Robert Mugabe and his loyalists now
find themselves rather
isolated at Sadc meetings.
When Sadc
leaders demanded last week that Zimbabwean parties in the
inclusive
government should respect and uphold their commitment under the
Global
Political Agreement (GPA), Zanu PF leaders were left wondering why
they are
now almost always at odds with their former liberation comrades.
Yet it is
clearly because of the changes within Sadc and globally, as well
as shifting
dynamics within Sadc member states themselves.
The insistence by
Sadc leaders that parties must first implement the GPA in
full and adopt
reforms within 12 months before elections should therefore
not be
surprising, although it was a heavy political blow to those within
Zanu PF
and the security establishment trying to force early elections
through the
backdoor.
Zanu PF’s strategy of trying to stampede the nation to
elections this year
without the major reforms, including amendments of
electoral laws,
completion of the constitution-making process which must
come with
devolution of power, civil and political freedoms together with
freedom of
expression, assembly and association, and a reorganisation of the
executive,
among many other things, which will ensure free and fair
elections, must be
resisted.
That is why there is so much
agitation and anxiety about the outcome of the
Luanda summit. Zanu PF’s
situation is worsened by Mugabe’s old age and
associated complications.
Given that Mugabe is the glue keeping the party
together, the escalation of
factionalism and succession problems is also
forcing them to rush to
elections as a way of closing ranks and buying more
time in
power.
The outcome of the Sadc summit is also important as it further
shows Mugabe
has lost touch with regional and global realities, as well as
his grip on
the region. It clearly indicates that except for the support of
the Clown
Prince himself, Zambian President Michael Sata, Mugabe no longer
has
credible allies, especially given that Sadc chair Jose Eduardo dos
Santos ––
the longest-serving leader in the region –– seems to have shifted
to South
African President Jacob Zuma’s camp. This now explains why Mugabe
did not
fight after the diplomatic defeat in Luanda.
If he
chooses to defy Sadc and push himself further into isolation by
calling for
elections unilaterally, that will be his quick way out.
What is
further complicating things for Mugabe is that Zanu PF is also
seriously
divided, not only on succession, but also on issues like
elections. There is
strong resistance to elections within Zanu PF itself.
Hence the likely bhora
musango (sabotage) approach will undermine Mugabe in
the next elections as
it did in 2008.
While Mugabe has been subdued after Luanda, some Zanu
PF elements have been
desperately clutching at straws after the collapse of
their election plans
through misrepresentations and inept propaganda which
have no takers.
This leaves us asking who is fooling who? In fact,
the old saying “you can
fool some of the people all the time, and all of the
people some of the
time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time”
aptly captures what
is happening in Zimbabwe now.
Spurious claims
like saying the GPA expired after two years and strange
arguments like the
country must hold elections this year to clear next year
for the United
Nations World Tourism Organisation general assembly
conference in August,
for instance, won’t fly.
Then there is the dubious claim that the
lifespan of parliament ends in
March next year when it is clear the
duration of parliament starts the day
the president iss sworn in, in this
case June 29 2008, and expires five
years later. There is also a provision
in the constitution that elections
must be held within four months after the
expiration of the harmonised terms
of the president and parliament, meaning
legally the last day for elections
is possibly October 29
2013.
So there is time to fully implement the GPA and adopt reforms,
including
coming up with a new constitution, before the next elections. This
is the
context in which Sadc leaders in Luanda made their resolutions on
Zimbabwe.
Regional integration should be tied to democratic imperatives. As
such Sadc
should keep Zimbabwe on track during transition from dictatorship
to
democracy via free and fair elections.
Moyo is the director of
policy and research coordination in the MDC led by
Professor Welshman Ncube.
Email: mdcpolicyguru@yahoo.co.uk
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 June
2012 17:32
THE instability that prevails in the banking sector is
contributing
immensely to the economy’s inability to attain substantive
recovery. While
the majority of banks are capitalised to an extent that
assures their
continued operation without untenable risk to depositors,
several continue
to teeter on the brink of collapse.
It is only a few
banks whose continued existence is precarious and are
unable to assure
depositors of the security of their deposits. Their
delicate situation makes
Zimbabweans in general and business enterprises in
particular apprehensive
over the viability of all banks and associated
financial institutions. This
has resulted in many being reluctant to deposit
funds in banks opting to
hold them at home. In turn, this worsens the
illiquid economy further
hindering any chance of them recovering.
