The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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      Threat to burn houses of MDC supporters

      Date: 11-Mar, 2005

      GOROMONZI -Two Zanu PF officials in Shumba ward of Domboshava this
week publicly told a party meeting here that they will beat up people and
burn houses and property belonging to all suspected MDC supporters in the
area if the ruling party loses the parliamentary polls later this month.

      The threats were made despite pledges by Zanu PF and President Robert
Mugabe that the ruling party would desist from violence and intimidation
ahead of the parliamentary election on March 31.

      The meeting was held in this part of Goromonzi District on Monday and
the threats were made to about 100 people from four villages in Shumba ward.

      The councillor for Shumba ward, Gibson Chiwara, and the Zanu PF local
youth chairman identified only as Mapurani also told four headmen who were
present at the meeting that they should compile a list of all suspected MDC
supporters, so that the two officials would make sure they were not allowed
to vote on polling day.

      "We were asked to compile the names. We were also told that each
headman should have a list outside the polling station and to confirm all
suspected MDC supporters so that they would not be allowed to vote," said
one of the headmen, who refused to be identified for fear of victimisation.

      Shumba ward is the home area of the MDC candidate for Goromonzi,
Claudious Marimo, and is a stronghold of the opposition party. The four
headmen who attended the meeting are in charge of Tamborinyoka, Marimo,
Banga and Pasimamire villages.

      The two Zanu PF officials reportedly accused all villagers from
Tamborinyoka village of being MDC supporters and of being influenced by Luke
Tamborinyoka, a prominent Zimbabwean journalist and former news editor of
The Daily News, who comes from the area.

      Tamborinyoka's sister was also openly told that their homestead would
be burnt because they supported the MDC and the family has a journalist who
has a history of undermining Zanu PF and the government by working for
anti-government newspapers.

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      State says SADC observers not banned after all

      Date: 11-Mar, 2005

      HARARE - The Zimbabwe government, facing mounting pressure from the
outside world after banning the SADC Parliamentary Forum from observing the
March 31 poll, has officially climbed down from its position, saying that
the Southern African Development Community (SADC) observers had included the
SADC Parliamentary Forum.

      Government spokesperson, George Charamba, yesterday said the SADC
Parliamentary Forum was free to observe the poll. He dismissed as
nonsensical the suggestion that the country had anything to hide in the
crucial poll, or that it had intentionally excluded the forum.

      The forum had not been invited specifically because Zimbabwe
interacted only with "countries, national political parties, and regional,
continental and international bodies" in connection with election
observation, he was quoted in the press as saying.

      "Zimbabwe has extended a formal invitation to the SADC and this
implies an invitation to any arms of SADC which have a bearing on election
observation," he said. "And that includes the SADC Parliamentary Forum
unless, of course, the forum considers itself outside SADC, above SADC or an
alternative or even bigger than SADC, which we do not believe it is," added

      However, Charamba said the organisation, consisting of
non-governmental organisations, opposition party representatives and
Zimbabwe's speaker of parliament and several MPs, was funded by the west,
which coloured its views because of "sponsored bias".

      The forum's standards for elections were drawn up in Zimbabwe in 1999.
Zimbabwe's parliament has acceded to them, and speaker Emmerson Mnangagwa
led the forum's poll observer mission to Malawi last year.

      Charamba also said that there had been attempts by SADC leaders to
rein in the organisation since it pronounced President Robert Mugabe's hotly
disputed re-election in 2002 illegitimate.

      Meanwhile, the South African government, which has always played a
defensive role on politics in Zimbabwe, has said the SADC Parliamentary not
an official structure and had no legal standing to observe elections.

      Reacting to media inquiries, after Zimbabwe's initial refusal to
invite the forum to observe the month-end poll, the foreign affairs
department said it wished to place on record that the forum was not an
official structure of the SADC.

      "The SADC parliamentary forum therefore has no locus standi (legal
standing) in terms of official SADC structures," said spokesperson Ronnie
Mamoepa. "As far as the government is concerned, Zimbabwe has invited the
national parliaments of SADC member states, which will allow for report
backs to sovereign national parliaments post (after) the elections.

      "On the other hand, the SADC parliamentary forum would have no fora to
report back on its findings to."

      "The primary responsibility for the creation of a climate for free and
fair elections rests with the people of Zimbabwe, acting through their
independent electoral commission," he added. "As SADC, our responsibility is
to assist the people of Zimbabwe in their endeavour to create a climate for
free and fair elections."

      On Wednesday, foreign affairs director-general Ayanda Ntsaluba
described the refusal to invite the forum as a "difficult situation".

      The SADC parliamentary forum was the only African observer mission not
to declare the March 2002 Zimbabwean presidential poll free and fair.

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      SA legal experts dismiss AG*s appeal

      Date: 11-Mar, 2005

      JOHANNESBURG - In a new twist to the saga over the release of 62
suspected mercenaries from a Zimbabwean prison, legal experts in South
Africa have dismissed as false Zimbabwe's assertion that foreign nationals
jailed in that country are not entitled to reduction of their prison

      They say the reduction of prison sentences is an international
phenomenon that cuts across national jurisdictions.

      This follows the appeal filed by the Zimbabwean attorney-general
against the ruling of that country's High Court to reduce the sentences of
the alleged South African mercenaries languishing in Harare's Chikurubi

      The attorney-general says the reduction of prison sentences is an
exclusive privilege of the Zimbabwean criminals.

      Last week the Zimbabwean High Court made a ruling that effectively
reduced the prison sentences of the 62 alleged South African mercenaries
jailed in that country by four months.

      They were convicted for breaching Zimbabwe's aviation, immigration,
firearms and security laws. This after they were arrested at the Harare
International airport upon their landing to allegedly pick up military

      They were later linked to a coup plot in Equatorial Guinea allegedly
financed by Mark Thatcher, a British businessman.

      The High Court ruling meant that the men who were serving a one-year
term would now only have to serve eight months. It also provided the
prisoners with a one-third remission of their sentence for good behaviour in

      Coupled with this reduction, all the men except two pilots who
received longer prison terms - were to be released immediately. But a week
went by with them still languishing in the Chikurubi prison with no clarity
for the delay.

      It has now emerged that in fact they are still going to be behind bars
for some time as Sobuza Gula-Ndebele, the Zimbabwean attorney-general is
opposing their release. Gula- Ndebele says their High Court got it all wrong
when it reduced the prison sentences of these alleged South African
mercenaries because as foreigners they are not entitled to that privilege.

      Legal experts in the country however are dismissing the Attorney
General's claim that legislation dealing with criminals in Zimbabwe makes a
distinction on who should have their sentences reduced, between local and
foreign nationals.

      Shadrack Gutto of the African Rennaisance Centre at Unisa and Gail
Wanneburg of the South African Institute of International Affairs, say the
reduction of prison sentences is an international phenomenon that cuts
across national jurisdictions.

      Wanneburg says the Zimbabwean High Court could not have deliberately
ignored this distinction if it existed, when it made the ruling to reduce
the sentences of the South African prisoners.

      Meanwhile, the South African government has finally broken its silence
on the uncertainty of the release of its 62 nationals who are currently
jailed in Zimbabwe, demanding that a speedy solution to the problem should
be reached at.

      Speaking at a breakfast meeting in Cape Town on Thursday, Ayanda
Ntsaluba, director-general of the Department of Foreign Affairs, said the
situation must be resolved as quickly possible so as to prevent as much pain
and confusions for the families as possible.

      "We were told that they were returning home - that would be OK with
South Africa but the (Zimbabwean) attorney-general is countering that. Our
only hope is that the situation is resolved speedily," he said. - SABC News

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      Solidarity rallies for oppressed Zimbabweans

      Date: 11-Mar, 2005

      JOHANNESBURG - In an unprecedented move, a number of human rights
organisations in Southern Africa will on Saturday hold rallies in three
different countries to show their support and sympathy for the oppressed
people of Zimbabwe.

      According to a press statement from the Media Institute of Southern
Africa (MISA) the Zimbabwe Solidarity Rally will be held in South Africa,
Zambia and Mozambique. They will show the region's support of the ongoing
fight for democracy and media space in the Southern African country

      In South Africa, Amnesty International South Africa, SANGOCO, CIVICUS,
World Alliance for Citizen Participation and other civil society
organizations will meet in the border town of Musina, at the Skoonplaas
Stadium, where events are scheduled to start at 2.00pm. More than 2 000
people are expected to attend the rally, which will feature a demonstration,
concert and overnight vigil.

      "We are particularly protesting and calling for the repeal withdrawal
and/or progressive amendment of restrictive legislation in Zimbabwe,
specially, the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), the Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy amendment Act (AIPPA), the
Broadcasting Services Act (BSA), the Miscellaneous Offences Act, the NGO
Bill, and other pieces of repressive legislation, so as to enable
participatory interventions in the political and policy processes in that
country," said the Zimbabwe Solidarity Rally statement.

      As part of the events, which will also culminate into a night vigil,
prayers would be held for those who have been affected by political violence
in Zimbabwe. Proceedings are set to end the following morning.

      "The rally will provide an opportunity for the peoples of the SADC
region to show their solidarity with the people of Zimbabwe. Our solidarity
with the people of Zimbabwe is small compared to the daily suffering they
have to endure over the past few years," also said the statement.

      The rallies are part of various initiatives launched by civil society
organisations to raise awareness and put pressure on governments within the
SADC region to ensure that human rights and democracy prevail in Zimbabwe.

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Zim Online

Harare pleads with trade union leaders
Sat 12 March 2005
      HARARE - The government has quietly approached Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions (ZCTU) leaders to persuade South African labour leaders to
abandon protests against repression and human rights abuses in Zimbabwe,
ZimOnline has learnt.