Due primarily to the
interventions of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ)
which oversees the
banks, most banks have recovered from the ills that
afflicted them in 2008
during the hyperinflation era, and in early 2009 when
Zimbabwe demonetised
its currency and adopted the prevailing multi-currency
system. The RBZ
vigorously monitored the banking sector and used its
authority to force
recapitalisation of all those banks that had become
undercapitalised. The
RBZ’s actions ensured banks attained prescribed
minimum capitalisation
requirements to ensure the banks’ continued
operations, and their ability to
timeously service withdrawals by
depositors.
As and when the
RBZ deemed it fit, the prescribed capitalisation levels were
re-assessed
and, when necessary, the RBZ dictated further bank
recapitalisation.
As a result most of the formerly troubled
banks, which happen to be
locally-owned, achieved restoration of viability
and security. Nevertheless,
the RBZ maintained a watchful eye on
developments in the banking sector.
Despite this, some banks progressively
eroded their capital resources and
became insecure havens for depositors’
funds. This was, in the main, due to
mismanagement, entry into insecure
transactions, ill-considered and insecure
lending among
causes.
As a result, where it became evident to the RBZ that such
banks were
increasingly unstable and not protected-against by capital
adequacy to
support the levels of transactions entered into by the banks,
there was no
alternative but for the RBZ to place them under curatorship, or
merge them
so as to consolidate their capital resources. Illustrative of the
effectiveness of RBZ’s actions was the placing of Renaissance Bank under
curatorship, and its subsequent recovery.
Notwithstanding the
commendable RBZ monitoring and supervision of the
banking sector, a few
banks escaped the RBZ’s efforts until their negative
circumstances became
serious. Interfin Banking Corporation and Genesis
Investment Bank Ltd’s
inability to fully service customer withdrawals is
evidence of
this.
A major consequence of the instability that prevailed within
the banking
sector over the last three to four years has been the reluctance
of many to
deposit their funds in the banks. That disinclination was
intensified by
concerns that Zimbabwe would discontinue usage of the
multi-currency regime
and revert to its own currency, concurrently with a
forced conversion of all
foreign currency holdings into the Zimbabwean
currency.
This has driven many to hold their funds outside the
banking system despite
the attendant risks. The drop in deposits has
exacerbated the inability of
banks to operate effectively and extend loans
to customers except for
limited amounts and for short periods of
time.
This has impacted adversely upon the long-awaited economic
recovery. The
2008 hyperinflation and subsequent currency demonetisation
resulted in
almost all enterprises being grossly undercapitalised. Their
capital was
severely eroded, and yet the funding needed to resume operations
was more
than before the hyperinflation era.
To restore working
capital levels to required levels the enterprises needed
access to enhanced
banking facilities, and those facilities had to be of a
sufficiently long
duration to meet operational needs. However the banks,
being recipients of
only short-term deposits instead of medium and long-term
deposits, were only
able to make advances only for very limited periods
falling short of the
borrowers’ needs.
The inability of banks to extend sufficient loan
facilities and provide the
funding for the periods of time required by
borrowers has been one of the
major causes of business closures and the
downsizing of many more.
The inability of banks to extend sufficient
advances to meet the needs of
commerce and industry is compounded by their
inability to access substantial
amounts of offshore lines of credit.
International lenders have serious
reservations about making advances to
Zimbabwean institutions. Those
reservations are founded upon the oppressive
indigenisation programme being
implemented by government, and the political
and economic instability still
prevailing in Zimbabwe.
Because of
the limited amount of lending banks can engage in, they have to
charge high
interest rates on such advances to cover their operating costs.
However,
those high interest rates are prohibitive for most enterprises,
whose
limited viability ensures they cannot afford costly borrowings,
despite
their desperate need for such.
Thus, despite the RBZs valiant efforts
to address financial sector
instability the banks remain in a precarious
situation.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 June 2012 17:25
Owen
Gagare
THE extraordinary summit of the Sadc Heads of State and Government
held in
Luanda, Angola, last week strongly re-affirmed the regional bloc’s
stance
that Zimbabwe can only hold elections after full implementation of
the
Global Political Agreement (GPA) and the poll roadmap, putting paid to
President Robert Mugabe’s bid to force polls this year with or without a new
constitution.
Paragraphs 6.9 to 6.11 of the communiqué released at the
end of the summit
read: “On Zimbabwe, summit commended stakeholders for
their commitment,
co-operation and efforts towards the implementation of the
Global Political
Agreement and urged the parties to the GPA to finalise the
constitution-making process and subject it to a referendum
thereafter.