      In a two-pronged approach that also includes clandestine moves to
topple the ZCTU leadership, the government has sent emissaries to the labour
union asking it to use its friendly ties with the Congress of South African
Trade Unions (COSATU) to convince it to stop criticism and protests against

      ZCTU secretary general Wellington Chibhebhe yesterday said: "We have
been approached on several occasions by government agents and emissaries.
They want us to use our close ties with COSATU to stop the blockade."

      "But we have insisted that there is nothing we can do about it because
this is an issue of sovereignty and the government certainly knows more
about sovereignty more than anyone else. COSATU is a sovereign body in a
sovereign country and we cannot intervene, that's what we have told them."

      COSATU has broken from President Thabo Mbeki and his African National
Congress (ANC) party's "quiet diplomacy" towards Harare to lead open
criticism against President Robert Mugabe and his government.

      The labour union and the ANC are in a tripartite ruling alliance that
also includes the South African Communist Party.

      COSATU yesterday picketed Zimbabwe's lifeline Beitbridge border post
with South Africa to press for an end to human rights abuses by Mugabe and a
free and fair election on March 31.

      Sources said Harare was afraid continued protests by COSATU
highlighting repression in Zimbabwe could put a damper on efforts to present
the March poll as having been free and fair.

      As well as approaching the ZCTU, Mugabe and his government have also
asked Pretoria to intervene and help stop more protests by COSATU.

      Zimbabwe Labour Minister Paul Mangwana confirmed that Harare had
sought help from Pretoria. He said: "We have a common labour forum and there
was nothing wrong with asking them to intervene because COSATU's actions are
meant to harm good relations between us. South Africa is equally worried
about COSATU's behaviour and everyone's intention is for sanity to
prevail." - ZimOnline

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Zim Online

MDC supporters storm ANC headquarters
Sat 12 March 2005
  JOHANNESBURG - A sizeable but rowdy group of Zimbabwe's opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party supporters stormed the African
National Congress (ANC) head office in Johannesburg yesterday and condemned
President Thabo Mbeki's recent utterances that Zimbabwe's upcoming poll will
be free and fair.

      Led by Michael Spicer, a prominent MDC youth leader, they later
delivered a petition to one Nef Manana, who identified himself as the ANC's
head of political education at the Albert Luthuli House.

      Reporters present quizzed Manana on why the ANC had not bothered to
send a senior ANC official to meet the protestors and accept their petition
since notice of the protest had been given well in advance.

      "Is this all indicative of the lack of seriousness with which the ANC
regards the Zimbabwe crisis?" one reporter asked.

      But Manana said all top ANC leaders were in a meeting in Pretoria and
they had not snubbed the MDC supporters since they had sent him to collect
the petition on behalf of secretary general Kgalame Motlate.

      In the petition, the MDC supporters demanded that South Africa use its
influence to ensure Zimbabwe fully complies with Southern Africa Development
Community (SADC) principles on free and fair elections.

      The petition scathingly condemns South Africa's silent diplomacy
policy on Zimbabwe.

      "Unfortunately, the voice of one of the oldest and most respected
liberation movements on our continent - the ANC - has been silent about the
crisis of democracy in Zimbabwe," read the petition.

      "Silent diplomacy is not working. People are still on a daily basis
being maimed, jailed tortured and even killed (in Zimbabwe).

      "It was a bit off hand," said Spicer of the ANC's decision not to send
a senior official to meet them.

      "But the fact that they accepted our petition and signed for it is
heartening.... We do take them on their word that the relevant people will
get to see the petition and we sincerely hope they will take heed of what we
have had to say."

      Spicer said most of the protesters where victims of political violence
and torture in Zimbabwe. He said there would hold more demonstrations at the
ANC head office in future until the ruling party changed its "softly-softly"
stance on Zimbabwe.

      President Mbeki's statement that the March elections will be free and
fair were totally misguided and would only embolden "Robert Mugabe's brutal
regime," said Spicer. - ZimOnline

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Zim Online

Red Cross'; 'mission of mercy' saves lives in Mash West
Sat 12 March 2005
  CHINHOYI - Sarudzai Chipeto coughs uncontrollably as she wriggles on the
floor in her dilapidated shack.

      The 28-year old single mother of one from the small mining community
of Alaska Mine, 135km west of Harare, is suffering from tuberculosis, a
disease commonly associated with the feared Acquired Immune Deficiency
Syndrome (AIDS).

      Her health has been on the wane ever since she was diagnosed with the
disease two years ago. Subsequent tests showed she was also infected with
the HIV virus which causes AIDS.

      Not only must Sarudzai struggle to feed her two-year old son, but she
must also contend with her four younger brothers and three sisters who
virtually depend on her to put food on the table.

      "Life is tough for us here," she says in a resigned tone, as if she
was about to give up the fight.

      But her daily grind for existence is about to end soon, thanks to
efforts by the Red Cross Society programme to fight HIV/AIDS in Mashonaland
West province.

      Chipeto is now among thousands of people benefiting from food handouts
from the Red Cross to those infected and affected by HIV/AIDS. Every month,
she now receives from the Red Cross a 5 kilogramme packet of beans, 3kg
peas, 20kg of maize-meal and a 2 litre bottle of cooking oil.

      The supplies, she says, will go a long way in cushioning her and her
family from the tough times they have had to endure in the past two years.

      The Red Cross, known for its philanthropic reputation, has extended
its feeding programme in the resort town of Kariba, Kadoma, Chegutu, Karoi
as well as President Robert Mugabe's rural Zvimba district.

      Red Cross provincial officers say there was a slow response to have
people enlisted for assistance on their programme because of the stigma
associated with the disease.

      Alaska Mine has not been spared from this "big disease with a small
name", as AIDS is euphemistically described here.

      "We know that people were not prepared to come in the open about their
HIV and AIDS status but this programme where we distribute food to the
affected individuals has been drawing people to us," said a Red Cross
officer who refused to be named for professional reasons.

      The country's health delivery system has virtually collapsed with
hospitals and clinics failing to dispense even the cheapest drugs because of
a biting foreign currency shortage.

      The National Aids Council, which was set up to deal with the AIDS
menace, is accused of not doing enough to mitigate the effects of AIDS.

      "It's unfortunate that the National Aids Council (NAC) has failed to
assist us. Sarudzai's child is always ill needing constant medical
assistance," said Norbert, one of Sarudzai brothers.

      NAC boss in Mashonaland province Tendayi Mafuso was not available to
comment on the charges.

      Zimbabwe is among the hardest AIDS-hit areas with about 2 000 people
dying each week as a result of the disease which has since been declared a
national disaster.

      It is no wonder that the latest move by the Red Cross Society has
given a new lease of life to thousands of infected individuals in the mostly
agricultural province where anti-retroviral drugs are beyond their reach. -

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Sokwanele - Enough is Enough - Zimbabwe

A Nation’s Health in Intensive Care
Sokwanele Report: 11 March 2005

A recent article in The Herald highlighted the demise of Harare Hospital. Quoting the superintendent, it depicted a picture of complete disintegration of a once prominent health facility. It was all the more credible because the government-owned press does not usually expose such failure of government institutions, and because any reader who has visited a government hospital in the past few months knows for himself or herself the heart-breaking catastrophes that occur daily. The superintendent told us that the lifts are not working, the mortuary fridges are dysfunctional and overflowing with corpses, the dialysis machines are not working, there are no surgical gloves, no bed-sheets, no drips, no medicines. The building itself is falling apart, with ceilings hanging and plumbing blocked. A scene of total dereliction and neglect.

But this is only the beginning of the story. What is happening in Harare Hospital is being repeated in every government hospital throughout the country and most of the clinics. It is not only Harare hospital which is in the intensive care unit. The entire health system is disintegrating before our eyes, and no one in government seems to have any interest or any plan for doing anything about it.

In the barely remembered days after Independence, ZANU-PF had a health policy – a very sensible one, inspired by egalitarian beliefs that health care was a fundamental right and should be made available to all. They inherited a system that had catered primarily for the white minority, with an emphasis on curative rather than preventative medicine. They recognised the fact that poor health stemmed more from poor social, economic and environmental conditions than from absence of western medical treatment. The high infant and child mortality rates and low life expectancy relative to those of white Zimbabweans, resulted from poverty, especially unsafe water and unsafe sanitary provisions combined with inadequate nutrition. The post-Independence health policy placed a focus on preventative health - protected toilets, safe water supplies, immunisation against childhood diseases, and family planning. Rural health centres, while providing curative treatments, were also to become centres for health education in the villages, through the training of village health workers; the general development of the economy would help to lift people out of poverty. Thus the mutually reinforcing relationship between poor health and poverty would be tackled from both ends – improvement in health services and reduction of poverty would go hand in hand.

Developments in the first few years of Independence were remarkable, and proved what a positive energy and dedication could achieve. In September 1980 the government announced a policy of free health care for everyone earning less than $150 per month; at a time when the minimum wage was $70, this included the vast majority of the people. Immunization campaigns were stepped up, especially in the rural areas, oral rehydration was introduced for diarrhoea, breastfeeding was promoted alongside childhood supplementary feeding, and improvements in water supply and sanitation. Contraceptive use was encouraged as a means to improving maternal health and reducing family size. Even the primary school syllabus was changed and textbooks were produced which introduced children to the “five killer diseases” as well as nutrition, and sanitation. The amount of funding for health increased from 4.6% of the total budget in 1979/80 to 5.9% of the budget in 1985/86.

As early as 1983 the results were already evident. Infant mortality fell from 120 per 1000 live births in 1980 to 83 in 1983 and 61 in 1989. Maternal mortality rates fell by 28% over the same years. The national average of underweight children dropped from 21% to 17.7% in 1984, and to 11% in 1988. Life expectancy rose from 56 in 1980 to 61 in 1990. These achievements were startling, bringing Zimbabwe very quickly to preside over one of the best health delivery systems in Africa, At the same time, economic growth assisted some families to rise out of poverty, as the GDP growth per annum averaged 4.3 in the 80’s, with higher rates for the first half of the decade. The promise of health for all became a realisable dream.

The Human Development Index (HDI) is a measure of how developed a country is compared to others. It is calculated on the basis of four factors: life expectancy at birth, adult literacy levels, school enrolments, and GDP per capita. It is a very rough indicator, because it leaves out many significant factors, but it is used by the United Nations to give a general idea of levels of development. In 1980 Zimbabwe’s level was .572, slightly higher than in 1975 when it was .547. By 1985 it had risen to .629. This compares to the 55 most developed countries, with indexes ranging from .886 to .734 in 1980.

But ZANU-PF held back from continuing with an aggressively preventative health care programme. More money continued to be poured into developing central hospitals and doctors continued to be trained with an urban-oriented curative based practice in mind. But if health standards throughout the country were not to fall back, poverty levels needed to continue to be controlled.

The peak was reached sometime after 1985. By 1990 the HDI had dropped back to .617, affected mainly by a significant drop in GDP per capita. The economy had begun to falter, held by the straight-jacket of government controls and growing corruption. The structural adjustment programme introduced in 1990 accelerated the growth of poverty. In 1990 the economy was still growing at the rate of 7% per annum, but by 1995 the rate was down to 0.2%. One of the conditions of continued balance of payments assistance from the IMF was that Zimbabwe reduce spending and introduce cost-recovery on social services. This meant that people would have to pay for health services. The government quite correctly resisted abandoning free health care, and it continued to be available to much of the rural population and some of the urban population, but as spending was cut, service provision deteriorated; often the specific care needed was either not offered or not adequate. Patients had no alternative in many cases but to seek treatment from the private sector or outside the country, something most could not afford. By 1996 30% of the population reported that they were having difficulty affording health care. Appeals for funds to pay for treatment abroad proliferated.

Into this already deteriorating situation marched a new disaster – AIDS. By 1990 the impact of AIDS was still in its early stages – the life expectancy rate was at its peak, although signs of what was to come were detectable in the slight rise of the infant mortality rate and the child mortality rate from their lowest levels in 1988 and 1989. Illness, rising death rates and growing poverty reversed the achievements of the 1980’s. By 1995 the HDI was only .571, lower than in 1980, and by 2002, the last year for which we have figures, it was .491, substantially lower than in 1975, nearly thirty years earlier.

The combination of structural adjustment and AIDS played havoc with the health of Zimbabweans. AIDS is caused by a virus, but the virus spreads more rapidly in conditions of poverty and unemployment. The less money spent on the health sector, especially of a preventative nature, the more rapidly HIV will spread. The more it spreads, the more curative care is needed. Thus government was cutting spending on health just as more resources were needed.

Obviously, the ZANU-PF government cannot be held responsible for AIDS. It is a world-wide phenomenon, and particularly affects this region. But why has it spread more rapidly in some countries than others, Zimbabwe included? And why have we failed to control it, where others have succeeded? Various explanations have been given, many involving social behaviours and attitudes which would take a long time to change. It is indeed a tragedy that HIV AIDS arrived on the scene just at a point of weakness in our economic position. But that is what governments are for – to identify problems and devise solutions for dealing with them. Our government clearly bears responsibility in its failure to recognise and tackle the epidemic as an emergency requiring immediate, concerted responses and large injections of funds, whether from its own resources or from donors. Government simply refused to act. Testing of patients was not permitted even for the purpose of determining scientifically the extent of infection within the population. Instead, as late as 1990, there was an ostrich-like refusal to acknowledge the catastrophe and a public stance of “let’s not be alarmist”, when what was needed was the very loud sounding of a nation-wide alarm.

It was only after the 1990 election, when Timothy Stamps was appointed Minister of Health, that the danger was openly acknowledged, but even then little was done by government to tackle the problem. There was a lack of political will, a reluctance even to admit when a public figure died, that he or she had died of AIDS. Government’s short term and medium term plans achieved little. In 1999 the President admitted that the government’s response had been slow, and it was only in that year that a National AIDS Policy was announced and the National AIDS Council formed. The following year the AIDS levy was introduced.

The AIDS levy was intended to go directly to AIDS sufferers, their families and the orphans they left behind, a policy not without its political motivation. But by 2000 corruption had taken hold of every government and many private institutions; the criteria for disbursement of the funds were imbued with political preference; the policy of relying on local committees was derailed by lack of capacity and clear corruption; enormous amounts were spent on salaries, perks and endless workshops, and it has not surprised anyone that the bulk of the funds never reached the intended beneficiaries. Meanwhile the health services, which had an additional burden to bear, were not being allocated the required funds. From an annual spending at a rate of $58 per capita in 1990/91, it collapsed to $36 in 1995/96, and never recovered adequately to deal with the crisis. Programmes which survived were generally provided by donors or were donor-funded, such as immunization, family planning, construction of toilets, and later the New Start counselling and testing for AIDS. AIDS awareness and education was largely carried out by NGOs after a foreign-funded attempt to integrate it into the school curriculum proved largely ineffective.

Meanwhile, health indicators were telling the story: life expectancy fell from a peak of 61 years in 1990 to 51.8 in 1995, and 38.2 in 2001. The child mortality rate climbed from 80 per thousand live births in 1990 to 123 in 2002, making it the third highest in the world. The number of T.B.cases multiplied by 5 times in the years 1990-2000. Zimbabweans were living short lives, experiencing poor health and failing to access medical care.

It is not easy, from the morass of statistics to determine what is the simple effect of AIDS and what results from the failure of the health system. AIDS and the failure of health policy are two sides of the same coin. Government simply neglected to respond. Instead of examining policies carefully to determine what to do about the devastating social effects of the structural adjustment programme, and devise a rapid response to the problem of AIDS, government dilly-dallied and allowed the health services to unravel before their eyes. Far from increasing health expenditure to meet the challenge, government looked aside as the catastrophe gained momentum, and spent its money on the army, the police, and propping up corrupt and dysfunctional parastatals. When doctors and nurses began to demand salaries commensurate with their skills and their importance to the nation, government, in their usual arrogant fashion, ignored them until they staged devastating strikes. Instead of treating the situation as a national health emergency, government responded with heavy-handed violence, tear-gassing nurses and arresting junior doctors. In fact, they had no idea how to deal with the complex problems of a declining GDP, galloping death rate, and rapidly spreading discontent. In the face of growing political opposition, all attention was focussed on repression, and spending directed towards the security apparatus.

While most Zimbabweans have few employment options, doctors and nurses do not have to put up with poor conditions and low salaries; they can leave. The exodus of skilled personnel which began in the mid 90’s affected none so much as the medical professionals. Few professionally trained people want to work without the tools of their trade, watching day after day as people die who could be saved. Even the most committed will eventually give up. Their skills being readily marketable almost anywhere in the world, they flooded out of the country. Opportunism gained a hold on the profession. Medical training had always been highly popular among the young, but now there was a rush to enter medical school or nursing training, as the preferred means of leaving Zimbabwe. And standards of service, as of facilities, continued to deteriorate. By 1998, per capita health spending was lower than it was at Independence.

By February 2000, the health of Zimbabweans was in a parlous state while the delivery system staggered, starved of funds, and rapidly losing skilled staff. But government chose this moment to deal the final death blow. The farm invasions, calculated to revive ZANU-PF’s long ailing popularity, took the economy into freefall. In that year alone, the economy shrank by 8.2%. By 2002 the shrinkage was another 14.5%, followed by 13.9% in 2003. By the beginning of 2005, the economy was only half the size of what it had been five years earlier. In a frantic race to boost the “new farmers’” capacity to produce food, before famine set in, and to maintain control of government, ZANU-PF made sure that funding was diverted to support agriculture, and health provision was ignored. As hospitals and eventually the private medical sector haemorrhaged doctors, nurses, specialists, pharmacists, physiotherapists, and all sorts of technicians, government had no solutions but to search for personnel from other countries. While complaining that Britain and the U.S. were “stealing” our doctors, we proceeded to “steal” doctors from the DRC, at higher salaries then we were prepared to pay to our own.

But the real crime was to destroy what had been a faltering but ultimately functioning economy. From 2000, poverty levels shot up. It is well known, and was clearly acknowledged by ZANU-PF after Independence, that poverty has a direct bearing on the health of people and is one of the strongest factors in the prevalence of various infectious diseases, including HIV-AIDS. Since 2000, as the economy shrank by half, employment levels have dropped by almost the same amount. The unemployed become cross-border traders, gold panners, prostitutes, all of which are occupations which expose people to squalid living conditions, poor sanitation, contaminated water, high-risk sexual relationships, and disease, especially HIV infection. Thus while poverty increases, disease levels multiply, but treatment has declined as the health services no longer provide. The result is plain for all to see in the expanding cemeteries, the growing number of orphans, lower development indexes, and lower life expectancies.