“Summit also urged the parties to the GPA, assisted by
His Excellency Jacob
G Zuma, President of the Republic of South Africa and
Sadc facilitator of
the Zimbabwe political dialogue, to develop an
implementation mechanism and
to set out time frames for the full
implementation of the roadmap to
elections. Summit further commended the
facilitator for his efforts towards
the realisation of full implementation
of GPA.”
Although polls can theoretically still be held this year,
given that the
Sadc Troika on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation
recommended that
polls be held within 12 months, insistence by the full
summit that the GPA
and election roadmap be first fulfilled means polls can
only practicably be
held sometime next year. The coalition government has up
to now done little
to implement agreed reforms, leaving it with a
substantial implementation
backlog.
The Sadc statement was a slap
in the face for Mugabe and his backers who
were hoping regional leaders
would support the push for early polls without
reforms outlined in the GPA.
Before the summit, Mugabe launched a charm
offensive by dispatching envoys
to regional leaders to back his plan for
early polls, arguing that time was
ripe for elections since political and
economic stability had been restored
in Zimbabwe.
He had also tried to convince regional leaders that it
would be in Zimbabwe’s
interest to start 2013 on a clean slate without
having to worry about
elections in a year when the country is co-hosting the
United Nations World
Tourism Organisation general assembly with
Zambia.
However, political analysts believe the writing was on the
wall and Mugabe
was stretching his luck by asking regional leaders to back
his proposal
which amounted to GPA repudiation.
Regional leaders
had insisted at the highly-charged Livingstone (in Zambia)
summit, as well
as Sandton (South Africa) last year and Windhoek (Namibia)
meetings in 2010
that an election roadmap be put in place first and that all
parties work to
ensure polls are held in a free and fair environment to
avoid a disputed
outcome.
Professor Eldred Masunungure of the University of Zimbabwe
says Mugabe’s
request was akin to asking regional leaders to re-write the
GPA and
disregard the region’s own principles.
“There was very
little scope for Mugabe or Zanu PF to persuade Sadc to
change its position.
Some of the issues are locked in the GPA, and changing
goalposts at this
time would be re-writing the GPA,” he said.
“I think he was shooting
in the dark. It was a gamble he was never going to
win. Sadc stuck to its
guns and I’m sure it will continue sticking to its
guns because changing at
this point would have fatally impaired the
credibility and sincerity of the
regional leaders.”
Masunungure said although the summit tried to
please all parties in the
inclusive government by taking into consideration
their interests, the
message that came out was that the bloc did not want
elections held this
year.
He said a fair-minded assessment leads
to the conclusion that Sadc
disapproved elections in 2012, but would prefer
them by mid next year.
“It seems Sadc is saying the architecture of
elections will not be in place
by the end of the year,” he
said.
Masunungure said the summit could have been more hard-hitting
by declaring
that polls could only be held at a specific time, but chose to
relax the
period to please all parties, hence Zanu PF’s insistence elections
can still
be held this year since it’s within the 12 months
timeframe.
The MDC formations now prefer elections when
constitutionally due by June
next year, which is also within the Sadc
timeframe.
“That’s the reason why publicly all the parties are
claiming to be happy
with the summit despite their polarised positions,”
said Masunungure. “But
the demand for infrastructure to be in place means
elections can only be
held next year because the reforms cannot be done in
six months. For
example, the delimitation exercise will take several months,
and this will
only be done after a referendum which may be held in
September,” he said.
Another analyst, Dr Joseph Kurebwa, said the
Sadc summit was a success given
that regional leaders had tried to meet the
expectations of all parties in
the inclusive government.
Kurebwa
said Sadc had, however, sent a clear message that polls should be
held, but
only after reforms had been adopted.
Dewa Mavhinga, the regional
co-ordinator of Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition,
said it was unlikely that
Mugabe would ignore Sadc although there was a need
for Sadc to continue with
its firm stance.
“Sadc has maintained consensus on the need for
reforms in Zimbabwe ahead of
elections, dismissing Zanu PF’s calls for
elections this year with or
without a new constitution,” said
Mavhinga.
“It is unlikely that Zanu PF will ignore Sadc. However, the
challenge of
Zanu PF’s resistance to reforms remains. As we in civil society
shift our
gear to demand reforms urgently, we ask Sadc to also push for
reforms to
pave the way for peaceful, free and fair
elections.”