But the worst was still to come. In a nation where there are high levels of sickness and low levels of health care availability, government policies then contrived to deprive poor, unwell people of food. The dislocations of the land invasions and displacement of commercial farmers could not take place without affecting food production. Government attempted to deny that this would occur, but did allow donor agencies and NGOs to import and distribute food in 2002. By 2003 there were increasing disruptions in the distribution of the food aid as government sought to use it for political control over the people. By 2004, when it was clear that not enough food was being produced by the “new farmers”, government hid behind deliberate lies, pretending there was enough food and refusing to allow further imports. Government actually rejected donated food which was offered and used its own now scarce funds to secretly import, so it could retain control of food supplies. The result has been disastrous for the health of the nation. We will never know how many mothers and teenage girls contracted HIV infections because they were forced to prostitute themselves in exchange for food for their children or younger siblings. We will never know how many Zimbabweans died of AIDS because they were weakened from lack of sufficient food. Thousands of fathers, and even more mothers, could have survived and looked after their families for many more years had they had sufficient food. And yet, the food was there, or could have been made available, but was denied them because ZANU-PF wanted to maintain the evil fiction that food had been produced when it hadn’t.

With all attention focussed on a violent solution to a land problem that could easily have been resolved peacefully, ZANU-PF forgot about health. No money was available for salaries, equipment, drugs, or the necessary ingredients of a health care system. By 2003, at least 1,820,000 Zimbabweans were living with HIV/AIDS; more than 500 were being newly infected every day, and in that year alone 171,000 died of the killer disease. But by 2003 expenditure on health had declined from US$ 25 per capita in 1995 (already lower than in the 1980’s) to under US$ 10. By the first quarter of 2004, government services had only 45% of the doctors needed; 55% of the nurses, 48% of radiographers and 9% of the required pharmacists.

It is in this context that we should not be surprised when we hear that Harare Hospital is in the intensive care unit. So is the entire health system. In the years 1995-2001 – that is, even before the terrible collapse of the last four years – the proportion of the population with access to health care decreased by a staggering 41%. In the provinces of Mashonaland West, Manicaland and Matabeleland South the decrease was 60%. Who can tell what has happened since then? One of the indicators of the collapse is that statistics become more and more difficult to obtain and to verify. Not only is there a politically-motivated reluctance to release them, because they might reveal an ugly truth, but frequently they are simply not collected. Zimbabwe’s health care system has dropped into a black hole where we can see only misery and suffering but we can no longer measure its extent.

And what is government’s reaction? Knee-jerk. Throw money at it. Money, of course, that we don’t have, because all available resources are being diverted to revive a once-thriving agriculture, now wilfully destroyed, to import weapons when we have no war, to pay the militia to terrorise the population, and to enable the secret police to sniff out the discontented. Within a week of the report about Harare Hospital, the Minister of Health had announced that $100 billion would be spent to resuscitate it. Why does our government assume that everything can be corrected with money? Are we going to print enough money to give billions to every hospital and every clinic? Or is it only Harare Hospital that will be saved from oblivion? What are we going to do about the hundreds of thousands who will die of AIDS in the next two years? Beg some more anti-retrovirals from donor agencies when neither the delivery system nor the social system can use them effectively? Or are we going to starve them all so that we don’t have to worry about them any more? A government that starves its own sick people in order to make political capital is an insult to humanity – as is the whole sad story of Zimbabwe’s health system in the past fifteen years.

A health system is organically integrated with the society which it serves. ZANU-PF recognised in the beginning that one of the key factors in raising the health standards was the reduction of poverty.

That fact has not altered, but ZANU-PF’s understanding of it tragically has. More drugs and more money for hospitals are not going to restore us to the proud position we were in fifteen years ago. AIDS will not be conquered by antiretrovirals as long as people are living in destitution and weak from hunger. Yes, vast amounts of money will need to be committed. But we need a return to the fresh enthusiasm and dedication that we have lost. A whole rethink and development of policies which will put the nation on the road to economic recovery is necessary, so that poverty can be rooted out. Then a comprehensive health policy which caters for improved living conditions and changed social attitudes as well as curative treatment of disease will need to devised. These new approaches will come from within Zimbabwe, but they require a government that has constructive imagination, genuine concern for the well-being of its people, a determination to improve their lives rather than cling to power, and a readiness to work with willing donors rather than insulting them. Only then will Harare Hospital be removed, along with the entire nation, from the intensive care unit.

A new report published today (11 March 2005) by the health advocacy group Africa Fighting Malaria (AFM) highlights the catastrophic breakdown in healthcare services in Zimbabwe and the danger for the region from the diaspora of health- compromised Zimbabweans.


To download the full report with high resolution photographs

To download the full report with low resolution photographs

Visit our website at

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‘WEEKLY UP-DATE’ – an assessment of the extent to which the Zimbabwe Government is complying with the SADC Protocol on Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections.



Issue 9:  4 March – 11 March











(During the time-period stated above)

GRADING: 1 = No Compliance  2 = Very Minimal Progress  3 = Minimal Progress  4 = Good Progress  5 = Full Compliance

Full Participation of citizens in the political process



5 March, Murehwa North, Mashonaland East: Four MDC youths were picked up by the police from their respective homes and were detained at Murehwa police station.  Those arrested were Archibald Mudzingwa, Lovemore Munyoro, Tapfumaneyi Munyoro and Martin Chipango. These were accused of distributing MDC campaign fliers.


In Chiredzi, a senior Zimbabwe National Army officer, Col Killian Gwanetsa, is campaigning for Zanu PF using an army vehicle. Last Friday 4 March, Gwanetsa instructed two war veterans Elson Muko and Flaxman Mpapa to pull down campaign posters for the MDC candidate,  Emmaculate Makondo.  



5 March 2005 Mudzi West, Mashonaland East: The MDC candidate for Mudzi West Shorai Tsungu was arrested at around 22 00 hours and was detained at Nyamapanda Police Border Post. Shorai was attending a meeting that had been called for by officials from the ZEC to discuss polling station locations and was held at Kotwa Business centre. He was arrested by the police on allegations that he was responsible for the graffiti that was made on the roads in the area. A docket no 16/03/02 was opened. The docket indicates that the crime was committed in 2002.


4 March Bindura, Mashonaland Central: The MDC candidate for Mount Darwin South, Henry Chimbiri and the Provincial chairperson for Mashonaland Central, Tapera Macheka and Petros Chiunye the election agent for Mount Darwin South, were arrested in Bindura. The three were looking for information relating to polling stations and were deliberately directed to a municipal council office where a ZANU PF meeting was underway. As soon as they got into the office they were apprehended by the ZANU PF group and were accused of having waved MDC slogans. Hey were taken to the police station and were detained at Bindura police station for more than 8 hours. They were released upon payment of admission of guilt fine of $25 000,00 each.



4 March: Nhamo Makwaza a youth in the Glen Norah Constituency was arrested at around 0300 hours for putting up MDC campaign posters. 


2 March: 11 MDC activists in Guruve North were arrested by police while distributing campaign material.


21 February: MDC activist Tendai Matsine and his wife were severely beaten up by Zanu PF youth in Huruingwe East. They were attacked after being caught putting up MDC posters. The incident was reported to the police but police informed the MDC officials that they had been given instructions by their superiors NOT TO ARREST Zanu PF activists engaged in acts of violence.


20 February: a group of MDC youth was assaulted by a group of Zanu PF youth led by Fidelis Kangwere whilst putting up posters for the MDC Makoni West candidate, Remus Mukuwaza. The MDC activists were told that Makoni West was a no-go area for the MDC.


20 February: 2 MDC youths in Hurungwe East were abducted by a group of Zanu PF youth while distributing MDC campaign material. They were taken to the local Zanu PF offices and severely assaulted.


10 February: the Government deploys more than 2,000 members of the notorious youth militia in Kamativi, a perceived MDC stronghold in Matabeleland North. The youth have already begun patrolling villages in Binga and Hwange, two areas represented by MDC legislators. Hwange MP, Jealous Sansole, reported that people in his constituency were now afraid to attend meetings due to the presence of the militia. The militia have also been registered to vote in Hwange and Binga, despite not ever having resided in either of the constituencies.


8 February: Members of the army brutally attacked 15 MDC supporters as they departed a rally in Nyanga.



Freedom of Association


The government has barred opposition and independent candidates from canvassing for support amongst members of the uniformed forces. Commanders at army, police and prison camps have in the past few weeks refuse candidates permission to hold meetings or to distribute flyers in the camps where thousands of personnel live with their families. Ruling party candidates are able to enter the camps and canvass for support. 


6 March: Police ban an MDC rally in Harare South


5 March: Police ban an MDC rally in Harare South.


17 February: riot police beat up protesters, and arrested 14 of them, during a March in Harare for free and fair elections.


16 February: Police in Harare raided a training session of the MDC’s 120 candidates. Police claimed the meeting was illegal under POSA. Ian Makone, the MDC’s Director of Elections, was arrested.


12 February: police arrested 40 women in Bulawayo following a march organised by Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) ‘to spread the message of love’.


8 February: Godrich Chimbaira, the MDC candidate for Zengeza, was arrested for holding a meeting at his house with members of the local structures.  



Political Tolerance



10 March 2005, Marondera West, Mashonaland East: The MDC ward 16 Chairperson Parthias Ndati, 50, was attacked by a group of 10 youths aligned to Ambrose Mutinhiri, Zanu PF’s candidate in the forthcoming parliamentary elections.

They accused him of organising a rally on Wednesday 9 March that was addressed the MDC President Morgan Tsvangirai. The youths also beat-up Ndati’s two sons, Matthew and Silas. Among the assailants, Ndati identified Patson Nhumbe, Tendai Kasinamunda, Fungai Zvarehwa and Lawrence Mushangazhike.

Ndati has since made a report to the police in Mahusekwa



6 March 2005, Bindura Mashonaland Central: A group of ZANU PF supporters invaded the venue for an MDC rally and attacked MDC supporters, injuring several.