The summit also tasked Zuma with assisting the parties in
coming up with an
implementation mechanism, but it remains to be seen
whether Zanu PF would
implement the reforms it has purposely refused to
honour since the formation
of the inclusive government in 2009, despite
being a willing signatory to
the GPA. Zuma is expected in Harare soon for
talks with principals on
elections.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 June 2012 17:22
By Mary
Ndlovu
THIRTY-three years ago, the liberation war was reaching its
denouement. Ian
Smith’s ill-fated “internal settlement” had been rejected,
South Africa
wanted an end to the war, and Zambia and Mozambique were
suffering
intensifying Rhodesian raids.
Both wings of the Patriotic
Front, Zanu and Zapu, felt a military victory
was near, but conditions in
the region were unfavourable. However, during
the Lusaka Commonwealth
Conference in August 1979 all parties agreed on a
conference to end the war
and prepare for elections to introduce African
majority rule after 90 years
of colonial domination.
In September the protagonists assembled at
Lancaster House in London and by
December an agreement was signed on a
ceasefire and a new constitution as
Zimbabwe anticipated its first
“democratic” elections.
But could it be assured they would be “free
and fair”? As this question is
topical in view of the next elections, it
might be of interest to look at a
paper presented to the conference by the
Patriotic Front.
Following a Southern Africa African Development
Community (Sadc) summit in
Luanda last week, the country would start
preparation for elections and it
would be useful to look back how far we
have come since Lancaster House
talks to the current situation where we are
once again talking about a new
constitution and elections.
The
paper presented by the Patriotic Front was interesting. Titled
“Conditions
for Free and Fair Elections”, dated October 25 1979, the paper
contained
demands for free and fair elections or the conditions which must
exist
before elections. Find below the excerpts:
Security
The
primary condition for free and fair elections is peace and security in
the
country, i.e. conditions in which every citizen can enjoy the
fundamental
freedoms of the individual, and in particular freedom of
assembly and
association, movement, expression, and freedom from harassment
and
intimidation. This can only be provided by security forces which are
impartial and in which everyone has confidence.
Hence the
security forces during the interim period must be an army composed
of a
combination of the Patriotic Front’s and the Regime’s armies and a
police
force composed of a combination of the Patriotic Front’s and the
Regime’s
police forces, operating in both cases alongside a United Nations
Peace-keeping force and a United Nations Civilian Police Force to supervise
the ceasefire and ensure peaceful integration.
Preparatory
processes
These must include: the return of refugees, the release of
political
prisoners, detainees and restrictees, and the abolition of
protected
villages, and the resettlement of the persons concerned; the
promulgation of
an electoral law; the establishment of an Electoral
Commission; the
registration of voters; the delimitation of
constituencies.
Campaigning
Parties must be able to
campaign freely and in conditions of safety to
travel around the country;
address meetings; carry out house to house
canvassing; assist people to
register as voters.
Polling
There must be
protection of voters to and from the polling station;
There must be freedom
of the voter to cast his ballot for the party or
candidate of his
choice;
There must be freedom of the parties to be in attendance at polling
stations;
There must be security of polling booths and ballot boxes both
during and
after the voting;
There must be polling stations within
walking distance of every voter.
Mobile polling stations will not be
used;
Representatives of the candidates and the United Nations supervisors
will be
present at all times at polling booths and during counting
and
Voting will be one day only.
“The foregoing conditions for
free and fair elections can only exist in a
situation free of war, martial
law, state of emergency, and where there is
an impartial public service,
army and police force,” the Patriotic Front
demanded.
“The
electoral machinery (conditions) we have outlined is necessary in order
to
prevent corruption, intimidation, economic pressure and other undue
influence on voters, people voting more than once, and other
malpractices.”
Not all these demands, which are similar in some
respects with what some
parties and civil society organisations are
currently insisting on before
the next elections, were met. The 1980
elections were supervised by the
British governor and his officials, with
observers from Commonwealth
nations.
Joshua Nkomo reported
numerous cases of intimidation and denial of freedom
of movement to Lord
Soames, who failed to act. At one time though Soames
threatened to ban from
the elections senior Zanu PF officials, including
Enos Nkala, for making
inflammatory remarks but instead of desisting from
those activities the
party reacted defiantly, warning it would go back to
war if that happened.
Some even said Soames must choose whether he wanted
war or
peace.
In the end, Soames did not act largely because the British
were tired of the
protracted Rhodesian problem and wanted out.
However,
Soames after the polls did day say how bad the situation was when
he
remarked “I will never forget”, referring to violence and intimidation
during the elections.