4 March: A war veteran identified only as Mr. Machabvonga, led 12 Zanu PF youths and 12 soldiers, armed with pistols, to attack MDC activists in Epworth. They ransacked the houses of  MDC activists Lameck Calisto, Najina Takadza and Mary Kurichapa and looted property valued at 8 million. The incident was reported to ZRP Epworth and was recorded under RRB numbers 0767380/05, 0767382/05 and  0767381/05 respectively. Epworth police are under pressure from the Zanu PF leadership to release the Zanu PF activists who have been arrested.    



3 March: Prince Chibanda, the MDC candidate for Zvimba North and Paidamoyo Muzulu the information and publicity secretary, were arrested and detained at Chinoyi police station.


2 March: a group of Zanu PF supporters in Harare East travelled round in a government owned bus removing Zanu PF posters.


27 February: the MDC candidate for Lupane, Njabuliso Mnuni, was arrested by police for allegedly threatening a Zanu PF official.



22 February: MDC youth activist, Thembekile Moyo, suffered a fractured leg after being attacked by Zanu PF youth in Insiza while putting up posters.


20 February: 3 MDC candidates were attacked by a group of soldiers whilst returning from the launch of the MDC’s election campaign in Masvingo. 2 were admitted to hospital to receive treatment for their injuries. The incident was reported to police but no arrests have been made.


11 February: the MDC candidate for Hurungwe West, Godfrey Gumbo, was abducted by a group of Zanu PF supporters and taken to their HQ in Harare where he was severely assaulted. Mr Gumbo was abducted along with Stanley Razaro(the District Chairperson for Hurungwe) and Masavhaya Dipuka (the Organising Secretary). ALL THIS HAPPENED IN THE PRESENCE OF THE POLICE


10 February: Zanu PF activists, led by the son of the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs, Abednico Ncube, ordered a church sponsored feeding programme (responsible for feeding 300 children) to be stopped on the grounds that the ‘church was working with the MDC’.


8 February: 13 MDC supporters in Gwanda were arrested and fined Z$25,000 each by police for waving their open palms at Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister, Abednico Ncube.


8 February: Chiefs in Tsholotsho, Umzingwane and Insiza (Matabeleland South) ordered their subjects to attend Zanu PF rallies only and warned those who defy the order and attend MDC rallies that they will be denied food aid. Matabeleland South is currently affected by acute food shortages with a significant proportion of the population in desperate need of food aid.

Equal opportunity for all political parties to access the state media



“We hereby lodge a formal complaint concerning the manner in which you handled our programmes on national television and radio. We are concerned and aggrieved by your continued sabotage of the party. You seem to be going out of your way to ensure that MDC efforts are thwarted….Yesterday ZTV featured an interview with MDC legislator and secretary for economic affairs Tendai Biti. As you are aware, in the major cities, the programme was clear only in Harare and Masvingo. In areas such as Gweru and Mutare the interview was not clear, as there was severe interference in the form of feedback from radio. In Bulawayo there was complete loss of transmission.


As far as the MDC is concerned this was deliberate sabotage. It appears to us that the blackout and severe interference was not coincidental”, said MDC Secretary General Welshman Ncube in his letter to ZBH chairman Rino Zhuwarara (7 March 2005)


1 March: MDC allotted 12 minutes on ZBC to present Manifesto. The party has also been given 9 free to air slots on both radio and TV.


20 February: The launch of the MDC’s election campaign in Masvingo was not carried live by the Zimbabwe Broadcast Corporation (ZBC). Instead it gave the event 2 minutes and thirty five seconds coverage later that evening. This was followed by a two-hour live interview with President Mugabe. The launch of the Zanu PF campaign on 11 February was allocated 18 minutes on a prime time news bulletin. In addition, the party’s 4 hour launch was covered live with ZTV’s presenters wearing Zanu PF t-shirts.


This does not equate with Government claims that it has allowed opposition parties ‘reasonable’ access to the state controlled electronic media.


In its weekly monitoring reports, the Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe observed the following:


14 – 20 February: in the state press 19 of 28 articles about the election campaigns defended the ruling party, while the other 9 disparaged the MDC.


21-27 February: 58 of 66 articles covering the election campaigns were devoted to Zanu PF.



28 Feb – 6 March: 33 (83%) of the 40 stories that ZBH (ZTV, Radio Zimbabwe and Power FM) carried on campaigns were positive portrayals of the ruling party. Four (10%) reports were on the MDC while the remaining three (7%) were on the independent candidate Silas Mangono’s attack on the MDC. Notably, while the four reports on the MDC deviated from the usual vilification of the party as a stooge of the West, the MDC was denigrated in most of the stories on ZANU PF.


Similarly, 85% of 27 stories the government Press carried gave positive coverage to the ruling party while only three (11%) were on the MDC.


“The little airtime accorded to MDC – around 12 percent on a weekly basis – is mostly devoted to portraying the party in a negative light,” said Nhlanhla Ngwnya of the MMPZ


The Government confirmed that the new regulations will not permit access to the state controlled print media which continues to refuse to carry adverts from opposition parties. 


Constitutional and legal guarantees of freedom and rights of citizens


There has been no move to repeal those aspects of the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) that place severe limitations on citizens’ basic civil and political rights. POSA continues to be used to ban MDC meetings and prevent free political activity.


On 14 January amendments to AIPPA were signed into law by Mugabe. The amendments tighten restrictions on journalists and under the new regulations journalists who work without a licence from the state controlled Media and Information Commission, face a two-year jail sentence or a fine or both. 

Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections


 Gordon Moyo, the chairman of the Bulawayo Agenda, a civic education group, last week told the media that political violence, intimidation and the use of food aid to coerce voters was increasing ahead of the elections. Moyo further alleged that voters were being told that the use of translucent ballot boxes would enable the authorities to trace each vote cast.

20 February: An article in the Zimbabwe Standard alleges that the government has ordered Chitungwiza municipality to surrender more than 1,000 housing stands to Christopher Chigumba, the Zanu PF candidate for neighbouring Zengeza.

Non-discrimination in the voters’ registration



Under the new electoral reforms the exercise of voter registration remains in the hands of the office of the Registrar General; an office which has a proven track record of gross manipulation of the voter registration process to the political advantage of the ruling party.  The Registrar General is openly supportive of Zanu PF.


The Registrar General’s office embarked on a mobile registration exercise in May 2004 but the exercise was discriminatory because in urban areas the RG’s office was only issuing birth certificates and identity documents. In the rural areas, a massive door-to-door voters’ registration exercise was conducted.



Existence of an up-dated and accessible voters’ roll



Voters have been arbitrarily removed from the voters’ roll. Inspections that have been carried out thus far on sections of the voters’ roll have revealed an alarming number of anomalies.


The Registrar General has consistently refused to provide the opposition with an updated electronic version of the voters’ roll which would enable them to check its accuracy in an efficient manner.


The discriminatory nature of the voter registration process that has been undertaken ahead of the parliamentary elections has raised deep concerns about the accuracy of the voters’ roll. These concerns have been increased by the recent boundary changes, carried out by the Mugabe appointed Delimitation Commission, on the basis of the voters’ roll submitted by the Registrar General. 


In areas perceived to be MDC strongholds the Delimitation Commission reduced the number of constituencies. For instance, Harare lost two constituencies on the spurious grounds that the number of voters had fallen by 46,780. This is absurd given that official census published by the Government last year confirmed that Harare’s population had grown by 500,000.


The areas of Manicaland, Mashonaland East and Mashonaland West, where Zanu PF is perceived to have popular support, gained three constituencies.  



Establish impartial, all-inclusive, competent and accountable national electoral bodies


The recently established Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC)  will be chaired by Justice Chiweshe whose impartiality is questionable. More importantly, the ZEC is subject to the authority of the Electoral Supervisory Commission which is entirely appointed by Mugabe. All the other electoral bodies are entirely chosen by, and beholden to, the Executive.


Ensure that adequate security is provided to all parties participating in elections


The police and other state security agents continue to discharge their respective mandates in a partisan manner and deny MDC members their right to protection under the rule of the law.


9 March: a truck carrying MDC campaign materials worth millions of dollars was commandeered by police at a roadblock. The truck was heading to Chimanimani (Manicaland) from the party HQ in Harare. It was carrying t-shirts, bandanas and posters, fuel and cash for use in the final leg of the campaign for the 31 March general election. Police have confiscated all the campaign materials.


23 February: MDC candidate for Bindura, Joel Mugariri and Mashonaland Central Provincial Chairperson, Tapera Macheka, were arrested by police for putting up posters.


23 February: Hilda Mafudze, MDC candidate for Manyame, reported that 11 MDC youths were assaulted by Zanu PF supporters while distributing campaign literature. The incident was reported to Norton police station but the police refused to arrest the Zanu PF youth. 


15 February: 7 MDC supporters were arrested by police in Bulawayo for distributing MDC campaign material. All campaign material was confiscated.




The increasing number of youth militia and war veterans being incorporated into the police force further erodes public confidence in the police to act impartially.


Independence of the judiciary


In a recent statement, the civic organisation, Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR), expressed its concern at the increasing incidences of intimidation of the justice administration officials by state security agents. ZLHR said that most of the victims were prosecutors, lawyers and judges handling human rights-related cases or those deemed politically sensitive.


            The conduct goes to the root of the independence of the judiciary. In particular, such conduct           seriously erodes the public’s confidence in the Courts and has grave consequences for the rule of law.”

Safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens, including the freedom of movement, assembly, association, expression and campaigning




 22 February: MDC candidate for Shamva, Godfrey Chimombe, was arrested along with five MDC activists while putting up posters.

Counting of votes at polling stations


The Electoral Act contains a provision expressing the need for votes to be counted at polling stations; however, the Act fails to make it clear whether or not this process will be mandatory.

Voter Education


The clauses in the ZEC Act that ban civic society from engaging in voter education and ban foreign funding for civic education are unconstitutional.