That is why some now say those polls set a
precedent, not for free and fair
elections, but for the use of violence,
intimidation and ballot-rigging
during elections.
Thirty-two
years later we seem no further ahead. What was generally
necessary then is
still required to lay the foundation for a true democracy.
Despite all the
declarations and protocols, election institutes and minimum
standards,
despite the array of non-government organisations educating
Zimbabweans and
lobbying internationally, we have proceeded to 2012 without
progress on the
electoral front. And the country in many respects now lies
in ruins far
more extensive than those returning refugees and fighters found
in
1980.
Will we have another 32 years before we move forward? Some
believe that if
the United Nations instead of Britain had supervised the
1980 elections, the
result might have been significantly different, and we
might have travelled
a different course as a nation. We cannot remake the
past, but we can
reshape our understanding of it, and learn from our
mistakes and failures.
As we face the next elections and another
critical transition in our
history, the question is: will we have a credible
and transparent electoral
process or we fail ourselves again in that regard
as we did in 1980?
Mary Ndlovu is the widow of the late Edward
Ndlovu, who spent his entire
adult life engaged in the struggle for freedom
in Zimbabwe. He was active in
politics from the 1950’s as a trade unionist
and during the ANC, NDP and
Zapu era. Detained with other senior Zapu
leaders during the civil strife in
the 1980s, Ndlovu was also an MP and
Deputy Minister of Energy before his
death in 1989.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 07 June 2012 17:18
Pedzisai
Ruhanya
WELL before his election as Zambian leader in September last year
Michael
Sata was a supporter of President Robert Mugabe and his Zanu PF
party,
notwithstanding previous foreign policy positions of his
predecessors, Sadc
and AU concerns about lawlessness and, most importantly,
the abuse of state
institutions by those in charge in this country to remain
in power.
Sata is of the view that because Mugabe is one of the many
Zimbabwean
nationalists who participated in the liberation struggle his
leadership,
irrespective of egregious human rights violations, lawlessness,
economic
ruin and stolen elections, should not be challenged.
Put
simply, Sata thinks Zimbabweans should not exercise agency in how they
are
governed and even if they do and democratically win elections, that
should
be ignored.
Sata’s view of the Zimbabwean problem is not based on
rational policy
positions but misguided nostalgic considerations of the
liberation struggle.
Since he assumed power last year, Sata has not outlined
any useful policy
positions that can persuade Zimbabweans to appreciate his
approach.
Sata has publicly supported Mugabe since he came into power
and actually
intensified this backing during the Sadc summit in Luanda,
Angola, last
week. He supports Mugabe’s untenable position of having
elections without
reforms as agreed under the Global Political Agreement
(GPA), a move which
repudiates previous Sadc resolutions including those
made in Livingstone in
his own country in March last year.
It is
not clear why Sata is going against Sadc and AU positions on Zimbabwe
and
why he continues to help undermine political and democratic processes in
the
country. There must be an explanation though to this political
madness.
However, Sata should realise the Zimbabwean problem has cost
lives, the
economy and the people’s future in many respects. Zimbabweans
have been
victims of systematic and widespread abuses under Mugabe’s rule.
They have,
among others, been subjected to electoral malpractices,
institutionalised
political violence, excesses of partisan security forces
and attempts at
systematic indoctrination through abuse of the public media
that work as
propaganda tools of Zanu PF. These are some of the issues
Zimbabweans and
Sadc want resolved before the next elections.
In
order to appreciate Sata’s position, it is critical to interrogate why
states take decisions that they do at the international level or adopt
certain foreign policies and what influences such positions. The theory of
realism as postulated by scholars such as Benjamin Frankel and Oona Hathaway
could assist unravel Sata’s position on Zimbabwe.
Realism
scholars make critical assumptions about the world such as states
are the
primary and most powerful actors in the international sphere; the
world is
anarchic since there is no power over states and no state may
command
another, there can be no order in international relations; states
seek to
maximise their security power; the world has limited resources that
are
evenly distributed and so they see states as primarily focused on
maximising
power and security and that states behave rationally in their
pursuits of
security or power.
In the majority of cases, when states make their
foreign policies or sign
treaties with other states, they look at those
realist assumptions with a
view to getting the best deals from such
relations. If you audit the
position of Sata, it is difficult to see what he
is trying to get out of the
problems in Zimbabwe by lending support to
Mugabe.
The majority of Sadc leaders have taken a position on
Zimbabwe based on
their national interests — the need to protect their
economies and citizens
from the influx of Zimbabweans, making the region
politically stable and
therefore attract investment that could lead to
expansion of their economies
through foreign investments, thus creating
opportunities and employment for
citizens.
It is important to
note there is a major division within the realism school
of thought
regarding how states measure the maximisation of power. Under
classic
realist theory states seek to make absolute gains in their power. A
realist
state does not care whether other states gain in a transaction as
long as
things go its way.
Could this be the position of Sata? If it is, then
it is important for the
region and Zimbabweans to know what Sata intends to
gain from supporting
Mugabe. In Zimbabwe, Sata supports what is unacceptable
in his own country,
everything he fought against in Zambia. This is
oxymoronic behaviour.
Realist scholars tend to view the world as a
series of prisoners’ dilemmas.
The classic prisoners’ dilemma involves two
suspects arrested for a crime.
The suspects agree in advance not to say
anything. The police interrogate
them separately and offer each leniency in
return for a confession. If
neither suspect cooperates, they will only face
a lighter sentence for a
lesser included offence.
If both
suspects confess, they will both go to prison for the full crime
though they
will get some leniency for their cooperation. If only one
suspect confesses,
that suspect will get lenience while the other gets the
maximum sentence for
the full crime. The best overall outcome for both
suspects is when both
choose not to confess. For each individual the best
outcome is to confess
while the other sticks to their agreement not to say
anything. If either
suspect believes the other will cheat by confessing, it
is in their interest
to also cheat and confess. Unless the two suspects are
incredibly committed
to their agreement this prisoners’ dilemma tends to end
in both suspects
confessing to protect themselves against worst possible
outcome and possibly
obtain the best outcome.
The basic idea from the prisoner’s dilemma
can be translated into the
international relations sphere. For example,
states will follow the Third
Geneva Conventions (which protects prisoners of
war and wounded soldiers) as
long as they believe other states will also
comply. Yet if one state
suspects or knows that another state is violating
the convention, that state
would be motivated to break the
treaty.
In the Zimbabwean case, the majority of Sadc states support
the GPA and the
Sadc principles and guidelines governing the conduct of
democratic elections
which Zanu PF opposes. Apparently Sata is opposing
these principles by
blindly supporting Mugabe.
The problem with
realists is that they must find some benefit for states in
agreeing to and
complying with international human rights and good
governance norms. Even
if such a benefit could be found, realists would need
to show why there
would be a strong incentive to cheat under the prisoner’s
dilemma.
Zambia as a member of Sadc and member of the Sadc troika
should in the
interest of transparent and accountable leadership explain its
policy
position on Zimbabwe.
Ruhanya is a PhD candidate on Media
and Democracy Studies at the University
of Westminster, London.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 08 June 2012 12:34
IT is becoming
increasingly clear President Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF,
backed by the state
security forces and other instruments of repression,
want to plunge the
country into early elections on their own terms and
repeat what they did in
the past: use terror and manipulation of the
electoral process to get the
outcome they want.
Although their noises and blatant misrepresentation of
issues –– which have
reached alarming and desperate levels –– might appear
like political
madness, there is however method to the madness. They are
following a script
they have used before. The template is the same, except
that they now
pretend they have renounced violence.
The plan is
simple. Mugabe, backed by Zanu PF and state security hardliners,
want to
wriggle out of the GPA and its key obligations and stampede the
nation into
elections this year and then manipulate his way back to power.
While
Mugabe and his loyalists are pushing the political agenda, the
security
forces are playing their part: laying the ground for Zanu PF
campaigns
through meetings with voters, mainly villagers, and issuing
partisan and
threatening statements –– all this against the constitution and
the law. In
other words they are doing this brazenly and unlawfully as they
have done in
the past.
Mugabe’s pretexts to rush into elections, informed by his
old age, health
complications, factionalism and succession dynamics within
Zanu PF and his
mortal fear of being held to account for human rights abuses
committed by
his regime, include claims that the GPA is illegal; it has
expired;
elections are now overdue; the GPA was only signed to stop violence
and thus
no causal link between it and constitution-making process; the
inclusive
government constitutionally ends in March next year and that he
has powers
to call elections under the current constitution, which implies
abandoning
Copac.
There are many other shabby excuses coming
from Zanu PF, including
conferences and even the weather. The same approach
of sophistry and
obfuscation –– underpinned by lack of imagination –– is
being used to create
smoke-and-mirrors over the outcome of the Sadc summit
and troika meetings in
Luanda, Angola, last week.