Polling stations should be in neutral places


Section 51 of the Electoral Act requires only that polling stations be established at ‘convenient’ places, determined solely by constituency election officers (section 17 of the Act allows the military to be constituency officers) and even permits a polling station outside the boundaries of the constituency.

Regular intervals as provided for by the respective National Constitutions


The constitution provides for parliamentary and presidential elections every 5 years and 6 years respectively.

Take all necessary measures and precautions to prevent the perpetration of fraud, rigging or any other illegal practices throughout the whole electoral process in order to maintain peace and security


The emasculation of the independent media, the presence of youth militia and the likelihood that members of the military will act as election officers raises the possibility of widespread incidents of electoral malpractice.


The Government has raised allowances and salaries of headmen and village heads by 150%, with effect from January. This was a blatantly political move aimed at securing the loyalty of the chiefs ahead of the parliamentary elections. In recent elections chiefs and village heads have threatened villagers with expulsion if they are suspected of having voted for anyone but Zanu PF.


The government plans to spend Z$8 million to import 15,000 tonnes of maize to feed 1.5 million people until the harvest in April. The timing of the announcement has raised concerns that the ruling party will use food aid to coerce the electorate – as it has done in previous elections.


The removal of the incumbent Registrar General would go someway towards signalling the Government’s determination to prevent electoral malpractice from occurring.


The establishment of multi-party liaison committees, as provided for in the ZEC Act, potentially provides a useful mechanism for preventing or resolving conflicts and enhancing peace and security during the entire election period.





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From Business Day (SA), 11 March

No place for minority views in MPs report on Zimbabwe poll

Parliamentary Editor

Cape Town - The African National Congress (ANC) has broadly indicated that
minority views will not be included in the report of the parliamentary
observer mission leaving for Zimbabwe on Monday. Mbulelo Goniwe, ANC chief
whip in the National Assembly, said yesterday views not backed by the
majority would be left out of the report. Goniwe was briefing the media on
the 20-member observer mission that will monitor Zimbabwe's elections on
March 31. The mission is dominated by the ANC, which has 12 members, with
the other eight spread among opposition parties. Previous observer missions
to Zimbabwe by South African MPs were split down the middle. The Democratic
Alliance (DA) complained of widespread electoral abuses while the ANC did
not. Goniwe said: "There is a mission out there. It is a parliamentary
mission and we will by consensus arrive at the conclusion. Of course, this
thing has plagued us in the past and we have to confront it. You may have a
view but if that view is not supported by the majority then it should fall

Goniwe insisted, however, that the ANC component of the mission had not
prejudged the Zimbabwean election in favour of the ruling Zanu PF. He said
he hoped that none of the observers would go to Zimbabwe determined to prove
that the election would be flawed. "We are going as a parliamentary
delegation. People have certain perceptions and biases and, I think, we
appreciate the principle of democracy. "The essence of a free and fair
election should not be subjugated to personal bias. The mission by this
institution is a mission that must pronounce in line with the integrity of
this institution, which is a democratic one." Goniwe said President Thabo
Mbeki had not prejudged the outcome of the election. He said: "The president
is not suggesting that the outcome is already free and fair. He is referring
to the work the government (of Zimbabwe) has done. "He is saying that he is
confident that the contribution made can help."
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From SW Radio Africa, 11 March


There's someone out there who is frightened of our broadcasts. It appears
our signal is being deliberately jammed. We're having to move to our winter
frequency and you can find us on 4880 kHz in the 60 metre band. Don't forget
we are also broadcasting on medium wave in the mornings between 5 and 7 am.
The medium wave broadcast is better in the south of the country, but we are
still working on improving the signal for those in the north. Keep trying.
Our medium wave frequency is 1197 kHz .

So these are the frequencies to keep trying if you are having trouble
receiving us:

6 - 9 pm Zimbabwe time 4880Khz in the 60 metre band, but also try 6145 kHz
in the 49 metre band.

5 - 7am Zimbabwe time medium wave on 1197 kHz and shortwave on 3230 kHz in
the 75 metre band.

We're not going away but attempts are being made to make it harder for you
to hear us. Don't give up - keep trying - we will be broadcasting every
night and every morning.
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EU gives US $20 million to ameliorate vulnerability

[ This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]

JOHANNESBURG, 11 Mar 2005 (IRIN) - A US $20 million cash injection from the
European Commission (EC) this week is expected to bolster the efforts of aid
agencies struggling to cope with rising vulnerability in Zimbabwe.

The money will be disbursed through UN agencies and NGOs, to assist the
country's internally displaced population and those infected and affected by
HIV/AIDS, especially children. Zimbabwe is estimated to have over a million
orphans, mainly as a result of the AIDS pandemic.

"The European Commission is committed to providing humanitarian aid to the
most vulnerable Zimbabweans, regardless of the political situation there.
European aid is provided strictly on the basis of genuine needs," the
commission said in a statement on Thursday.

The EU has cut all non-humanitarian aid to the southern African country
since the March 2000 presidential elections, which President Robert Mugabe
was accused of rigging, and earlier this year also renewed its targeted
sanctions against Mugabe and his cabinet.

Zimbabwe is in the grip of a deep socioeconomic crisis, with rising rates of
HIV/AIDS infection and an unprecedented number of people facing food
insecurity. The EU noted that diseases that had been eradicated in the
country, such as cholera and dysentery, were once again being reported due
to the lack of basic water, sanitation and health services.

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Observer Registration Costs Restrict Monitoring of Zimbabwe Election By
Peta Thornycroft
      11 March 2005

A non-governmental election monitoring group says up to one-third of
Zimbabwe's polling stations may not have any independent observers during
the March 31 general election. Each observer has to be registered and the
costs of accreditation have limited the number of trained observers for the

The Zimbabwe Election Support Network says it cannot afford the fee the
government charges for registering observers, to ensure that every polling
place has an independent monitor.

The registration fee, the equivalent of about $16 (U.S.), is approximately
Zimbabwe's minimum monthly wage.  A spokeswoman for the network, who asked
not to be named, says the total cost to accredit observers will come to
$100,000 and other expenses will include deployment, training and

The non-governmental organization says that as a result, it will only be
able to field a maximum of 6,500 independent observers to monitor the
approximately 30,000 ballot boxes nationwide.

The spokeswoman says the Ministry of Justice has not yet responded to
applications for the observers' accreditation although they have to be in
the field, including many remote and barely accessible areas in just 20

Welshman Ncube, secretary-general of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change says electoral regulations allow each political party only one
election agent inside each polling station to monitor at least three lines
of voters and then the counting of the ballots.

He says it is impossible to monitor so much data and procedures with only
one person. The use of cellular phones and any other radio communication in
the vicinity of polling stations has been banned for this election.

Foreign observers from Africa have to pay $100, if they are accepted and
accredited. Observers from nations outside of Africa are charged $300.

The location and numbers of polling stations are only expected to be
revealed the night before voting, and there is no rule that sites be in the
same places they were in previous elections.
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Sunday Times (SA)

Cosatu demo ends peacefully

Friday March 11, 2005 16:15 - (SA)

About 200 members of the Congress of South African Trade Unions who picketed
at the Beit Bridge post near Musina on the border with Zimbabwe dispersed
peacefully this afternoon.

"The situation at the border was very tense and there was a strong police
presence, but it was a peaceful demonstration," said Cosatu's Limpopo
provincial secretary, Jan Tsiane.

He said many people did not participate in the picket as "Friday morning's
problem created lots of uncertainty and we were not sure if 500 people would
be given permission to demonstrate."

Cosatu planned the picket in solidarity with Zimbabwean workers and against
the alleged curtailment of their rights by that country's government.

"We are sending a message that we are in solidarity with the people of
Zimbabwe," said Tsiane.

Earlier today, the number of pickets was increased from 20 to 500 after an
agreement was reached between the Congress of SA Trade Unions and the Musina
Local Municipality in the Pretoria High Court.

But the court ruled that the other limitations imposed by the municipality
still stood. The demonstration had to be held at least 200m from the border

Tsiane said many Cosatu members "did not know whether to come to the venue.
But we expect to see lots of improvement next week and we will continue to
engage and discuss with authorities how we are going to conduct our
forthcoming pickets on March 18 and 30."

Tsiane said pickets were carrying placards with slogans such as "All in
solidarity of the Zimbabwean people."

Tsiane said most of the people expected to take part in the picket were from
near Musina.

On Thursday night, Cosatu was granted permission by the SA Police Service to
hold the picket.

Limpopo police said yesterday Cosatu had only applied for permission to
picket and had later changed their application to include a march.

"They were given permission to picket, but not to march," said
Superintendent Mohale Ramatseba.

"We can't allow them to march when they've applied at such a late stage."

One of the reasons Ramatseba gave was that traffic on the N1 highway through
the border post would be disrupted by the march.

On Wednesday, a group of Cosatu members protested outside the Zimbabwean
embassy in Pretoria.

They were protesting against human rights abuses and asking that a
fact-finding mission be sent to investigate the running of elections on
March 31.

Cosatu plans to continue picketing the embassy in the run-up to the March 31
election, spokesman Patrick Craven said.

The protests would culminate in a vigil at Beit Bridge on the night before
Zimbabweans went to the polls.

In February, Zwelinzima Vavi, Cosatu's general secretary and president of
the Southern Africa Trade Union Coordination Council, was stopped from
entering Zimbabwe, along with a Cosatu delegation.

Also in February, two South African-based trade unionists were deported from
Zimbabwe, shortly after arriving at Harare International Airport.

The Zimbabwean Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) secretary-general Wellington
Chibebe said at the time that Bobby Marie and Vihemina Prout were deported
after failing to produce "security clearance letters from the ministry of

He said the two travelled to Zimbabwe at the instruction of the Southern
Africa Trade Union Co-ordination Council.