It’s all about
deception and manipulation –– which of course is clearly not
working. While
their inept propaganda campaign is collapsing, it is the role
of the
military which is disturbing. The military has now decided to fight
the
constitution, the law and the people. The next elections will thus be
the
bullet versus the ballot. After recent poisonous remarks by
Major-General
Douglas Nyikayaramba and Major-General Martin Chedondo, among
many other
senior military officers, there were shocking statements this
week by
Major-General Trust Mugoba, showing security forces are determined
to
unconstitutionally and illegally influence the outcome of the next
elections.
Addressing mourners during the funeral parade of
Lieutenant-Colonel Thabani
Khumalo at Imbizo Barracks in Bulawayo this week,
Mugoba said the army will
not allow rivals to Mugabe and Zanu PF to rule
even if they win elections.
“Society must understand that the land
reform and the indigenisation
programmes are part of our revolutionary
history. As the military, we do not
only believe, but act in defence of
these values and we will not respect any
leader who does not respect the
revolution,” he said.
“We will not even allow them to go into office
because they do not represent
the ideology we fought for. As the military
establishment, we have an
ideology that is represented in the mission of
Zanu PF.”
This is really scandalous; not least because these remarks
are coming from a
senior army officer who seems to think that his bigheaded
colleagues and
himself can willfully and brashly trample on the constitution
and laws of
the country with impunity.
Quite clearly, if the rule
of law was upheld, these soldiers would be up for
court-martialling on
treason and other related charges. Elsewhere they would
be jailed or
dismissed for such offences, a major threat to the
constitutional
order.
By so doing they are undermining law and order, while
fomenting an explosive
situation which can easily deteriorate into a
flashpoint, with tragic
consequences. It is rather amazing and outrageous
how senior army officers
can be so reckless and irresponsible. In democratic
societies, they would
never get away with such behaviour.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 08 June 2012
12:30
Dingilizwe Ntuli
THE extent to which President Robert Mugabe
attracts negative attention from
much of the whole world is amazing. Just
like the beast in Revelations, it
would appear Mugabe has somehow managed to
deceive the world to wonder after
him.
This is in no way meant to
suggest that Mugabe is the prophesied beast in
the Bible, but the fixation
with Mugabe sometimes only serves to divert us
from real issues which need
urgent attention.
While the West needs no introduction to Mugabe’s
beastly tendencies,
particularly his chequered human rights record, its
handling of this emotive
issue has occasionally been rather
disingenuous.
For example, last week the biggest story in Zimbabwe
was Sadc’s insistence
that elections only be held at the conclusion of the
constitution-making
process and completion of reforms outlined in the Global
Political Agreement
(GPA).
The regional bloc’s bold stance was a
major setback for Mugabe’s push for
elections this year without implementing
electoral, political and other
reforms as agreed in the GPA his party
signed.
In the run-up to the Sadc summit in Luanda, Angola, Mugabe
went on a charm
offensive, dispatching several envoys to lobby regional
leaders to support
his push for elections this year so as to ostensibly
start 2013 free from
conflict-ridden election issues as Zimbabwe co-hosts
the United Nations
World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO) General Assembly with
Zambia in August.
Sadc leaders were not persuaded by this argument,
and made their position
clear.
Probably sensing that its position
on early elections would be rebuffed,
Zanu PF’s propaganda machinery went to
work, with the feel-good spin in the
state media claiming Mugabe had been
appointed a UN international tourism
ambassador.
Western media
and human rights groups fell for the bait hook, line and
sinker so the
outcome of the Sadc summit could have been overshadowed by the
West’s
protest at the UN’s “bungling”.
So serious was the matter that Canada
announced that it would boycott the
UNWTO General Assembly in protest, and
has since done so.
In other words the Ottawa government took a major
policy decision on the
basis of a non-event. No such appointment had been
made. Mugabe was to be a
host but not an ambassador.
While the
West is perfectly entitled to its opinions, moves such as that of
Canada can
easily give Mugabe and his backers reasons to continue with their
anti-West
rhetoric. That would be a shame, coming as it does at a time the
West is
trying to mend relations with Zimbabwe as demonstrated by the recent
Brussels meeting with the EU. A more useful way of looking at the whole
issue is that it is Zimbabwe’s enduring conservationists, and not Mugabe,
who are being honoured.