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Zambia won't support any measure at punishing Zimbabwe

March 11, 2005, 14:30

Levy Mwanawasa, the Zambian president, says his country will not support any
measure aimed at punishing Zimbabwe, as this will not affect Robert Mugabe,
the Zimbabwean president, directly, but the ordinary man in the street.
Speaking on the last day of a three-day state visit to Botswana, Mwanawasa
said the situation in Zimbabwe has improved, to an extent that free and fair
elections are now possible in that country.

Mwanawasa urged members of the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
to be optimistic about the future of Zimbabwe, and said he was hopeful that
the security situation in that country will actually improve after the March
31 elections.

Mwanawasa says that "instead of talking to our friends in the quietness of
the boardrooms, we should be going to the hills and preaching to the whole
world how evil that regime is, no", he says. Mwanawasa says that they will
not support the idea of punishing Zimbabwe, because "when you impose
whatever sanctions you are going to impose, it will be the ordinary
Zimbabweans who will suffer".

Zambia has over the years provided Botswana with technical assistance,
especially in the development of infrastructure, but recorded very low
volumes of economic cooperation between the two countries. This is what
Mwanawasa and his delegation want to change. During a tour of the Botswana
Meat Commission in Lobatse, Mwanawasa said his country wanted to establish a
similar facility, but was hampered by severe animal diseases like foot and
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Geldof to Mugabe: 'Get out'
11/03/2005 19:32  - (SA)

London - Irish rocker Bob Geldof, the Live Aid founder and campaigner for
debt relief, on Friday called Zimbabwe leader Robert Mugabe an "ageing
creep" and criticised Uganda leader Yoweri Museveni for making a bid for a
third presidency.

"Get out", Geldof said in a fiery message to Mugabe delivered at the London
launch of a much-heralded report by the British-sponsored Commission for

The singer, formerly of the 1970s band the Boomtown Rats, is one of 17
commissioners who over the past year have put together far-reaching
recommendations for African states and international donors on how to stem
poverty and spur economic growth across the continent.

During a blue-ribbon launch led by Prime Minister Tony Blair, Geldof spiked
his speech with invectives when describing Mugabe's long-time grip on his
southern African state.

Museveni, who came to power in a coup d'etat in 1986 and is trying to ease
presidential term limits to stand for a third term, should "give up", Geldof
said, accusing the Ugandan of aiming at lifelong rule.

The commission's report, aimed to serve as a blueprint for action for the
July summit of the G8 club of wealthiest nations, calls for 100% debt relief
for poor sub-Saharan countries, and an extra $25bn annually for Africa until
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      Zimbabwe elections body to double polling stations

      Fri March 11, 2005 6:57 PM GMT+02:00
      HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe will double the number of polling stations
in parliamentary elections at the end of this month to enable people to vote
in a single day, the electoral commission said on Friday.

      The move appeared designed to meet objections by the opposition and by
electoral observers that the previous practice of voting over two days
presented opportunities for overnight tampering with ballot boxes.

      Political analysts say the March 31 elections are almost certain to
return President Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF party, blamed by opponents and
Western countries for a political and economic crisis that has ruined the
once prosperous country.

      Zimbabwe Electoral Commission chairman, High Court judge George
Chiweshe, told a news conference his organisation was confident it would run
a free and fair poll.

      Although this year's campaign has been free of the violence that
accompanied the last parliamentary poll five years ago and the 2002
presidential elections, the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) says laws governing the vote favour


      Mugabe has 30 seats reserved for presidential appointees and
traditional chiefs aligned to his party, and his government only eased the
MDC's access to key rural areas in the last three months to campaign for the
120 seats up for grabs.

      The MDC charges that ZANU-PF rigged the last parliamentary and
presidential elections to steal victory, a view supported by many Western

      Mugabe denies the charge as well as suggestions that he has failed to
meet international demands for wide-ranging electoral reforms, limiting
himself to cosmetic measures designed to keep his party in power.

      Recent electoral reforms include the use of transparent ballot boxes,
single-day voting and ballot-counting at the polling stations immediately
after the close of polls.

      Chiweshe said the electoral commission planned to set up over 8,200
polling stations -- about double the number used in the last parliamentary

      "We have created the capacity for voting in one day. We have doubled
the number of polling stations," he said.

      "The commission shall do everything in its power to ensure that the
forthcoming elections are conducted freely, fairly and efficiently and in a
transparent manner," he said.

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Zimbabweans get 'ghost poll'
11/03/2005 22:06  - (SA)

Waldimar Pelser

Johannesburg - Millions of Zimbabweans living in South Africa will be able
to cast their vote on March 31, either for President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF
or the Movement for Democratic Change, but their votes will not count,

A group of non-governmental organisations is organising a "ghost election"
in South Africa after all Zimbabweans living outside their country were not
allowed to vote in this month's poll.

Seven "electoral divisions" have been decided on, "electoral officials" will
monitor the voting, "observers" will keep an eye on proceedings and genuine
Zimbabweans will cast their vote on what they think of their leaders at

Daniel Molokele, of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, said on Friday there
were "at least" two million Zimbabweans in South Africa.

Voting by SMS, pencil

More than half of them lived in Hillbrow, Yeoville, Tembisa, Makopane,
Hammanskraal, Diepsloot and Johannesburg Central, according to estimates,
and that's where they would be able to "vote".

These voters will be able to register from March 21 to vote either by text
message (SMS) or pencil.

Molokele is hoping the "ghost election" will ignite an interest in
Zimbabwean politics.

"Zimbabweans in South Africa are keeping that country going," he said.

"They travel, phone and send money home. The strong rand makes these
transfers particularly valuable."

Molokele said although some professional Zimbabweans hid their nationality
for fear of victimisation in office environments, there were many who took
part in demonstrations and let their voices be heard.

The "ghost election" was their next chance, he added.

Local representatives from all parties taking part in the Zimbabwean
elections would be invited to join a campaign and woo votes.

But, with the next presidential election in 2008, Molokele hopes the
"outside" votes will be counted in Zimbabwe.
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Extract from
Zim 62 'will have to wait'
11/03/2005 22:06  - (SA)

Pretoria - There was no indication by Friday afternoon of the fate of 62
alleged mercenaries due to have been freed from a Zimbabwean jail this week.

By close of business, there had been no word from the judge considering an
application for leave to appeal against a court ruling granting the men an
early release.

The men's lawyer, Alwyn Griebenow, said: "We will have to wait until next
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New Zimbabwe


      Blair has betrayed Zimbabweans

      By Mduduzi Mathuthu
      Last updated: 03/12/2005 00:51:34
      BRITAIN'S asylum policy is in a shambles, not because the system is
'swamped' with bogus claims, but because the Labour Party has sacrificed
reason in the race to gather votes at the general election.

      Confronted by a rabid right-wing tabloid brigade -- led by The Sun,
the Daily Express and The Daily Mail -- Tony Blair has been reduced to what
the Americans call a cheese-eating-surrender-monkey.

      Totally against his Christian conscience, Blair has allowed himself to
be bullied and abused into sanitising the persecution of asylum seekers.

      Blair miserably fails the leadership test set by John Stuart Mill who
said "the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any
member of a civilised community, against his will, is to prevent harm to

      The British government, clearly lacking backbone and resolve, has
failed to stand up to the anti-immigration bullies on the right.

      Blair's expressed revulsion at Robert Mugabe's brutality looks more
hollow with every Zimbabwean deported back to Harare.

      New readers up and down the country are daily subjected
to abuse by a system corrupted by a lack of compassion, and heavily weighed
down by a huge moral debt.

      Blair and his Home Office wonks cannot on one hand say Mugabe is a
monster, and on the other return genuine refugees to Zimbabwe. It's an
embarassingly contradictory policy which only serves to provide armour to
Mugabe's image makers who appear to be winning the propaganda war. Blair has
allowed the devil to run away with the gospel.

      Many silent victims of Blair's policy are genuine refugees not given
the required eloquence and intelligence to put their cases to immigration
officers. Many cannot produce evidence of their persecution, because they
lost everything they had, or the next newspaper offices was hundreds of
miles away.

      Our reader, Roy Ndlovu sums up their suffering: "For the past four
years, I have lived like a zombie in England. I am not well healthwise, but
who cares about an immigrant?"

      Great leaders are not those who pander to the whims of powerful media
dynasties or populist prejudices, but those who act decisively even at the
risk of losing the good public ratings for the good of humanity.

      Tony Blair has a chance to put things right.

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      Militarization of Civic Affairs in Zimbabwe
      By Makusha Mugabe


  3-11-05, 8:30 am

      Appointment of Army Major to Vet Scribes in Zim Elections Signals
Militarization of Civic Affairs

      In another move designed to intimidate journalists wanting to cover
Zimbabwe's up-coming Parliamentary election, President Robert Mugabe has
appointed a serving Zimbabwe army major to vet foreign journalists wishing
to be accredited.

      ZimOnline, an online new service run by journalists banned by Robert
Mugabe's government, reported that Major Anyway Mutambudzi, who is operating
from the first floor of President Robert Mugabe's Munhumutapa Building
offices, is being assisted by three other soldiers whose names could not be
immediately established.

      The major himself apparently confirmed to ZimOnline that he was
handling accreditation of foreign journalists team and said his team would
issue a statement regarding the registration of foreign correspondents for
the poll.

      But when he was asked about his new assignment, whether he was on
leave from the army or whether he had joined the Ministry of Information and
Publicity - which usually does the accreditation, he became angry and said:
"Are you a foreign journalist, why should I talk to you?"

      Foreign journalists were last month told to direct applications for
accreditation to erstwhile Mugabe spokesman George Charamba who has taken
over control of the media since the firing of Professor Jonathan Moyo from
the Information Ministry.

      But Mutambudzi and his military team have apparently been handling the
actual accreditation while also working with the ruling ZANU PF's publicity

      And, typically of military operations in civic affairs, reports are
already circulating that as of now only Charamba, and the soldiers, are
privy to the requirements for foreign journalists to be accredited, and on
what grounds such accreditation might be refused.

      Mutambudzi is one of several recent military appointments taking
charge of government institutions directly or indirectly involved in the
running of elections in the country.

      Chairman of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) established
earlier this year to take overall charge of all elections, George Chiweshe,
is a former senior army officer.

      Before his appointment to the ZEC, he headed the Delimitation
Commission that redrew the country's voting constituencies, hacking off
three constituencies from opposition strongholds and tagging them to ruling
party stronghold constituencies.

      Chiweshe was appointed a High Court judge following a purge of the
bench. The Attorney-General, Sobuza Gula Ndebele, who is responsible
administration of cases going through the courts, is also a former army
intelligence officer.

      A former army brigadier Kennedy Zimondi, has been appointed the chief
elections officer of the Electoral Supervisory Commission, which monitors
the ZEC to ensure the body conducts elections in a free and fair manner.

      The chief executive officer of the state's Grain Marketing Board
(GMB), which has been accused of denying opposition party supporters food,
as punishment for supporting the opposition party, is a former army
colonel -  Samuel Muvhuti.

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Mail and Guardian

      Zimbabwe's new third force

      Daniel Molokele

      11 March 2005 08:59

            Zimbawe's parliamentary elections have not been short on
political drama. Former Zanu-PF spin doctor and propaganda chief Jonathan
Moyo has now been linked to an initiative of setting up a "third political
force". According to media reports, Moyo is the perceived leader of a
coalition of about 16 independent candidates who will contest the
forthcoming elections. Like Moyo, the majority lost out in the primary
elections and are drawn from the ranks of Zanu-PF and the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

            It is not yet clear whether veteran independent and former
leader of the Zimbabwe Union of Democrats Margaret Dongo (Harare Central)
will be joining the alliance. However, what is clear is that the majority of
the alliance members come from the Matabeleland constituencies. These
include Alderman Charles Mpofu (Bulawayo South), Stars Mathe (Bulawayo
North-East), Peter Nyoni (Hwange East) and Lloyd Siyoka (Beitbridge).

            Political analysts and observers have for some time bemoaned the
lack of a strong alternative to the traditional two-party race that has
characterised all previous elections. The revival of the idea of
establishing a third political formation, many political experts agree, will
contribute to making democracy in Zimbabwe more viable and sustainable.

            The main benefit of such a development, they argue, would be to
defuse the current polarisation that has emanated from the rivalry between
the two main political parties.

            The fact that Zimbabwean voters are almost always forced to
choose between two limited options of either keeping Zanu-PF in power or
replacing it with one other party, such as the MDC, has led to a culture of
political intolerance.

            The prevalence of political violence over the years is also
attributed to that unfortunate political divide. As it is today, the nation
is so highly polarised that there is an unfair assumption that every citizen
belongs to either Zanu-PF or the MDC.

            Constitutionally speaking, Zimbabwe is a multiparty democracy.
However, in practice, this has never really been the case. Since
independence in 1980, the country has had what can be described as a bipolar
political system. Election contests have always been the ruling party
Zanu-PF being pitted against another party at a specific point in time.

            In the first elections in March 1980 and in 1985, Zanu-PF had to
square off with PF-Zapu. Then in 1990 it had to fight off the Zimbabwe Unity
Movement. It was the same old story in 1995 when Zanu-PF dismissed a
somewhat weak challenge from the Forum Party, and in 2000 it snatched
victory from the jaws of defeat at the hands of the nascent MDC.

            However, it is also trite to note that all the challengers, with
the exception of the MDC, have been shrugged off by a resilient Zanu-PF.
And, as it is, there are justified fears that owing to the current uneven
electoral playing field, the MDC too might find its permanent place in the
archives of the country's political history after the March polls.

            Such a situation will have the net effect of leaving Zanu-PF as
the sole dominant party reminiscent of the failed "one party" days of the
late 1980s - a period in which the nation witnessed some of its most
shameful moments. These include a rise in state-related corruption cases
such as the Willogate scandal (Cabinet ministers bought cars at discount and
sold them on the black market for profit) and the notorious constitutional
amendments that created the monstrous office of the Executive Presidency.
Zimbabwe's current political and socio-economic woes can be tracked to those
years when there was no viable opposition.

            The independent candidates' coalition will have the welcome
effect of broadening the spectrum of the current political divide. But above
all else, it will give the electorate yet another political option and help
to enhance the prospects of developing a new culture of tolerance.

            Daniel Molokele is a human rights lawyer

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Mail and Guardian

      Elusive activists leave their mark

      Irin News Service

      11 March 2005 08:59

            It is best known for the audacity of its campaigns: protest
messages stamped on condom packets and bank notes, and pithy postcards to
President Robert Mugabe - but who it is, is less apparent.

            An underground group of anti-government activists,
Zvankwana-Sokwanele - "Enough!" in Zimbabwe's two main languages, Shona and
Ndebele - do not operate out of offices with a nameplate on the door. Their
only regular presence is a website in cyberspace, or the graffiti-splashed
billboards and road signs exhorting people, in the words of Bob Marley, to
"Get up, stand up".

            Zvankwana-Sokwanele, formed after Mugabe's 2002 presidential
election victory, says its aim is to "achieve democracy" through
non-violence. The government has dismissed it as a "Western front" bent on
destabilising the country.

            The authorities were particularly incensed when "mischievous
political slogans" appeared on banknotes at the beginning of the year. The
government said defacing the currency was a crime and the culprits would
face "the full wrath of the law".

            Zvankwana-Sokwanele contends that the strict laws governing
public assembly and free speech mean that it must use unorthodox methods to
get its message across.

            Its new campaign is a protest aimed squarely at what the group
regards as an already stolen legislative poll, due to be held on March 31.
The activists are urging voters to spoil their ballots by choosing "none of
the above", rather than selecting any of the contesting candidates. "By
spoiling your ballot you will not legitimise an illegitimate election. This
is an active way of saying the electoral process is cockeyed," the group
announced on its website.

            A member of the group said: "Our action brigades are in every
little town and city, armed with sprays to put up our messages wherever the
public can see them. We are giving the public a voice and regular updates on
the national crisis."

            Police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena described the protest group
and their activities as "illegal".

            Poll watch

            a.. The Southern African Development Community has told
ZimOnline not to expect much from their observer mission to Zimbabwe as the
Mauritius protocol on elections was still in its formative stages. The group's
deputy executive secretary Albert Muchanga said electoral standards will
only be used "to observe and formulate judgements" for future polls in the

            a.. The Movement for Democratic Change has abandoned its 2000
electoral petitions, saying that the "judiciary is not accommodating and
therefore the best way would be to win with a wide majority in the
forthcoming elections". Zanu-PF won 63 seats, of which the MDC disputed 37.
The MDC won 57.

            a.. The Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe reported that during
the week of February 14 to 20, 19 of the 28 articles about the election
campaign in the state press defended Zanu-PF and the other nine disparaged
the MDC. In the week of February 21 to 27, 58 of 66 articles were devoted to

            a.. Civic groups will stage a mock ballot for Zimbabweans living
in South Africa on March 31 to protest the decision to bar exiled citizens
from voting. Polling will take place in Johannesburg and Pretoria.

            a.. On Saturday the South African NGO Coalition and the Zimbabwe
Solidarity Forum will hold rallies in Mozambique, Zambia and South Africa,
and on Wednesday the Congress of South African Trade Unions started its
campaign to highlight abuses in Zimbabwe. The trade union federation will
stage protests every Wednesday and Friday and on election day.

            .. Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions leaders fear for their
lives following revelations that the Central Intelligence Organisation wants
a new leadership in place by June.

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Please send any adverts for publication in the JAG Job Opportunities
newsletter to: with subject line "Job Opportunities".


- Employment OFFERED

- Employment SOUGHT


1.1 VACANCY: BOOKKEEPTER, received 4.3.2005

Wanted book-keeper with experience on pastel.
Please email

Rob Kuipers



A middle aged mature lady is required for a small but busy office in
Graniteside. Duties include stock-taking, procurements, banking, cash
books, petty cash etc. Would suit an energetic person,with computer
experience, looking for varied work, and willing to commit to long term

Please respond with c.v's asap to:
Personnel Manager
Fax: (04) 781901.


1.3 VACANCY: KARIBA - LADY RECEPTIONIST, received 9.3.2005

Lomagundi Lakeside Association seeks a lady receptionist with computer
skills to manage the office at Kariba.  Fair reward offered with perks
including house.

Please reply to




2.1 POSITION SOUGHT, received 3.3.2005

Highly experienced and qualified graduate seeks employment in any one or
combination of the following fields:

- Market Research
- Marketing
- Sales Management
- Human Resources Management
- Recruitment
- Administration, including payroll

Should you require a copy of my CV in the first instance, please e-mail me

Alternatively, if you would like to discuss an opportunity with me, please
telephone me on 735149 (8.30 am to 5.00pm) or 011-613905.

Please note that besides a good salary, the use of a company car is

Thank you, in anticipation,
Sue Ellis



Faithful, elderly domestic house worker, reliable & extremely honest, seeks
employment from 1st April, 2005 Always willing & a wonderful sense of
humour.  Does washing & ironing, Vacuuming, floor polishing, dish washing.

04-301830 Mrs Ruth Palmer

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