Mugabe is no conservationist. Look at
what he has done to the wetland in
Belvedere next to the National Sports
Stadium in Harare. The area was
declared a wetland and African leaders,
including Mugabe, planted indigenous
trees there in the 1980s. But Mugabe
gave the land to the Chinese who are
building a hotel and a shopping complex
there. His Tourism minister, Walter
Mzembi, is on record as saying “Since
when did locusts and lizards take
precedence over a country’s development!?”
So much for conservation!
Under Mugabe dozens of conservancies have
been invaded and reduced to barren
land in the past decade, courtesy of the
chaotic land reform programme.
Zimbabweans know this full well, hence
the little or no debate over his
so-called appointment.
Western
protests over the honour divert attention from the real issues ––
the use of
violence and intimidation against Zimbabweans opposed to Zanu PF,
and the
GPA’s reform implementation deficit.
The West must not be seized with
this non-event because it plays into Mugabe’s
hands leaving ordinary
Zimbabweans to bear the consequences.
It is instructive to remember
that before the advent of democracy in South
Africa in 1994, Mugabe was the
West’s “pointman” in Africa, in spite of his
gross rights violations. It was
only after the inauguration of Nelson
Mandela as the former apartheid
state’s first democratically-elected
president that the West woke up and
suddenly started pointing fingers at
Mugabe as it leaned towards
Mandela.
The West is better advised to expend more effort in helping
ensure the next
elections are free and fair, not on some purported
ambassadorial appointment
of Mugabe which does not exist in the first
place.
dntuli@zimind.co.zw
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 08 June 2012
12:29
Itai Masuku
ELSEWHERE in this edition there is an article
referring to a fantastic 1000%
plus growth in profit margins by one of the
oldest brands in the local
furniture industry, Pelhams, and one of the
strongest retail brands, OK
Zimbabwe. There is an interesting comment by
Pelhams’ management to the
effect that the company would continue to
pursue its strategy of
importing to improve supply and margins
due to high costs of
production locally.
The company’s
management notes that the continued increase in local
production costs had a
negative impact on margins, which reduced to 27%
against a prior year
comparative of 30%.
OK Zimbabwe admitted to importing as much as
65% of their products from
South Africa and Asian countries including China.
The quagmire that Pelhams
and OK find themselves in is the same quandary
that most of our companies
face in Zimbabwe today: In order to make a profit
you must import literally
the bulk of your products.
Even
manufacturing firms, in order to bring down their input costs, also
have to
import the same. We used to laugh when we used to hear that the
Senegalese
imported bread from France. How can people be so colonially
bamboozled, we
thought. Alas, we sure could be heading in that direction. In
fact we
did.
During the hyperinflation days we imported some of our bread
from South
Africa, and the legacy from that era is the price of US$1 for a
loaf of
bread today, even though there are some selling it profitably for
half the
price.
An acquaintance who wholesales vegetables and
other fresh produce at Mbare
Musika recently phoned me asking if I had any
contacts in South Africa from
whom he could order onions. Onions? I asked
bewildered. Yes, he answered.
There were none available locally and his
competitor was importing from
South Africa, and that’s the same route he had
to go.
Unbelievable, I remarked to myself. And yet this is the
stark reality our
country is in. Recently in this column, we wrote about
Zimbabwe’s
ever-widening trade deficit, which according to the latest
Reserve Bank
figures was a negative balance of nearly US$1 billion in the
first quarter
of this year alone.
This implies that if the same
pattern persists throughout the year, our
deficit will be US$3,6 billion,
roughly the market capitalisation of the
Zimbabwe Stock Exchange. Seasonal
exports like that of tobacco may bring
this down a bit, but given faltering
mining exports, including that of the
controversial diamonds, it is highly
unlikely that we will end the year
without an even greater
deficit.
The demand for foreign products is relentless, partly to
fill a gap in our
production and partly to offer price relief. We have
tragically become a
nation of traders. That may help explain why, if one
looks at the Old Mutual
stock market report elsewhere in this edition, the
consumer or retail
counters are the ones which have had the least dip of
0,64%.
All other segments have taken more than a 10% knock, the
commodities sectors
(agriculture -21,69% and mining-25,03% being the
hardest hit). Yet
agriculture and mining are supposed to be the mainstay of
our economy.
Because of lack of capacity, be it financial, technical or
political, we’ve
failed to take advantage of extremely high prices our
commodities are
fetching on the international markets at present where gold
is still on
record highs around US$1 600, platinum around US$1
450.
Average tobacco prices have improved substantially this year,
fetching as
high as nearly US$5/kg for the top grades. However, because
we’re no longer
producers, we’ve become a consumer nation.